Domestic institutional constraints on china's leadership in east asian economic cooperation mechanisms

Journal of Contemporary China

Volumn 19, Issue 66, 2010, Pages 621-633

  Pearson, Margaret M ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

AUTONOMY; FOREIGN POLICY; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; LEADERSHIP; NATIONAL POLITICS; NEGOTIATION PROCESS; POLITICAL IDEOLOGY; REGIONAL ECONOMY; REGIONAL POLICY; REGIONAL TRADE; TRADE AGREEMENT;

CHINA; FAR EAST;

EID: 77955044313     PISSN: 10670564     EISSN: 14699400     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2010.485399     Document Type: Article

References (57)

1. On this vein of thinking, see: David Shambaugh, 'China engages Asia: reshaping the regional order', International Security 29(3), (2004-2005), pp. 64-99;
2. Bates Gill, Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2007).
3. See generally Michael Swaine and Ashley Tellis, Interpreting China's Grand Strategy, Past Present and Future (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2001). These issues are summarized effectively in Robert Sutter, China's Foreign Policy (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), pp. 3-12.
4. misctextOn these themes,/misctext see from the point of view of PRC-based scholars: Zhang Yunling and Tang Shiping, 'China's regional strategy', in David Shambaugh, ed., Power Shift: China and Asia's New Dynamics (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005), pp. 48-68;
5. Ren Xiao, 'Between adapting and shaping: China's role in Asian regional cooperation', Journal of Contemporary China 18(59), (2009), pp. 303-320
6. Views of non-PRC scholars include Rosemary Foot, 'Chinese strategies in a United States-hegemonic global order: accommodating and hedging', International Affairs 82(1), (2006), pp. 77-94;
7. Sutter, China's Foreign Policy (2008).
8. Quansheng Zhao, Interpreting Chinese Foreign Policy: The Micro-Macro Linkage Approach (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 53-54.
9. Zheng Bijian, 'China's "peaceful rise" to great power status', Foreign Affairs 84(5), (2005), pp. 18-24.
10. Zhang and Tang, 'China's regional strategy', p. 50.8. Ibid., p. 51.
11. On the legitimacy of FTAs in the Asian region, see John Ravenhill, 'Asia's new economic institutions', in Vinod K. Aggarwal and Min Gyo Koo, eds, Asia's New Institutional Architecture: Evolving Structures for Managing Trade, Financial, and Security Relations (Heidelberg: Springer-Verlag, 2008), pp. 35-58.
12. These issues, which form the basis of responses to China, are not considered in this paper. See, for example, David C. Kang, China Rising: Peace, Power, and Order in East Asia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).
13. The key works on institutional constraints are David M. Lampton, ed., The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001)
14. for the Mao era A. Doak Barnett, The Making of Foreign Policy in China: Structure and Process (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985)
15. On how the Chinese foreign policy bureaucracy is organized, see Lu Ning, The Dynamics of Foreign-Policy Decisionmaking in China, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000).
16. Domestic political constraints are discussed in David Shambaugh, 'Containment or engagement of China: calculating Beijing's responses', International Security 21(2), (Fall 2006), pp. 180-209.
17. This observation is consistent with the view that factional politics, or the struggle for power between factions as played out in the foreign policy arena, has significantly subsided in the post-Mao era.
18. The Six Party Talks on North Korea, hosted by Beijing, are an obvious exception.
19. D. M. Lampton, 'Introduction', in Lampton, ed., The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform; and Sutter, China's Foreign Policy, p. 54.
20. On the relative lack of capacity in some Asian countries, see Christopher M. Dent, New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific (Hampshire, England: Palgrave Publishers, 2006), pp. 57-58.
21. On this porosity to new actors within the party-state, generally
22. Lampton, The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform. In my view, intra-bureaucratic porosity is still more important than pressure on foreign policy from outside the party-state (i.e. by societal actors). Some evidence of increased pressure from outside the party-state is found in the business arena
23. Yang Jiang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of International Relations, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 2008, pp. 125f.
24. Scott Kennedy, The Business of Lobbying in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005)
25. Ka Zeng, ed., China's Foreign Trade Policy: The New Constituencies (New York: Routledge Press, 2007)
26. Victor Shih and David Steinberg, 'Engaging a more fragmented authoritarianism in China', paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, 24 April 2009, available at: http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p362761_index.html (accessed 7 May 2009).
