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Volumn 62, Issue 11, 2011, Pages 1-39

Monopoly and competition in twenty-first century capitalism

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EID: 79955776971     PISSN: 00270520     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.14452/mr-062-11-2011-04_1     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (63)

References (191)
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    • twenty-two barriers are: 1 capital requirements, 2 economies of scale, 3 absolute cost advantages, 4 product differentiation, 5 sunk costs, 6 research and development intensity, 7 asset specificity, 8 vertical integration, 9 diversification by conglomerates, 10 switching costs in complex systems, 11 special risks and uncertainties, 12 information asymmetries, 13 formal barriers set up by government, 14 preemptive action by incumbents, 15 excess capacity, 16 selling expenses, including advertising, 17 segmenting of the market 18 patents, 19 exclusive control over strategic resources, 20 taking actions that raise rivals" costs, 21 high product differentiation, and 22 secrecy about competitive conditions, Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press
    • The twenty-two barriers are: (1) capital requirements, (2) economies of scale, (3) absolute cost advantages, (4) product differentiation, (5) sunk costs, (6) research and development intensity, (7) asset specificity, (8) vertical integration, (9) diversification by conglomerates, (10) switching costs in complex systems, (11) special risks and uncertainties, (12) information asymmetries, (13) formal barriers set up by government, (14) preemptive action by incumbents, (15) excess capacity, (16) selling expenses, including advertising, (17) segmenting of the market (18) patents, (19) exclusive control over strategic resources, (20) taking actions that raise rivals" costs, (21) high product differentiation, and (22) secrecy about competitive conditions. William G. Shepherd, The Economics of Industrial Organization (Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press, 1997), 210.
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    • Today's giant corporations can be seen as pursuing a twofold, interrelated strategy of the pursuit of maximum sales revenue and maximum profitability, which converge over the long-run, since larger market share provides the basis for higher monopoly profits, and higher profits are used to expand market share. See, in Alfred S. Eichner, ed., White Plains, New York: M. E. Sharpe
    • Today's giant corporations can be seen as pursuing a twofold, interrelated strategy of the pursuit of maximum sales revenue and maximum profitability, which converge over the long-run, since larger market share provides the basis for higher monopoly profits, and higher profits are used to expand market share. See Peter Kenyon, "Pricing", in Alfred S. Eichner, ed., A Guide to Post-Keynesian Economics (White Plains, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1979), 37-38.
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    • directed by Gardiner Means, which observed that the term "monopoly" could be "used on the whole to refer to situations in which sufficient control would be exercised over price by an individual producer or by a colluding group of producers to make possible monopoly profits, i.e., profits above the rate necessary to induce new investment in other industries not subject to monopoly control." Conversely, "a situation was in general classified as competitive if there was insufficient control over price to make monopoly profits possible." For Means, this suggested that monopoly was pervasive in the key sectors of the U. S. economy Gardiner C. Means, ed., Part 1 Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office
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    • natural result would be something closer to the price structure of a single monopolist which, rather than producing up to the point that marginal cost equals price, instead produces to where marginal cost equals marginal revenue, leading to higher prices and lower output
    • The natural result would be something closer to the price structure of a single monopolist which, rather than producing up to the point that marginal cost equals price, instead produces to where marginal cost equals marginal revenue, leading to higher prices and lower output
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    • "Monopolistic competition" is often used in neoclassical economics to refer to a realm of small and medium firms, excluding almost by definition the typical firm structure of oligopoly. Chamberlin, who himself introduced the term "oligopoly" to economics, is clear that such a separation was not his intention. Edward Hastings Chamberlin, New York: Oxford University Press
    • "Monopolistic competition" is often used in neoclassical economics to refer to a realm of small and medium firms, excluding almost by definition the typical firm structure of oligopoly. Chamberlin, who himself introduced the term "oligopoly" to economics, is clear that such a separation was not his intention. Edward Hastings Chamberlin, Towards a More General Theory of Value (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957), 31-42.
