Introduction

Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan

Volumn , Issue , 2003, Pages 1-24

  Ko, Dorothy ^a   Haboush, JaHyun Kim ^a   Piggott, Joan R ^a  

^a Barnard College of Columbia University   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77954853917     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: None     Document Type: Editorial

References (55)

1. David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames have pondered the philosophical issues involved in conceptualizing premodern and non-Western selves. See especially their Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998).
2. See, for instance, the recent and very useful overview by Xinzhong Yao, An Introduction to Confucianism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
3. Lionel Jensen, Manufacturing Confucianism: Chinese Traditions and Universal Civilization (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997). The Chinese "Kong Fuzi" was often cited as the original for Confucius. Yet Jensen has found no reference to it in the literature of antiquity, fictive genealogical texts, and court ritual manuals. It appeared to have come into common use only in the sixteenth century, the time of the Jesuit translation projects (pp. 83-84).
4. For an argument against these distortions that also reaffirms the relevance of Confucianism to modern Asia, see Wm. Theodore de Bary and Tu Weiming, eds., Confucianism and Human Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998).
5. According to Stefan Tanaka, in the Meiji period Confucianism was "the principal artifact that enabled Japanese intellectuals to claim both their orientalness and their distinctiveness [from China]." Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 19.
6. Michael Robinson, "Perceptions of Confucianism in Twentieth-Century Korea," in The East Asian Region: Confucian Heritage and Its Modern Adaptation, ed. Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).
7. JaHyun Kim Haboush, "Constructing the Center," in Culture and the State in Late Choson Korea, ed. Haboush and Martina Deuchler (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Council on East Asian Studies, 1999).
8. David McMullen, State and Scholars m Tang China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 1-2.
9. Michael Nylan, "A Problematic Model: The Han 'Orthodox Synthesis,' Then and Now," in Imagining Boundaries: Changing Confucian Doctrines, Texts & Hermeneutics, ed. Kaiwing Chow et al. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), esp. pp. 18-19, 33.
10. Howard Wechsler, "The Confucian Impact on Early T'ang Decision-Making," T'oungPao 66, nos. 1-3 (1980): 1-40 passim.
11. The office of "Erudite of Five Classics" (Wujing boshi) was established during the Han dynasty to staff the National University. For a checklist of key texts considered components of the classics repertoire by Tang times
12. Sun-ming Wong, "Confucian Ideal and Reality: Transformation of the Institution of Marriage in Tang China" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle, 1979), pp. 6-7.
13. Ssu-yu Teng, trans., Family Instructions for the Yen Clan (Leiden: Brill, 1968).
14. Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'ui (531-91): A Buddho-Confucian," in Confucian Personalities, ed. A. D. T. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962).
15. Joan Piggott, The Emergence of Japanese Kingship (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 172-73, for elements of Chinese-style rulership abstracted from the classics.
16. Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners and State Formation and Civilization, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994).
17. Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1992).
18. JaHyun Kim Haboush, "The Confucianization of Korean Society," in Rozman, East Asian Region.
19. JaHyun Kim Haboush, "Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in the Discourse of Filiality in Late Choson Korea," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 55, no. I (i995): I54-77-
20. David Pollack, The Fracture of Meaning (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 48.
21. Oba Osamu, Kansekiyunyu no bunkashi (Tokyo: Kyubun shuppan, 1997).
22. Piggott, Emergence, p. 170. Study of many of the same commentaries required in midseventh- century Tang China was also mandated by the Japanese codes.
23. Inoue Mitsusada, Ritsuryo (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1976), p. 263.
24. McMullen, State and Scholars in Tang China, pp. 71-79.
25. Hirakawa Minami, Yomigaeru kodai monjo (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1994)
26. Kaneko Hiroyuki, Mokkan wa kataru (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996).
27. In the Nihonkoku genzai sho mokuroku, a Heian-period catalog of Chinese books in Japanese collections in 891, these three categories still contain the greatest number of volumes.
28. Yamanoue was particularly interested in alchemical and medical texts. The most recent study of his thought and writing is Masuo Shin'ichiro, Mariyo kajin to Chugoku shiso (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1997).
