Exploring Westphalia's Blind Spots: Exceptionalism meets the English school

Geopolitics

Volumn 17, Issue 1, 2012, Pages 130-152

  Schouenborg, Laust ^a  

^a ROSKILDE UNIVERSITY   (Denmark)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EDUCATION; EUROPEAN UNION; EXPLORATION; IMPERIALISM; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; REGIONALIZATION;

GERMANY; WESTPHALIA;

EID: 84857381187     PISSN: 14650045     EISSN: 15573028     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2010.523096     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. Hendrik Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1994) p. 3.
2. Daniel H. Deudney, 'The Philadelphian System: Sovereignty, Arms Control, and Balance of Power in the American States-Union', International Organization 49/2 (Spring 1995) pp. 192-193
3. Andreas Osiander, Before the State: Systemic Political Change in the West from the Greeks to the French Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007) p. 5
4. Sergio Fabbrini, Compound Democracies: Why the United States and Europe Are Becoming Similar (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007) p. 87.
5. Osiander, Before the State (note 1) pp. 18-19.
6. I use the standard capitals to indicate the discipline of International Relations as distinct from its subject matter.
7. Examples in the literature are too numerous to reference. However, I will touch upon some of these works in the following analysis of the individual cases.
8. Richard W. Mansbach and Yale H. Ferguson, Polities: Authority, Identities, and Change (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press 1996)
9. Osiander, Before the State (note 1)
10. Phil Cerny, Rethinking World Politics: A Theory of Transnational Neopluralism (New York: Oxford University Press 2010).
11. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1984) p. 1.
12. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (London: Macmillan 1977).
13. Barry Buzan, From International toWorld Society? English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004) ch.6
14. Peter Wilson, 'The English School and the Dead-End of International Institutions', unpublished paper, London School of Economics, 2009.
15. Laust Schouenborg, 'A New Institutionalism? The English School as International Sociological Theory', International Relations 25/1 (2011) pp. 26-44.
16. Buzan (note 8) p. 99.
17. Mansbach and Ferguson (note 5)
18. Osiander, Before the State (note 1)
19. Cerny (note 5).
20. Adam Watson, The Evolution of International Society (London: Routledge 1992)
21. David Armstrong, Revolution andWorld Order: The Revolutionary State in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1993).
22. Osiander, Before the State (note 1) p. 29.
23. Mansbach and Ferguson (note 5).
24. Buzan (note 8)
25. Barry Buzan and Ana Gonzalez-Pelaez (eds.), International Society and the Middle East: English School Theory at the Regional Level (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2009).
26. Francois Furet, Revolutionary France 1770-1880 (Oxford and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell 1992) pp. 35+73-74
27. David C. Hendrickson, Peace Pact: The Lost World of the American Founding (Lawrence: Kansas University Press 2003) p. 175.
28. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2002).
29. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture., p. 83.
30. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture., p. 122.
31. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture., p. 185.
32. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture., p. 169.
33. Mlada Bukovansky, Legitimacy and Power Politics: The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture., p. 190.
34. Furet (note 16) ch.3
35. Brian C.J. Singer, Society, Theory and the French Revolution: Studies in the Revolutionary Imaginary (Basingstoke: Macmillan 1986) ch.14.
36. Deudney (note 1) pp. 214-216
37. Hendrickson (note 16).
38. Deudney (note 1) p. 201.
39. Hendrickson (note 16) pp. 14-23.
40. Andreas Osiander, The States System of Europe 1640-1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1994) pp. 232-247.
41. Akira Iriye, From Nationalism to Internationalism: US Foreign Policy to 1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1977)
42. Armstrong (note 12)
43. Deudney (note 1)
44. Bukovansky (note 17)
45. Hendrickson (note 16).
46. It should be noted, though, that European leaders, initially, saw the revolution more as an opportunity than a challenge. It was believed that the revolution would first and foremost weaken the French kingdom, not pose a threat to the general order of Europe.
47. Hendrickson (note 17) pp. 194-195.
48. Hendrickson (note 17)., pp. 153-162+196-197
49. Hendrickson (note 16) pp. 175-176.
50. The outbreak of the wars has been the object of a heated debate among historians. Were the wars premised on a clash of ideologies or the pursuit of the national interest? Most of the resulting works are prime examples of the influence of the second assumption of the statist paradigm. Although they recognise the importance of ideology, the bottom line is that the main factor was 'reason of state', since the decision makers were ultimately loyal to their respective nation-states. For good reviews.
51. Bukovansky (note 17) pp. 192-202
52. Armstrong (note 12) pp. 79-84.
53. Armstrong (note 12) pp. 85-86.
54. Armstrong., pp. 85+245.
55. George Rudé, Revolutionary Europe 1783-1815 (London: Collins 1964) pp. 20-222
56. Jeremy Black, European International Relations 1648-1815 (Basingstoke: Palgrave 2002) pp. 220-249
57. Bukovansky (note 17) pp. 213-214.
58. Rudé (note 33) p. 221.
59. Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945 (London and New York: Routledge 2003) pp. 159-160.
60. I suspect, but cannot prove, that this has something to do with not being able to recognize the fascist regimes as anything but unique instances of pure evil rather than 'normal' social phenomena. And second, the statist paradigm, which will only allow the Axis campaigns of World War II to be interpreted as familiar cases of imperialism.
