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Volumn 7, Issue 4, 2010, Pages 401-422

From California to Michigan: Race, rationality, and neoliberal governmentality

Author keywords

Affirmative Action; Neoliberalism; Policy Discourse; Race Gender; State

Indexed keywords


EID: 79960473831     PISSN: 14791420     EISSN: 14794233     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14791420.2010.523431     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (31)

References (111)
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    • In the decade between the success of the CCRI in 1996 and in Michigan in 2006, we have witnessed similar debates over the fate of affirmative action programs in Florida, Texas, Washington, and Nebraska. In the immediate aftermath of the CCRI, grassroots organizing efforts to get popular initiatives on state ballots modeled closely after the Californian measures were reported in as many as 21 states nationwide and at the federal level. See Lou Freedberg, "GOP Trying to Ban Affirmative Action", San Francisco Chronicle, June 18, 1997, A1.
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    • Mark Hornbeck, "Engler quiet on racial quotas", Detroit News, May 18, 1998, D1.
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    • Herbert A. Sample, "Prop. 209's Backer Has New Goals", San Diego Union-Tribune, November 10, 1998, A10.
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    • Sam H. Verhovek and B. Drummond Ayres, Jr., "The 1998 Elections: Voters Back End to State Preferences", New York Times, November 4, 1998, B2.
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    • See Jodi Melamed, "The Spirit of Neoliberalism: From Racial Liberalism to Neoliberal Multiculturalism", Social Text 89, no. 24 (2006): 1-24.
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    • Michel Foucault, "Governmentality", in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, ed. Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 87-104.
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    • note
    • Earlier, in 1998, voters in the state of Washington approved Initiative 200, an anti-affirmative action measure that closely resembled the CCRI, and was consequently referred to as the "son of 209" in press accounts nationwide. See "Initiative 200: Another Blow to Affirmative Action", Star Tribune, November 7, 1998, 18A. The MCRI, then, is properly one among a family of anti-affirmative action siblings, each produced by a specific combination of political lineage and discursive circumstance.
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    • "Excerpts from Justices' Opinions on Michigan Affirmative Action Cases", New York Times, June 24, 2003, A24.
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    • "Excerpts from Justices' Opinions on Michigan Affirmative Action Cases", New York Times, June 24, 2003, A24.
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    • In the Supreme Court's decision in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978), Justice Lewis F. Powell staked out the constitutionality of the "diversity rationale" that permitted the use of race as a "plus factor" in admissions decisions. Simply put, in the language of constitutional law, race can be permissibly considered in admissions decisions when its use is "narrowly tailored" to promote a "compelling governmental interest" in promoting diversity. The Bakke Court allowed race to be taken into account "as one factor among many" in individualized evaluations of applicants, that is, as a "plus factor" within competitive admissions policies.
    • (1978) Regents of the University of California v. Bakke
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    • note
    • In 1997, voters in Houston rejected a similar initiative that many attributed to the inclusion of language indicating it would "end affirmative action programs. " See NAACP, "Affirmative Action History", http://www.detroitnaacp.org/publicpolicy/affirmative.asp (accessed February 17, 2005). Given that public polls find consistently that Americans are opposed to racial quotas but strongly sympathetic toward affirmative action, the inclusion of the term in ballot summaries for the CCRI had earlier yielded a prolonged court battle between the California Attorney General who was charged with wording the summaries and CCRI opponents who argued that a ballot summary that made reference to "preferential treatment" but remained silent on "affirmative action" misled voters by making the language of the measure more palatable than it might have otherwise been to voters.
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    • John Howard, "Supreme Court Upholds Lundgren on Prop. 209: Ruling Bars Language Describing it as Repeal of Affirmative Action", The Fresno Bee, August 13, 1996, A3. Mukherjee, "Regulating Race in the California Civil Rights Initiative", 29.
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    • Tim Hoover, "Amendment 46 Fizzling Out", Denver Post, November 7, 2008. http:// www.denverpost.com/ballotissues08/ci_10920596 (accessed March 21, 2009).
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    • See, for example, Judith Butler, "Uncritical Exuberance", November 5, 2008, http:// www.indybay.org/newsitems/2008/11/05/18549195.php (accessed June 2, 2009).
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    • Salim Muwakkil, "The Squandering of Obama", In These Times, July 14, 2007, http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/3268/ (accessed August 22, 2010).
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    • Adolph Reed, Jr., "Obama No", The Progressive, May 2008, http:// www.progressive.org/mag_reed0508 (accessed August 22, 2010).