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    • Galbraith weakened his argument by attempting to substitute a notion of a planned corporate sphere governed by a technostructure for the capitalist economy itself a view from which he later backed away. The result of this was to rigidify the U. S. economic conditions of the immediate post-Second World War period, exaggerating the independence of management in the big industrial firms from capitalist ownership and external financial influences, thereby undermining the realism that was the hallmark of Galbraithian critique
    • In The New Industrial State, Galbraith weakened his argument by attempting to substitute a notion of a planned corporate sphere governed by a technostructure for the capitalist economy itself (a view from which he later backed away). The result of this was to rigidify the U. S. economic conditions of the immediate post-Second World War period, exaggerating the independence of management in the big industrial firms from capitalist ownership and external financial influences, thereby undermining the realism that was the hallmark of Galbraithian critique.
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    • On the influence of Monopoly Capital on radical political economics in the United States see, New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press
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    • For a statistical accounting of the tendency of actual surplus in the U. S. economy to rise in the two decades following the publication of Monopoly Capital see, and, in John B. Davis, ed., Brookfield, Vermont: Edward Elgar
    • For a statistical accounting of the tendency of actual surplus in the U. S. economy to rise in the two decades following the publication of Monopoly Capital see Michael Dawson and John Bellamy Foster, "The Tendency of the Surplus to Rise, 1963-1988", in John B. Davis, ed., The Economic Surplus in Advanced Economies (Brookfield, Vermont: Edward Elgar, 1992), 42-70.
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    • These results, however, are limited by the fact that they measure actual surplus, not potential surplus with the difference between the two having its statistical trace in unemployment/underemployment/unused capacity.
    • These results, however, are limited by the fact that they measure actual surplus, not potential surplus (with the difference between the two having its statistical trace in unemployment/underemployment/unused capacity.)
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    • The hierarchy of profits associated with economic concentration and firm size has been empirically demonstrated numerous times both with respect to the United States and other advanced capitalist countries. See, for example: Bagicha Singh Minhas, An International Comparison of Factor Costs and Factor use (Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Co., 1963), 54-73;
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    • Hymer was closely associated in his last years with Sweezy and Magdoff at Monthly Review and wrote for the magazine. At his death in an automobile accident in 1974 at age 39, he was scheduled to be part of a debate at the United Nations Staff Club in New York, to consist of himself, and, in
    • Hymer was closely associated in his last years with Sweezy and Magdoff at Monthly Review and wrote for the magazine. At his death in an automobile accident in 1974 at age 39, he was scheduled to be part of a debate at the United Nations Staff Club in New York, to consist of himself, Magdoff, and Sweezy in opposition to Kindleberger and other defenders of the multinationals.
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    • Similar views on the structural relation of neoliberalism to financialization can be found in a number of different left analyses, See, and, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press
    • Similar views on the structural relation of neoliberalism to financialization can be found in a number of different left analyses. See Gérard Duménil and Dominique Lévy, Capital Resurgent (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004), 110-18;
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    • Duménil, G.1    Lévy, D.2
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    • Oxford: Oxford University Press
    • Harvey, The Enigma of Capital (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 11.
    • (2010) The Enigma of Capital , pp. 11
    • Harvey1
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    • The nature of the firm: Meaning
    • Williamson and Winter, ed.
    • R. H. Coase, "The Nature of the Firm: Meaning, "in Williamson and Winter, ed., The Nature of the Firm, 54.
    • The Nature of the Firm , pp. 54
    • Coase, R.H.1
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    • See also in the same volume: Coase
    • See also in the same volume: Coase, "The Nature of the Firm", 18-33
    • The Nature of the Firm , pp. 18-33
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    • For a critique of the Coasian theory of the firm see, and, New York: St Martin's Press
    • For a critique of the Coasian theory of the firm see Keith Cowling and Roger Sugden, Beyond Capitalism (New York: St Martin's Press, 1994), 38-42.
