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Household drought resilience could also be improved if access to key grazing lands-variously lost to internal population growth, annexation, physical insecurity, or ecological degradation-could be restored. Our focus on human capacity building as a major component of resilience, however, recognizes the factors over which individual pastoralists could exert some personal control. Loss of grazing lands, in contrast, is a phenomenon affected by large-scale ecological, demographic, and political factors.
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note
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The predominant data pattern for Liben was for CBG and capacity-building members to indicate improving circumstances for each attribute over the previous 3 years, whereas control members typically indicated that "no change" had occurred. In some cases (i.e., level of community support, comfort of the home, quality of life, and small ruminants owned), control members additionally reported declining circumstances. The predominant data pattern at Moyale for five attributes where capacity building > controls was similar to the Liben pattern above. The data patterns for Moyale were more heterogeneous in general, with higher proportions of respondents from all treatments indicating worsening circumstances for all attributes compared with that reported for Liben. There were two instances at Moyale where controls > capacity building or controls > CBG (P ≤ 0.050) (Table 1) (i.e., cattle owned and cash-crop cultivation). The data indicated that CBG and capacity-building respondents were more varied in their assessments as to whether these attributes were improving or declining, but control respondents more uniformly indicated "no change." This difference is what led to statistical significance. We interpret this to illustrate that CBG and capacity-building members were in a more dynamic position of change than control members. The control members were more static, but this was in relation to a low base in terms of cattle numbers and minimal cash-crop cultivation to begin with. Unlike Liben, treatment effects for attributes such as human health or interest in children's education were either weaker or lacking at Moyale. The data indicated that a majority of respondents from all treatments perceived improvements in access to health care and heightened interest in children's education. This may reflect a higher level of public-service awareness among Moyale residents compared with that for Liben; Moyale town has been a commercial and administrative hub for a much longer time than has Negele town (in Liben).
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84922712941
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note
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Out of 144 reasons given by 102 CBG or capacity-building respondents as to why hunger had decreased or not gotten worse, 54% were related to the use of increased income, savings, or other aspects of collective action to acquire food. The second most common reason (15%) was receiving food aid, and this was in Moyale. Livestock trade or livestock production was mentioned in only 3% of reasons given.
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13
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84922754667
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note
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Higher personal incomes and improved extension outreach by government were commonly implicated by members of CBG and capacity-building treatments in promoting the purchase of inputs to support animal health, human health, cash-crop production, and innovative forage-management systems. Capacity building has fostered more connectivity between local people and development agencies in Liben.
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Nearly all of the people who volunteered for collective-action groups were illiterate. Instruction in elementary arithmetic and writing (in the Oromifa language) was needed so that people could begin to track numbers and sign for transactions.
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