61. This list is not exhaustive. Cooperation with the fascist-type states of Spain and Argentina, most notably, could be included as well. However, for simplicity's sake the discussion will be limited to the former three states.
62. Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: The 'Fascist' Style of Rule (London and New York: Routledge 1995)
63. Morgan (note 35) pp. 167-172.
64. Cemil Aydin, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press 2007) pp. 161-189.
65. Like the Nazis, the Japanese also developed a distinct East Asian racial hierarchy with the 'Yamato Race' at its zenith.
66. Bernd Martin, Japan and Germany in the Modern World (Providence and Oxford: Berghahn Books 1995) p. 227
67. Joyce C. Lebra (ed.), Japan's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere in World War II (Tokyo, London and New York: Oxford University Press 1975) pp. 118-121.
68. For a good example, see Martin (note 39) ch.7. However, in a later chapter (page 248) he oncedes the point that 'fashioning the world according to fascist-folkish basic principles, overcoming what was regarded as demoralising individualism, and the corresponding liberal democratic economic order were the common goals of the three signatory states'.
69. The Avalon Project at Yale Law School, 'Three-Power Pact Between Germany, Italy, and Japan, Signed at Berlin, 27 September, 1940', available at http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/wwii/triparti.htm, accessed 15 Jan. 2010.
70. Martin (note 39) pp. 272-273.
71. Martin., pp. 272-273.
72. Aydin (note 38) pp. 164-165.
73. Mark Mazower, Hitler's Empire: Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe (London: Allen Lane 2008) pp. 260-263.
74. It should be noted that some of these doctrinal and organisational changes were also taking place in countries like Britain and France.
75. Morgan (note 35) pp. 181-182.
76. Gerhard L. Weinberg, Visions of Victory. The Hopes of Eight World War II Leaders (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2005) pp. 47-50+72-75
77. Mazower (note 45) pp. 340-345.
78. Here it should be stressed that racial and social Darwinist ideas also had many followers in non-fascist states and were often tied to practices of colonialism. However, they were never elevated to a core principle of legitimacy, as was the case in the fascist regimes.
79. Armstrong (note 12) p. 120.
80. I term it a policy here, because at this point it had obviously not obtained the status of an institution yet, as in durable and recognised patterns of shared practices.
81. Margot Light, The Soviet Theory of International Relations (Brighton: Wheatsheaf 1988) p. 28.
82. Margot Light, The Soviet Theory of International Relations., p. 32.
83. Margot Light, The Soviet Theory of International Relations., p. 157.
84. Margot Light, The Soviet Theory of International Relations., p. 180.
85. Margot Light, The Soviet Theory of International Relations., pp. 170-188.
86. Robert A. Jones, The Soviet Concept of 'Limited Sovereignty' from Lenin to Gorbachev (London: Macmillan 1990).
87. Armstrong (note 12) pp. 131-132.
88. Armstrong., pp. 131-140.
89. Light (note 51) pp. 188-194.
90. Susanne M. Birgerson (2002): After the Break-Up of a Multi-Ethnic Empire: Russia, Successor States and Eurasian Security (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers 2002).
91. As she states in chapter 1, page 4, 'The point of departure for this study is that political systems break up largely as the result of demands for sovereignty from minorities. The creation of smaller states that have as their basis a nationalist ideology is a familiar, typical outcome.'.
92. Fatos Tarifa, 'The Quest for Legitimacy and the Withering Away of Utopia', Social Forces 76/2 (Dec. 1997) p. 447.
93. Fabbrini (note 1).
94. William Wallace, 'The Sharing of Sovereignty: The European Paradox', Political Studies 47 (1999) pp. 518-519
95. Thomas Diez and Richard Whitman, 'Analysing European Integration: Reflecting on the English School', Journal of Common Market Studies 40/1 (2002) pp. 43-45
96. Christopher Hill and Michael Smith (eds.), International Relations and the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2005) pp. 4-5.
97. Deudney (note 1) p. 193.
98. Karl Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1957).
99. Ole Waever, 'Insecurity, Security, and Asecurity in the West European Non-War Community', in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds.), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998).
100. Stephan Keukeleire, 'The European Union as a Diplomatic Actor: Internal, Traditional, and Structural Diplomacy', Diplomacy & Statecraft 14/3 (Sep. 2003) pp. 31-56
101. Briand Hocking and David Spence (eds.), Foreign Ministries in the European Union: Integrating Diplomats (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2002)
102. Jozef Bátora, 'Does the European Union Transform the Institution of iplomacy?', Journal of European Public Policy 12/1 (Feb. 2005), pp. 44-66.
103. Vivien A. Schmidt, 'The European Union: Democratic Legitimacy in a Regional State', Journal of Common Market Studies 42/5 (2004) p. 981
104. Anthony D. Smith, 'National Identity and the Idea of European Unity', International Affairs 68/1 (Jan. 1992) pp. 55-76.
105. Brigid Laffan, 'The Politics of Identity and Political Order in Europe', Journal of Common Market Studies 34/1 (March 1996) p. 87.
106. Brigid Laffan, 'The Politics of Identity and Political Order in Europe', Journal of Common Market Studies., p. 97.
107. Schmidt (note 67) p. 990.
108. Robert Schuman, 'Founding of the Means of Gathering the European Nations into a Peace- Enhancing Union', proposal of 9 May, 1950, available at http://www.schuman.info/, accessed 15 Jan. 2010.
109. Armstrong (note 12) p. 243.
110. Laust Schouenborg, 'The Rise of the Welfare State in International Society', Cambridge Review of International Affairs (forthcomming 2012).
111. S Buzan (note 8)
112. Buzan and Gonzalez-Pelaez (note 15).