    • (1994) Beyond Capitalism , pp. 38-42
    • Cowling, K.1    Sugden, R.2
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    • Justifications for both horizontal and vertical integration of firms are often made in terms of the efficiencies associated with various economies of scale. Yet, as Schutz points out "given the pervasiveness of significant barriers to entry in real-world markets, it would be a mistake to suppose that wherever monopoly power exists in free markets i.e., aside from cases of state intervention it must be due to economies of scale." Logically, barriers to entry, which are assiduously cultivated by firms, would be unnecessary if their superior market power were simply the result of greater efficiency
    • Justifications for both horizontal and vertical integration of firms are often made in terms of the efficiencies associated with various economies of scale. Yet, as Schutz points out "given the pervasiveness of significant barriers to entry in real-world markets, it would be a mistake to suppose that wherever monopoly power exists in free markets (i.e., aside from cases of state intervention) it must be due to economies of scale." Logically, barriers to entry, which are assiduously cultivated by firms, would be unnecessary if their superior market power were simply the result of greater efficiency. Schutz, Markets and Power, 58.
    • Markets and Power , pp. 58
    • Schutz1
  • 131
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    • Hymer, in some of his later work, before moving more decisively into a Marxian perspective, had himself incorporated Coase's work and transactions costs. But he made it secondary within a perspective that emphasized monopoly capital abroad
    • Hymer, in some of his later work, before moving more decisively into a Marxian perspective, had himself incorporated Coase's work and transactions costs. But he made it secondary within a perspective that emphasized monopoly capital abroad.
  • 140
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    • For systematic refutations of Stigler's point on Standard Oil see Michael Perelman, New York: Monthly Review Press
    • For systematic refutations of Stigler's point on Standard Oil see Michael Perelman, Railroading Economics (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2006)
    • (2006) Railroading Economics
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    • Alfred chandler's new business history: A review
    • January
    • and Richard B. du Boff and Edward S. Herman, "Alfred Chandler's New Business History: A Review", Politics and Society 10, no. 1 (January 1980):100-01.
    • (1980) Politics and Society , vol.10 , Issue.1 , pp. 100-101
    • Du Boff, R.B.1    Herman, E.S.2
  • 142
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    • For a useful assertion of reality-based economics in the face of such irrealism, which he labels "Utopian economics", see, New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux
    • For a useful assertion of reality-based economics in the face of such irrealism, which he labels "Utopian economics", see John Cassidy, How Markets Fail (New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux, 2009).
    • (2009) How Markets Fail
    • Cassidy, J.1
  • 150
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    • Another area of theoretical innovation in economics that has tended to muddy the waters on the issue of monopoly was a proliferation of formal game-theory models of which Sweezy's kinkeddemand curve analysis was recognized as a forerunner designed to analyze imperfect competition. The majority of these studies concentrated on abstruse models and anecdotes that were far removed from real-world conditions or empirical testing, See, In a letter to one of the authors on February 14, noted industrial organization economist Eric A. Schutz confirmed our conclusions that the most important developments in the theoretical shift away from the traditional industrial organization literature and antitrust with the conservative shift in economics in the 1980s, were transaction cost economics, contestable markets, game theory, and Bork's "antitrust paradox" argument: the four pinpointed in our argument Schutz would also add a fifth: public choice theory
    • Another area of theoretical innovation in economics that has tended to muddy the waters on the issue of monopoly was a proliferation of formal game-theory models (of which Sweezy's kinkeddemand curve analysis was recognized as a forerunner) designed to analyze imperfect competition. The majority of these studies concentrated on abstruse models and anecdotes that were far removed from real-world conditions or empirical testing. See Martin, Advanced Industrial Economics, 560-64 In a letter to one of the authors on February 14, 2011, noted industrial organization economist Eric A. Schutz confirmed our conclusions that the most important developments in the theoretical shift away from the traditional industrial organization literature and antitrust with the conservative shift in economics in the 1980s, were transaction cost economics, contestable markets, game theory, and Bork's "antitrust paradox" argument: the four pinpointed in our argument Schutz would also add a fifth: public choice theory.
    • (2011) Advanced Industrial Economics , pp. 560-564
    • Martin1
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    • Two views of capitalist stagnation
    • Fall
    • Thomas E. Weisskopf, Samuel Bowles, and David M. Gordon, Two Views of Capitalist Stagnation", Science & Society 69, no. 3 (Fall 1985):268-70.
