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Volumn 46, Issue 3, 2011, Pages 293-320

The wrong and the right: A comparative analysis of 'anti-immigration' and 'far right' parties

(1)  van Spanje, Joost a  

a NONE

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EID: 79958152772     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: 14777053     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01340.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (49)

References (81)
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    • These parties have also been classified on the basis of other characteristics, such as populism (Hans-Georg Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, London, Macmillan, 1994; Hans-Georg Betz, 'Conditions Favouring the Success and Failure of Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Contemporary Democracies', in Y. Mény and Y. Surel (eds), Democracies and the Populist Challenge, London, Palgrave, 2002; Reinhard Heinisch, 'Success in Opposition: Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Public Office', West European Politics
    • These parties have also been classified on the basis of other characteristics, such as populism (Hans-Georg Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, London, Macmillan, 1994; Hans-Georg Betz, 'Conditions Favouring the Success and Failure of Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Contemporary Democracies', in Y. Mény and Y. Surel (eds), Democracies and the Populist Challenge, London, Palgrave, 2002; Reinhard Heinisch, 'Success in Opposition: Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Public Office', West European Politics263200391-130
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    • nationalism (cf. Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties), or the ethnic basis of their mobilisation (C. Wendt, 'Toward a Majoritarian Mobilization Model for Western Europe: Explaining Changes in Far Right Vote Support', paper presented at APSA Annual Meeting, ). The question of to what extent parties can be classified on the basis of these traits falls beyond the scope of this paper, however
    • nationalism (cf. Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties), or the ethnic basis of their mobilisation (C. Wendt, 'Toward a Majoritarian Mobilization Model for Western Europe: Explaining Changes in Far Right Vote Support', paper presented at APSA Annual Meeting, ). The question of to what extent parties can be classified on the basis of these traits falls beyond the scope of this paper, however2003
    • (2003)
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    • Notable exceptions to the rule of absence of conceptual clarity include the most recent contribution from Cas Mudde (Populist Radical Right Parties
    • Notable exceptions to the rule of absence of conceptual clarity include the most recent contribution from Cas Mudde (Populist Radical Right Parties
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    • For arguments pro and contra the inclusion of the AN in research on far right/anti-immigration parties, see, e.g. Elizabeth Carter, The Extreme Right in Western Europe, Manchester, Manchester University Press
    • For arguments pro and contra the inclusion of the AN in research on far right/anti-immigration parties, see, e.g. Elizabeth Carter, The Extreme Right in Western Europe, Manchester, Manchester University Press
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    • The literature meant here are studies that revolve around the research question of why a new class of party has emerged in Western democracies
    • The literature meant here are studies that revolve around the research question of why a new class of party has emerged in Western democracies
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    • Cees Van der Eijk and Mark N. Franklin, Choosing Europe The European Electorate and National Politics in the Face of Union, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, ; Van der Brug et al., 'Anti-Immigrant Parties in Europe
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    • NOTE
    • Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; Pippa Norris, The Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the Electoral Market, New York and Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005. The case selection employed by both Lubbers and Norris implies a dynamic (as opposed to time-invariant) classification of these parties. Parties can meet the criteria at some point in time, while failing to meet them at another point in time. Interestingly, neither of the authors explicitly mentions this. The possibility of a dynamic description has been suggested before, for example by Gunther and Diamond, who almost casually hint at it (Richard Gunther and Larry Diamond, 'Species of Political Parties: A New Typology', Party Politics, 9: 2 (2003), pp. 167-99). This is remarkable, as a dynamic definition constitutes a major breakaway from the traditional view of the 'party family' (e.g. Peter Mair and Cas Mudde, 'The Party Family and its Study', Annual Review of Political Science, 1 (1998), pp. 211-29). It could be argued that, when it comes to these parties, the idea of the party family has become obsolete. After all, the concept of the party family is based on the notion that parties that start off in a specific tradition, such as social democratic parties, have remained loyal to their past and have not undergone marked changes. As soon as there are parties that do change - for instance, because they reposition themselves on a particular issue in response to changes in preferences among voters - the notion of the 'party family' loses part of its value. In the case of