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    • For a genealogical account of how state dependency came to be racialized and gendered in the US, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of 'Dependency': Tracing a Keyword of the US Welfare State", in Justice Interruptus: Critical Reflections on the Postsocialist Condition (London: Routledge, 1997), 121-50.
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    • See also Margaret R. Somers, Genealogies of Citizenship: Markets, Statelessness, and the Right to Have Rights (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). Likewise, in "The Strong Neo-liberal State: Crime, Consumption, Governance", Theory & Event 8, no. 3 (2005): 1. Paul A. Passavant argues that rather than weakening the power of the state, neoliberalism has instead spurred proliferations in state tactics of governance, both repressive and ideological, that coalesce around twin priorities of punishing crime and managing consumption. It is important to note too that neoliberalism has additionally created powerful structural and ideological barriers that significantly limit the possibility of an oppositional politics.
    • (2008) Genealogies of Citizenship: Markets, Statelessness, and the Right to Have Rights , vol.8 , Issue.3 , pp. 1
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    • See Somers, Genealogies of Citizenship, 66-92 for a discussion of neoliberalism as market fundamentalism and its relationship to religious fundamentalisms.
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    • For a discussion of ethopolitics and the governing of responsible communities, see Nikolas Rose, "Community, Citizenship and the ThirdWay", American Behavioral Scientist 43 (2000): 1395-411.
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    • Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, "'New Racism,' Color-Blind Racism, and the Future of Whiteness in America. " in White Out: The Continuing Significance of Racism, ed. Ashley W. Doane and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (New York: Routledge, 2003), 271-84.
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    • Dynamic Rhetorics of Race: California's Racial Privacy Initiative and the Shifting Grounds of Racial Politics
    • See Lisa A. Flores, Dreama G. Moon, and Thomas K. Nakayama, "Dynamic Rhetorics of Race: California's Racial Privacy Initiative and the Shifting Grounds of Racial Politics", Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 3 (2006): 181-201.
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    • Color-blind Privilege: The Social and Political Functions of Erasing the Color Line in Post Race America
    • Charles A. Gallagher, "Color-blind Privilege: The Social and Political Functions of Erasing the Color Line in Post Race America", Race, Gender & Class 10 (2003): 22.
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    • From Redistribution to Recognition? The Paradigm Change of Contemporary Politics
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    • For a discussion of cultural recognition as a precondition for full democratic participation, see Seyla Benhabib, "From Redistribution to Recognition? The Paradigm Change of Contemporary Politics", in The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 49-81.
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    • American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization
    • The neoliberal moment has seen the depoliticization of formerly politicized identities often associated with the new identity-based social movements (i.e., "post-feminism", "postsoul"). On the other hand, some collective identities and solidarities (political affiliation, religion, national belonging) have thrived under this particular formation of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. For a further discussion see Wendy Brown, "American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization", Political Theory 34 (2006): 690-714.
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    • Beware Using 'Racist' Label in Racial Preferences Battle
    • note
    • This neoliberal positioning has also informed strategic moves to discredit one of the MCRI's most visible detractors, By Any Means Necessary (BAMN). BAMN was described by conservative commentators in the mainstream press as a "radical, socialist group" displaying contempt for democracy. See Thomas Bray, "Beware Using 'Racist' Label in Racial Preferences Battle", Detroit News, August 17, 2005, http://www.michigancivilrights.org/ media/bray16Aug2005.pdf (accessed February 17, 2006).
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    • End the Race Party: Identity Politics Will Get the GOP Nothing Good
    • note
    • Ward Connerly, "End the Race Party: Identity Politics Will Get the GOP Nothing Good", National Review Online, September 30, 2005, http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/ connerly200509300813.asp (accessed February 17, 2006).
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    • note
    • See Berlant, The Queen of America Goes to Washington City, 1-24 for a discussion of the politicizing of the intimate sphere and its relationship to the project of infantile citizenship.
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    • The Q-Word & American Realities
    • note
    • Ward Connerly, "The Q-Word & American Realities", National Review Online, December 1, 2005, http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/216129/q-word-american-realities/ward-connerly (accessed October 15, 2010).
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    • note
    • Thanks to one of our anonymous reviewers for bringing this issue to our attention.


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