Building democracy while building peace

Journal of Democracy

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 2011, Pages 81-95

  Zürcher, Christoph ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 79551628088     PISSN: 10455736     EISSN: 10863214     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (14)

1. This article draws on the results of a comparative research project on postwar democratic transitions, conducted by the Free University-Berlin. An international team of country experts prepared nine structured case studies between October 2007 and December 2008 that closely follow a research template consisting of 101 questions, divided into four sections: Outcome of the transition; structural and war-related factors affecting the transition; nature and scope of the peacebuilding operation; and aid flows. Short versions of the case studies have been published in the Taiwan Journal of Democracy 5 (July 2009). The long versions are accessible at the project's website: http://aix1.uottawa.ca/~czurcher/czurcher/Transitions.html. The following case studies were prepared: Afghanistan (Hamish Nixon and Brendan Whitty), Bosnia and Herzegovina (Kristie Evenson), Timor-Leste (Henri Myrttinen), Kosovo (Jens Narten), Macedonia (Tome Sandenvski), Namibia (Christof Hartmann), Mozambique (Carrie Manning), Rwanda (Rachel Hayman), and Tajikistan (Anna Matveeva). Sarah Riese and Nora Roehner contributed additional research.
2. I have developed this idea with Michael Barnett. The concept of peacebuilding as an interactive process is elaborated in Michael Barnett and Christoph Zürcher, "The Peace-Builder's Contract: How External Statebuilding Reinforces Weak Statehood," in Roland Paris and Timothy D. Sisk, eds., The Dilemmas of Statebuilding: Confronting the Contradictions of Postwar Peace Operations (London: Routledge, 2008), 23-52.
3. On the importance of patronage, see Shmuel N. Eisenstadt and Luis Roniger, Patrons, Clients and Friends: Interpersonal Relations and the Structure of Trust in Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984);
4. Alisher Ilkhamov, "Neopatrimonialism, Interest Groups and Patronage Networks: The Impasses of the Governance System in Uzbekistan," Central Asian Survey 26, no. 1 (March 2007): 65-84;
5. Herbert Kitschelt and Steven I. Wilkinson, "Citizen-Politician Linkages: An Introduction," in Kitschelt and Wilkinson, eds., Patrons, Clients, and Policies: Patterns of Democratic Accountability and Political Competition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 1-49;
6. and William Reno, "Shadow States and the Political Economy of Civil Wars," in Mats Berdal and David M. Malone, eds., Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 43-69.
7. Alissa J. Rubin, "Afghan President Rebukes West and U.N.," New York Times, 1 April 2010.
8. Donor Financial Review, Ministry of Finance, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Report 1388, November 2009.
9. Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, "Democratization and the Danger of War," International Security 20 (Summer 1995): 5-38;
10. Mansfield and Snyder, "Democratic Transitions, Institutional Strength, and War," International Organization 56 (Spring 2002): 297-337.
11. See UNTAG's website: www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/untagF.htm. By comparison, the mission in Kosovo has so far cost US$44 billion and the mission in Bosnia, $41 billion. Figures quoted in Kristie D. Evenson, "Bosnia and Herzegovina: Statebuilding and Democratization in the Time of Ethnic-Politics and International Oversight," Taiwan Journal of Democracy 5 (July 2009): 93-125;
12. and Jens Narten, "Assessing Kosovo's Postwar Democratization: Between External Imposition and Local Self-Government," Taiwan Journal of Democracy 5 (July 2009): 127-62.
13. Timor-Leste scores 6 points on the Polity IV scale, which is often used as the threshold for democracy, but it is still rated only Partly Free by Freedom House. Democratization in Timor-Leste seems to be constrained more by a lack of capacity rather than a lack of political will.
14. For a thorough and balanced elaboration of this argument see Roland Paris, "Saving Liberal Peacebuilding," Review of International Studies 36 (April 2010): 337-65.