Commemorating the future in post-war Chernivtsi

East European Politics and Societies

Volumn 24, Issue 3, 2010, Pages 435-463

  Frunchak, Svetlana ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

Author keywords

Chernivtsi and bukovina; Historical memory and identity; Jews; Nationalism; Post war ukraine

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; CULTURAL FACTOR; ECONOMICS; EDUCATION; ETHNIC GROUP; ETHNOLOGY; HEALTH; HISTORY; HUMAN; LEGAL ASPECT; MINORITY GROUP; POLITICAL SYSTEM; PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT; SOCIAL BEHAVIOR; SOCIAL CONTROL; SOCIAL STATUS; SYMBOLISM; UKRAINE; URBAN POPULATION; USSR; WAR;

ACCULTURATION; CEREMONIAL BEHAVIOR; ETHNIC GROUPS; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; MINORITY GROUPS; POLITICAL SYSTEMS; SOCIAL CONDITIONS; SOCIAL CONTROL POLICIES; SOCIAL IDENTIFICATION; UKRAINE; URBAN HEALTH; URBAN POPULATION; USSR; WORLD WAR II;

EID: 77954636586     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: 15338371     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0888325410364673     Document Type: Article

References (189)

1. A survivor of the repression of the "Ukrainian literary renaissance" of the 1930s, one of the most venerated establishment writers in Soviet Ukraine since 1941; a longtime member of the Central Committee (CC) of Ukrainian Communist Party (Bolshevik) (CP[B]) and the deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR); the head of the Writers' Union of Ukraine (1953-1959); from 1958 head of the editorial board of the Ukrainian Soviet encyclopedia publishing house.
2. This and preceding quotes are from Nikita Khrushchev, Memoirs, vol. 1, Commissar (1918-1945), trans. George Shiver (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), 601.
3. The term "ethnic particularlism" was suggested by Yuri Slezkine in his article "The USSR as a Communal Apartment, or How a Socialist State Promoted ethnic Particularism," Slavic Review 53:2 (Summer 1994): 414-15.
4. eric Weitz conceptualized Soviet nationality policy in racial terms in his book A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003) and the article "Racial Politics without the Concept of Race," Slavic Review 61:1 (2002): 1-29.
5. Other important recent studies of Soviet state-promoted nationalism include Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).
6. Serhy Yekelchyk, Stalin's Empire of Memory: Russian-Ukrainian Relations in the Soviet Historical Imagination (Toronto, 2004).
7. Kate Brown, A Biography of No Place. From Ethnic Borderland to Soviet Heartland (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).
8. Terry Martin (see above) adopted the "Friendship of Peoples" as a term to indicate Soviet state ideology and approach to nationality questions since late 1930s.
9. David Brandenberger described Soviet state ideology as "national Bolshevism." See National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 1931-1956 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002). Several historians reconceptualized the USSR as a particular type of empire (as opposed to a more traditional Sovietological understanding of Soviet Union in pure terms of imperial domination and national/colonial subjugation), drawing on recent developments in colonial and post-colonial theory.
10. For example, Douglas Taylor Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004)
11. Ronald Grigor Suny and Terry Martin, eds., A State of Nations: Empire and Nation-Making in the Age of Lenin and Stalin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); and the above-mentioned works of Terry Martin and Serhy Yekelchyk).
12. One recent study that focuses on promoting Polish national identity in Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s and later using Polish nationality for political repression in the 1930s is Kate Brown's A Biography of No Place.
13. Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 186.
14. Ibid., 97.
15. Ibid., 210.
16. While the founder of the modern Ukrainian historiography, Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, was banned from the national pantheon as a bourgeois nationalist, and his argument about the continuity of (proto) Ukrainian statehood from Kievan Rus' to Galician-Volhynian principality rather than Muscovite state and later Russian empire was rejected, Hrushevs'ky's premise of basing the history of Ukraine on the wider masses of people rather than elites and political institutions that allowed to legitimize Ukrainian nation was transferred to the Soviet variant of Ukrainian historical narrative. For more, see Yekelchyk, Stalin's Empire of Memory.
17. Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations, 125-32.
18. This is not to deny the important impact of the ethnic-based violence and nationalist propaganda by OUN during World War Two that contributed, together with other instances of ethnic violence and the Holocaust, to radicalization and ethnicization of the general ethos and national identities of the masses and the elites alike in Ukraine and Poland. See, for example, Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations, 154-214.
19. For the sake of convenience, I use the current official name of the city, Chernivtsi, throughout the text rather than it various historical names that included Czernowitz, Cernauţi, and Chernovtsy.
20. The classic and still the best history of the city of the pre-Austrian and Austrian periods is Raimind Friedrich Kaindl's Geschichte von Czernowitz von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart (Chernivtsi: Pardini, 1908).
21. see also Raimund Friedrich Kaindl, Zur Geschichte der Schtadt Czernowitz und ihrer Umgegend (Chernivtsi: Czopp, 1888)
22. see also a reprint of this work in Ukrainian and German: Raimind Friedrich Kaindl, Geschichte von Czernowitz von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart/Istoriia Chernivtsiv vid naidavnishykh chasiv do siohodennia (Chernivtsi: Zelena Bukovyna, 2005).
23. The numbers of "Ukrainians" and "Romanians" in Bukovina have been debated for a long time by Ukrainian and Romanian historians. The Austrian statistical records classified populations primarily according to their language of communication (Umgangssprache) and religion. Because of the multiple names used for various ethnic groups in the region, and because the majority of both Romanian- and Slavic-speaking population shared the Orthodox religion, the Austrian statistics left space for multiple interpretations by the interested national groups in later times. Raimund F. Kaindl wrote in his Geschichte von Czernowitz: "unter... den 'Moldauern'... wir Rumänen und Ruthenen verstehen müssen" (p. 263). Kate Brown in A Biography of No Place writes extensively on the difficulties of national classification in borderlands, noting that even the categories of language and religion, not to mention nationality, were not fixed enough when it came to censuses. If this fluidity of categories was not a problem for scrupulous colonial Austrian statisticians who kept multiple records according to the different categories, it did present a big problem for the later Romanian and Ukrainian writers of the region's history who understood the nationality of local population as essential for their scholarly enterprises.
24. See Austrian census statistics quoted in Stepan Kostyshyn, Vasyl' Botushans'kyi, Olexandr Dobrzhans'kyi, Yuriy Makar, Olexandr Masan, and Liubomyr Mykhailyna, eds., Bukovyna. Istorychnyi narys (Chernivtsi: Zelena Bukovyna, 1998), 161-62.
25. Romanian census statistics quoted in Denys Kvitkovs'kyi, Teofil Bryndzan, Arkadii Zhukovs'kyi, eds. Bukovyna-ïï mynule i suchasne (Paris: Zelena Bukovyna, 1956), 429.
26. For population statistics, see also Hanna Skoreiko, Naselennia Bukovyny za zvstris'kymy uriadovymy perepysamy pruhoï polovyny XIX-pochatku XX st.: istoryko-demohrafichnyi narys (Chernivtsi: Prut, 2002), 133-55.
27. For general background on World War Two in Bukovina, see Hermann Weber, Die Bukowina im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Völkerrechtliche Aspekte der Lage der Bukowina im Spannungsfeld Zwischen Rumänien, Sowjetunion und Deutschland. Darstellung zur Auswärtigen Politik (Hamburg, 1972).
28. Vasyl' Botushans'kyi, Serhy Hackman, Yuriy Makar, Olexandr Masan, Ihor Piddubnyi, and Hanna Skoreiko, Bukovyna v konteksti ievropeis'kykh mizhnarodnykh vidnosyn (z davnikh chasiv do seredyny XX st) (Chernivtsi: Ruta, 2005), 586-660.
29. For example, Na onovlenii zemli. Shcho dala radians'ka vlada trudiashchym Pivnichnoii Bukovyny (Chernivtsi, 1941).
30. Sovetskaia Bukovina (K godovshchine osvobozhdeniia ot Rumynskikh boyar) (Chernivtsi: Otdel propagandy i agitatsii obkoma KP(b)Ukr, 1941).
31. G. Medvedenko and I. Starovoitenko, "Besarabiia i Pivnichna Bukovyna (istoryko-heohrafichnyi narys)," Komunistychna osvita 8 (1940): 24-37.