    • (1985) Science & Society , vol.69 , Issue.3 , pp. 268-270
    • Weisskopf, T.E.1    Bowles, S.2    Gordon, D.M.3
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    • Albany: State University of New York Press
    • Robert J. S. Ross and Kent C Trachte, Global Capitalism (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 38, 49, 145.
    • (1990) Global Capitalism , vol.38 , Issue.49 , pp. 145
    • Ross, R.J.S.1    Trachte, K.C.2
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    • The global economy: New edifice or crumbling foundation
    • March/April
    • David Gordon, The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundation", New Left Review 168 (March/April 1988):24-64.
    • (1988) New Left Review , vol.168 , pp. 24-64
    • Gordon, D.1
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    • Princeton: Princeton University Press
    • John Weeks, Capitalism and Exploitation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 165.
    • (1981) Capitalism and Exploitation , vol.165
    • Weeks, J.1
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    • Competition, monopoly, and differentials of profit rates
    • For other examples of such fundamentalist views see Willi Semmler, Winter
    • For other examples of such fundamentalist views see Willi Semmler, "Competition, Monopoly, and Differentials of Profit Rates", Review of Radical Political Economics 13 (Winter 1981):39-52;
    • (1981) Review of Radical Political Economics , vol.13 , pp. 39-52
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    • Monopoly capital vs. The fundamentalists
    • For responses from the perspective of monopoly capital theory see, in Stephen Resnick and Richard Wolffa, Brooklyn, New York: Autonomedia
    • For responses from the perspective of monopoly capital theory see Howard J. Sherman, "Monopoly Capital vs. the Fundamentalists", in Stephen Resnick and Richard Wolffa Rethinking Marxism (Brooklyn, New York: Autonomedia, 1985), 359-77;
    • (1985) Rethinking Marxism , pp. 359-377
    • Sherman, H.J.1
  • 159
  • 162
    • 79955768702 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Arguing from a left standpoint and falling prey to the ambiguity of competition, James Clifton insisted, in contradistinction to Baran and Sweezy, that: The fact that it is typically the modem corporation rather than the individual capitalist that pursues this search for profits today does not at all imply a lessening of competition in the capitalist economy. It seems clear that the large firms which dominate the economic process as a whole cannot be so characterized as monopolies for that process the struggle between large firms is a highly competitive one
    • Arguing from a left standpoint (and falling prey to the ambiguity of competition), James Clifton insisted, in contradistinction to Baran and Sweezy, that: The fact that it is typically the modem corporation rather than the individual capitalist that pursues this search [for profits] today does not at all imply a lessening of competition in the capitalist economy.... It seems clear that the large firms which dominate the economic process as a whole cannot be so characterized [as monopolies] for that process [the struggle between large firms] is a highly competitive one.
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    • Competition in the evolution of the capitalist mode of production
    • 150
    • James A Clifton, "Competition in the Evolution of the Capitalist Mode of production", Cambridge Journal of Economics 1, no. 2(1977):143, 150.
    • (1977) Cambridge Journal of Economics , vol.1 , Issue.2 , pp. 143
    • Clifton, J.A.1
  • 164
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    • Chicago: University of Chicago Press
    • David Harvey, The Limits to Capital (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982);
    • (1982) The Limits to Capital
    • Harvey, D.1
  • 169
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    • Thus he responded to Baran and Sweezy's contention that monopoly should be put at "the very center of the analytical effort" by writing: The abandonment of the "competitive model" certainly does entail abandoning the law of valuewhich, to their credit Baran and Sweezy are fully prepared to do. The trouble is that we cannot withdraw this, the lynchpin of Marx's analysis, without seriously questioning or compromising all of the other Marxian categories."
    • Thus he responded to Baran and Sweezy's contention that monopoly should be put at "the very center of the analytical effort" by writing: The abandonment of the "competitive model" certainly does entail abandoning the law of valuewhich, to their credit Baran and Sweezy are fully prepared to do. The trouble is that we cannot withdraw this, the lynchpin of Marx's analysis, without seriously questioning or compromising all of the other Marxian categories." Harvey, Limits to Capital, 141.