27. Margaret M. Pearson, 'The case of China's accession to GATT/WTO', in Lampton, ed., The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform.
28. Lampton, ed., The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, p. 1.
29. misctextKenneth Lieberthal/misctext and Michel Oksenberg, eds, Policy Making in China (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990). A recent commentary on fragmented authoritarianism's continued relevance is Shih and Steinberg, 'Engaging a more fragmented authoritarianism in China'.
30. Pearson, 'The case of China's accession to GATT/WTO'.
31. Jane Drake-Brockman, 'Chinese approaches to negotiations: implications of contemporary practices for the future', paper presented at China's Future Diplomacy Research and Public Symposium, hosted by China Foreign Affairs University and Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy, Australian National University, 3-4 July 2006, University House, Canberra, p. 5, available at: http://www.servicesaustralia.org.au/pdfFilesResearch/ChineseNegotiatingStyles.pdf (accessed 2 May 2009).
32. Yang Jiang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, pp. 189-192.
33. On WTO negotiations Pearson, 'The case of China's accession to GATT/WTO'. On the reaction in the current environment
34. Yang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, p. 190.
35. Chen Huiping, 'China-ASEAN FTA: an investment perspective', in John Wong, Zou Keyuan and Zeng Huaqun, eds, China-ASEAN Relations: Economic and Legal Dimensions (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2006), pp. 142-143. China-ASEAN agreements on trade in goods and services have been concluded, but not the agreement on investment.
36. Yang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, p. 193
37. On China's preference for bilateral FTAs in the region, John Ravenhill and Yang Jiang, 'China's move to preferential trading: a new move in China's diplomacy', Journal of Contemporary China 18(58), (2009), pp. 27-46. The United States also has such a template.
38. This suggestion is supported by Helen E. S. Nesadurai, 'Southeast Asia's new institutional architecture for cooperation in trade and finance', in Aggarwal and Koo, eds, Asia's New Institutional Architecture, p. 172.
39. Ravenhill and Yang, 'China's move to preferential trading', pp. 39-40
40. Ren Xiao, 'Between adapting and shaping', p. 306.
41. Ravenhill and Yang, 'China's move to preferential trading', p. 45;
42. Yang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, pp. 186 and 265. This agreement was also slowed down by being linked politically to the effort by Chinalco to acquire aluminum holdings of the Australian mining company Rio Tinto.
43. Margaret M. Pearson, 'China in Geneva: lessons from China's early years in the World Trade Organization', in Alistair Iain Johnston and Robert Ross, eds, New Directions in the Study of China's Foreign Policy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 587-644.
44. Ravenhill and Yang, 'China's move to preferential trading', p. 28.
45. Drake-Brockman, 'Chinese approaches to negotiations', p. 6.
46. Chen Huiping, 'China-ASEAN FTA', p. 142.
47. Yang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, p. 184.
48. This scenario is exemplified in the ongoing bilateral negotiations for a China-Australia FTA. Yang, China's Policymaking on Regional Economic Cooperation, p. 183.
49. Drake-Brockman, 'Chinese approaches to negotiations', p. 6.
50. This observation is consistent with the evidence presented on FTAs by Ka Zeng in her contribution to this special issue. For example
51. Ren Xiao, 'Between adapting and shaping'.
52. The argument that China lacks the resources to fully realize its great power status is made by Wu Xinbo, Four contradictions constraining Chinese foreign policy behavior', Journal of Contemporary China 10(27), (2001), pp. 293-301.
53. Mohan Malik, The East Asia Summit: more discord than accord', Yale Global, (5 December 2005), available at: http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id1/46645 (accessed 2 April 2009).
54. Phillip C. Saunders, China's Global Activism: Strategy, Drivers and Tools (Institute for Nationals Strategic Studies Occasional Paper 4, National Defense University, 2006), p. 14.Pearson, 'China in Geneva'.
55. Robert G. Sutter and Chin-Hao Huang, China-Southeast Asia relations: ferment over the South China Sea', Comparative Connections, (July 2009), available at:http://csis.org/files/publication/0902qchina_seasia.pdf (accessed 12 August 2009).Saunders, China's Global Activism, p. 14.
56. The summit, to be held in Bangkok, was cancelled at the last minute due to domestic Thai protests. 'China planned $10 billion invest fund at failed summit', Reuters Newswire, (12 April 2009), available at: http://uk.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUKTRE53B08A20090412 (accessed 12 April 2009).
57. Other smaller pledges were made at this time: US$5 million for the China-ASEAN Cooperation Fund; US$900,000 for an ASEAN Plus 3 Cooperation Fund; 300,000 tons of rice for an emergency East Asia rice reserve; 2,000 scholarships for students from developing countries to study in China for the subsequent five years. Sutter and Huang, China-Southeast Asia relations'.