29. Shoku nihongi 721 01/27. The Shoku nihongi is the compilation of official court annals recording events from the reigns of nine sovereigns who ruled from 697 through 791. The text was completed in 797, but compilation was done in several stages. The first twenty of forty volumes are thought to have been finished before 757 but then edited again before
30. Piggott, Emergence, pp. 290-92. A good annotated edition is Aoki Kazuo et al., eds., Shoku Nihongi, 5 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1989-98).
31. Aoki's vol. 2, pp. 85-87. Henceforth Shoku nihongi entries are cited with their references in Aoki, including volume and page numbers.
32. Miyata Toshihiko, Kibi Makibi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1961), pp. 33-45.
33. Oliver Moore, "The Ceremony of Gratitude," in State and Court Ritual in China, ed. J. P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)
34. David McMullen, "Bureaucrats and Cosmology," in Rituals of Royalty, ed. D. Cannadine and S. Prince (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), esp. pp. 199-210
35. Howard Wechsler, Offerings of Jade and Silk (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).
36. Takikawa Masajiro, "Shikyo ruiju no kosei to sono shiso," Shigaku zasshii, no. 6 (1961): 53-98, esp. pp. 53-72.
37. The five classics were the Book of Changes, the Book of History, the Book of Odes, the Book of Rites, and the %uo Commentary. The three histories were Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian, the History of the Former Han Dynasty, and the History of the Later Han Dynasty.
38. Momo Hiroyuki, Jodaigakusei no kenkyu (Kyoto: Shibunkaku shuppan, 1994), pp. 37-39.
39. Hayashi Rokuro, Komyo kogo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1961).
40. Dai Nihon komonjo, Shosoin monjo (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku shuppankai, 1901-40), vol. 3, pp. 84-90. Oba Osamu, "Nihon ni okeru Chugoku tenseki no demma to eikyo," in Nichu hunka koryushi sosho: Tenseki (Tokyo: Taishukan shoten, 1996), esp. pp. 15-24.
41. See, for instance, Furuse Natsuko, Nihon kodai oken to gishiki (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1998), pp. 132-33.
42. Piggott, Emergence, pp. 118-22, 299.
43. Furuse Natsuko, Nihon kodai oken to gishiki, pp. 132-33 passim
44. Furuse Natsuko, "Heian jidai no gishiki to tenno," Rekishigaku kenkyu 560 (1986): 36-45.
45. Muchimaro's is one of three biographies in a compendium called the Kaden. Here I have translated the text based on that annotated by Osone Shosuke in Yamagishi Tokuhei et al., Kodai seiji shakai shiso (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1979), pp. 25-38.
46. Okimori Takuya et al., Fuji-shi kaden (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1999).
47. Takikawa, "Shikyo ruiju no kosei," pp. 58-59, quoting the abstract in the Kamakuraperiod dictionary, Jukaisho ("Kyokatbu"). Remnants and references to the precepts are also found in the latc-Heian-period documentary compilation, Seijiyoryaku (an accessible text can be found in the Shintei zoho Kokushi takei series of historical sources).
48. Kimoto Yoshinobu, "Isonokami Yakatsugu to Fujiwara Shikike," Seiji keizai shigaku 287 (1990): 61-87.
49. Yoshie Akiko, Nihon kodai no uji no kozo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1986), p. 18.
50. Fukuto Sanae, Heiancho no haha to ko, p. 62.
51. Patricia Ebrey has argued that since the Han dynasty, the normative Han Chinese family has been distinguished by three characteristics: patrilineality, filial piety, and patriarchy. See her "Women, Marriage and the Family in Chinese History," in Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization, ed. Paul Ropp (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). She has also suggested that the preference among upper-class families of the Song (960-1279) for more substantial dowries worked to further strengthen the patrilineal principle. "Shifts in Marriage Finance from the Sixth to the Thirteenth Century," in Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society, ed. Ruble S. Watson and Patricia Buckley Ebrey (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
52. A particularly interesting case of this can be seen in a set of documents translated by Jeffrey Mass in his Development of Kamakura Rule, 1180-1250 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979). We see there the difficulty bystanders had even knowing whether a woman had remarried, given the still unregularized nature of marital residence.
53. Fukuto Sanae, Heiancho no haha to ko, p. 7.
54. The phrase "scripts of male dominance" is adopted from Peggy Sanday. Used in contrast to "scripts of female power," it refers to such attributes as courage or crisismanagement abilities. See her cross-cultural study, Female Power and Male Dominance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). Our use of the term, as explained in this section, is somewhat different from hers.
55. Peter K. Bol, "This Culture of Ours": Intellectual Transitions in Tang and Sung China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).