the parties under study, this is especially problematic, as Van der Brug and Fennema (Wouter Van der Brug and Meindert Fennema, 'Protest or Mainstream How the European Anti-Immigrant Parties Developed into Two Separate Groups by 1999', European Journal of Political Research, 42: 1 (2003), pp. 55-76) point out, because these parties are more 'modern' than many other parties in terms of how they attract voters. The traditional socio-structural factors do not play any dominant role in the vote for anti-immigration parties (ibid.), which renders the value of the notion of the 'party family' concerning these parties even more questionable than regarding other parties. This is because the idea of the party family typically presupposes that specific socio-economic groups tend to support particular parties. Scholars who developed the metaphor of the party family (Daniel-Louis Seiler, 'De la classification des partis politiques', Res Publica,Klaus von Beyme, Political Parties in Western European Democracies, Aldershot, Gower, 1985) based their categorization on Lipset and Rokkan's cleavage model (Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, Party Systems and Voter Alignments, New York, Free Press, 1967), which builds, above all, on socio-economic divides (see Mair and Mudde, 'The Party Family and its Study').271198559-86
    • , vol.27 , Issue.1 , pp. 59-86
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    • Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates
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    • In this regular mail survey (N = 288, response rate = 52% after one reminder), a scale was presented to the experts, above which the question read: 'Would you please place the following parties on the left-right dimension below. The scale has a minimum value of zero (very left) and a maximum of 10 (very right), with a mean of 5. Could you please mark with a narrow line and the letter of the concerning party . its position on the scale below. You may place the party anywhere on the continuum' (Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates
    • In this regular mail survey (N = 288, response rate = 52% after one reminder), a scale was presented to the experts, above which the question read: 'Would you please place the following parties on the left-right dimension below. The scale has a minimum value of zero (very left) and a maximum of 10 (very right), with a mean of 5. Could you please mark with a narrow line and the letter of the concerning party . its position on the scale below. You may place the party anywhere on the continuum' (Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates34
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    • Again, the experts were to indicate each party on a scale: 'Please, consider the same parties, and place them now on the following scale. This scale concerns the programmes of the parties towards the immigration issue, which runs from not very restrictive concerning immigration (0) to very restrictive (10)' (Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates
    • Again, the experts were to indicate each party on a scale: 'Please, consider the same parties, and place them now on the following scale. This scale concerns the programmes of the parties towards the immigration issue, which runs from not very restrictive concerning immigration (0) to very restrictive (10)' (Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates34)
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    • I am indebted to Wouter van der Brug for pointing this out
    • I am indebted to Wouter van der Brug for pointing this out
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    • The exception to this rule is the FPÖ, which was founded in 1956. However, the takeover by Mr Haider 30 years later so radically changed the party's ideological position as well as its stance on immigration issues that it is safe to say that at the time of measurement the party was completely different from the one founded in 1956 (cf. Max Riedlsperger, 'The Freedom Party of Austria: From Protest to Radical Right Populism', in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, New York, S. Martin's Press
    • The exception to this rule is the FPÖ, which was founded in 1956. However, the takeover by Mr Haider 30 years later so radically changed the party's ideological position as well as its stance on immigration issues that it is safe to say that at the time of measurement the party was completely different from the one founded in 1956 (cf. Max Riedlsperger, 'The Freedom Party of Austria: From Protest to Radical Right Populism', in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, New York, S. Martin's Press1998
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    • Castles and Mair, 'Left-Right Political Scales'; Laver and Hunt, Policy and Party Competition; Huber and Inglehart, 'Expert Interpretations of Party Space and Party Locations'; Ray and Narud, 'Mapping the Norwegian Political Space'; Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; Benoit and Laver, Party Policy in Modern Democracies; Laver, 'Party Policy and Cabinet Portfolios in the Netherlands'; Michael J. Laver, 'Party Policy in Britain 1997: Results from an Expert Survey', Political Studies
    • Castles and Mair, 'Left-Right Political Scales'; Laver and Hunt, Policy and Party Competition; Huber and Inglehart, 'Expert Interpretations of Party Space and Party Locations'; Ray and Narud, 'Mapping the Norwegian Political Space'; Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; Benoit and Laver, Party Policy in Modern Democracies; Laver, 'Party Policy and Cabinet Portfolios in the Netherlands'; Michael J. Laver, 'Party Policy in Britain 1997: Results from an Expert Survey', Political Studies4621998336-47