    • Limits to Capital , pp. 141
    • Harvey1
  • 171
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    • For a critique of Chandler's work for its rejection of monopoly power as a central factor in the growth of the firm and its close relation to transaction cost analysis see, and
    • For a critique of Chandler's work for its rejection of monopoly power as a central factor in the growth of the firm and its close relation to transaction cost analysis see Du Boff and Herman, "Alfred Chandler's New Business History", 87-110.
    • Alfred Chandler's New Business History , pp. 87-110
    • Boff, D.1    Herman2
  • 172
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    • Competition and class
    • Financialization, Brenner argued, far from encouraging monopoly, was actually a decided agent of dramatically increased market competition. "Banks most obviously, but other financial bodies as well, tend to have immediately at hand, or to be able to bring together, whatever amount of capital is necessary to enter any field that is displaying an unusually high profit rate." Moreover, "firms can resort to bank finance with particular ease." Brenner added: "The upshot is that more than temporary monopolies are difficult to maintain, without direct political action by governmental authorities to sustain them by controlling entry and, of course, the tendency over the last couple of decades has been in the opposite direction, toward deregulation. "Stigler could not have put it better!, December
    • Financialization, Brenner argued, far from encouraging monopoly, was actually a decided agent of dramatically increased market competition. "Banks most obviously, but other financial bodies as well, tend to have immediately at hand, or to be able to bring together, whatever amount of capital is necessary to enter any field that is displaying an unusually high profit rate." Moreover, "firms can resort to bank finance with particular ease." Brenner added: "The upshot is that more than temporary monopolies are difficult to maintain, without direct political action by governmental authorities to sustain them by controlling entry (and, of course, the tendency over the last couple of decades has been in the opposite direction, toward deregulation). "Stigler could not have put it better! Robert Brenner, "Competition and Class", Monthly Review 51, no. 7 (December 1999):35.
    • (1999) Monthly Review , vol.51 , Issue.7 , pp. 35
    • Brenner, R.1
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    • See especially, and, New York: Monthly Review Press
    • See especially Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy, The End of Prosperity (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977)
    • (1977) The End of Prosperity
    • Magdoff, H.1    Sweezy, P.M.2
  • 176
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    • New York: Monthly Review Press
    • and The Irreversible Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1988).
    • (1988) The Irreversible Crisis
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    • New York: John Wiley and Sons
    • Keith Cowling, Monopoly Capitalism (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1982), 130-34.
    • (1982) Monopoly Capitalism , pp. 130-134
    • Cowling, K.1
  • 185
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    • The first great depression of the 21st century
    • We have in mind here such works as Duménil and lévy, Capital Resurgent, in Leo Panitch, Greg Albo, and Vivek Chibber, eds., London: The Merlin Press
    • We have in mind here such works as Duménil and lévy, Capital Resurgent, Anwar Shaikh, "The First Great Depression of the 21st Century", in Leo Panitch, Greg Albo, and Vivek Chibber, eds., The Crisis This Time (London: The Merlin Press, 2010), 44-63;
    • (2010) The Crisis This Time , pp. 44-63
    • Shaikh, A.1
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    • What is good for goldman sachs is good for America: The origins of the current crisis
    • Institute for Social Science Research
    • and Robert Brenner, "What is Good for Goldman Sachs is Good for America: The Origins of the Current Crisis", Center for Social Theory and Comparative History, Institute for Social Science Research
    • Center for Social Theory and Comparative History
    • Brenner, R.1
  • 187
    • 0004338729 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • UC los Angeles, October 2, This is the Prologue to the Spanish translation of the author's, Verso, published by AK Press, 2009.
    • UC los Angeles, October 2, 2009. (This is the Prologue to the Spanish translation of the author's Economics of Global Turbulence [Verso, 2006] published by AK Press, 2009.)
    • (2006) Economics of Global Turbulence
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    • We are now seeing in just the last few years works bringing all of these elements together, making for compelling results. See
    • We are now seeing in just the last few years works bringing all of these elements together, making for compelling results. See Harvey, The Enigma of Capital;
    • The Enigma of Capital
    • Harvey1


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