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    • Note that, of the 30 selected parties, the majority (18) have been judged only once. Thus, the stability of their ideological position is open to question. Only a dozen parties have consistently been judged 'far right' multiple times. For 10 of these 12 parties, it is clear whether or not they were anti-immigration throughout the period under study. Seven were anti-immigration, whereas three (30%) were not. The figure of 30% is close to the figure found for all 30 parties (36%). Thus, restricting the case selection to those parties that were judged multiple times does not substantially change my conclusions
    • Note that, of the 30 selected parties, the majority (18) have been judged only once. Thus, the stability of their ideological position is open to question. Only a dozen parties have consistently been judged 'far right' multiple times. For 10 of these 12 parties, it is clear whether or not they were anti-immigration throughout the period under study. Seven were anti-immigration, whereas three (30%) were not. The figure of 30% is close to the figure found for all 30 parties (36%). Thus, restricting the case selection to those parties that were judged multiple times does not substantially change my conclusions
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    • That is, if it is a 'position issue', such as immigration restriction, and not a 'valence issue' (Donald Stokes, 'Spatial Models of Party Competition', in A. Campbell, P. E. Converse, W. E. Miller and D. Stokes (eds), Elections and the Political Order, New York, John Wiley and Sons, ). For valence issues, what counts is to what extent a party stresses the issue
    • That is, if it is a 'position issue', such as immigration restriction, and not a 'valence issue' (Donald Stokes, 'Spatial Models of Party Competition', in A. Campbell, P. E. Converse, W. E. Miller and D. Stokes (eds), Elections and the Political Order, New York, John Wiley and Sons, ). For valence issues, what counts is to what extent a party stresses the issue1966
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    • The fact that Lubbers asked experts in about the situation 10 years earlier is a reason to be very cautious in interpreting these data. I use these in view of the absence of other data
    • The fact that Lubbers asked experts in about the situation 10 years earlier is a reason to be very cautious in interpreting these data. I use these in view of the absence of other data2000
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    • Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; Van Spanje et al., 'Expert Survey Concerning Political Parties in Western Democracies'. In this email survey (N = 557, response rate = 39% after one reminder), the immigration restriction position question asked by Lubbers was replicated
    • Lubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; Van Spanje et al., 'Expert Survey Concerning Political Parties in Western Democracies'. In this email survey (N = 557, response rate = 39% after one reminder), the immigration restriction position question asked by Lubbers was replicated
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    • Benoit and LaverParty Policy in Modern Democracies. Unlike Lubbers and Van Spanje et al., Benoit and Laver equate immigrants with asylum seekers, and ask about immigration and immigrant integration in one question. These slight differences with the question asked by Lubbers and replicated by Van Spanje et al., do not seem to make any substantial difference to the party placements (see Table
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    • Other parties that have contested national-level elections, such as the National Movement (NB) in Luxembourg, and the Sjöbo Party (SjP) and Skane Party (SkaP) in Sweden, may be anti-immigration as well. However, no adequate data were available on the basis of which these parties could be classified as immigration or not. More research should be carried out on these parties in order to assess if they were (NB) or are (SjP, SkaP) anti-immigration
    • Other parties that have contested national-level elections, such as the National Movement (NB) in Luxembourg, and the Sjöbo Party (SjP) and Skane Party (SkaP) in Sweden, may be anti-immigration as well. However, no adequate data were available on the basis of which these parties could be classified as immigration or not. More research should be carried out on these parties in order to assess if they were (NB) or are (SjP, SkaP) anti-immigration
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    • Huber and InglehartExpert Interpretations of Party Space and Party LocationsLubbers, Exclusionistic Electorates; and Benoit and Laver, Party Policy in Modern Democracies.
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    • Another way to avoid contamination of findings by the categorisation of parties is to check the robustness of results to alternative classifications. Sensitivity analyses do not necessarily solve all the problems associated with a lack of precise definitions, however - unless the findings are checked for the entire universe of possible party categorisations, which is unlikely
    • Another way to avoid contamination of findings by the categorisation of parties is to check the robustness of results to alternative classifications. Sensitivity analyses do not necessarily solve all the problems associated with a lack of precise definitions, however - unless the findings are checked for the entire universe of possible party categorisations, which is unlikely
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.