32. S. Komarnyts'kyi, Radians'ka Bukovyna v roky Velykoï Vitchyznianoï viiny 1941-1945 rr. (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1979) and the post-Soviet updated edition of this book.
33. Vony nablyzhaly peremohu. Bukovyna ta Bukovyntsi v roky Velukoii Vitchyznianoii viiny 1941-1945 rr. (Chernivtsi, 1995);
34. S. Komarnyts'kyi, "Vklad trudiashchykh Radians'koi Bukovyny u peremohu nad fashysts'koiu Nimechchynoiu," Ukraïns'kyi istorychnyi zhurnal 7 (1970): 47-53.
35. S. Komarnyts'kyi, "Z istorii komsomolu Pivnichnoi Bukovyny (1920-1945 rr.)," Ukraïns'kyi Istorychnyi Zhurnal 7 (1969): 61-68.
36. P. Svytko and S. Komarnyts'kyi, "Borot'ba proty fashysts'kykh okupantiv na Bukovyni v 1941-1944," Ukraïns'kyi Istorychnyi Zhurnal 8 (1965): 66-72.
37. See Orlando Figes and Boris Kolonitskii, Interpreting the Revolution: Language and Symbols of 1917 (New Heaven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999).
38. See the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukrainian SSR and CC of the CP(B) of Ukraine from April 1, 1944 "On beautification of the graves and commemoration of the memory of soldiers who perished in struggle for the liberation and independence of the Soviet motherland" in O. Iakymenko, ed., Zakonodavstvo pro pam'iatnyky istoriï ta kul'tyru (Zbirnyk normatyvnykh aktiv) (Kiev: Vydavnytstvo politychnoï literatury, 1970), 220-21.
39. The decree was widely communicated and its fulfillment reinforced through numerous letters, inquiries, and memos from Kiev to local administrations as well as planning organizations. As a result, in the end of the 1940s, 90 per cent of all monuments were dedicated to the events of the Revolution and World War Two in most provinces of Ukraine. By the end of the 1950s, only less than 2 per cent of all registered monuments were "pre-October." See S. Kot., ed., Istoryko-kulturna spadshchyna Ukraïny: problemy doslidzhennia ta zberezhennia (Kiev, 1998), 40.
40. The architectural commission and an architectural-artistic council affiliated with it were responsible for the design of public places and monumental art among many other tasks. See Derzhavnyi Arkhiv Chernivetskoï Oblasti (hereafter, DAChO, translated State Archives of Chernivtsi Province), f.932, op.1, spr.347, ark.1.
41. Tvorchi zavdannia arkhitektoriv Ukraïny u vidbudovi mist i sil (Kiev-Lviv: Derzhavne vydavnytstvo tekhnichnoï literatury Ukraïny, 1946), 44-45.
42. DAChO, f.932, op.1, spr.350, ark.20; Tsentral'nyi Derzhavnyi Arkhiv Vyshchykh Orhaniv Vlady ta Upravlinnia Ukraïny (hereafter, TsDAVOVU, translated Central State Archive of Supreme Organs of Power and Administration), f.R-2, op.7, tom.III, spr.178, ark.106-9.
43. Serhii Osachuk, Volodymyr Zapolovs'kyi, and Natalia Shevchenko, Pam'iatnyky Chernivtsiv (Chernivtsi: Zelena Bukovyna, 2009), 38-39.
44. For the development of the argument about the particular importance of the myth of World War Two for ideology, culture, and general ethos of Ukrainian republic, see Amir Weiner, Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
45. DAChO, f.932, op.1, spr.363, ark.1-2.
46. Hertsa region was added to the territory of Northern Bukovina with no historical or ethnographical grounds whatsoever. This is not to claim that any of "historical and ethnographical" justifications of annexation of new territories into the Soviet Union were legitimate or objective; however, Stalinist ideologues did not even attempt to interpret the case of annexation of Hertsa region in cultural and ethnographic terms. For more on the details of the question of adding Hertsa region to the Soviet part of divided Bukovina in 1940, see Botushans'ky et al., Bukovyna v konteksti ievropeis'kykh mizhnarodnykh vidnosyn (z davnikh chasiv do seredyny XX st), 596, 612-13.
47. For a Romanian perspective on this question, see for example Ion Gherman, Istoria Tragicǎ a Bucovinei, Basarabiei şi ţinutului Herţa (Bucharest, Romania: All, 1993).
48. At the time of Soviet annexation, Hertsa region was populated almost exclusively by a Romanian population with a low percentage of bilingual persons, which led to immense difficulties in administering this area due to the language barrier and the lack of reliable Romanian-speaking cadres. For example, the following documents from DAChO refer to various problems in Hertsa, including mass crossing of the border by the population, and reveal that Soviet authorities had virtually no control other than military power over the area during the early years of Soviet power: f.1, op.1, spr.4, 5, 6, 8, 29 (combined), ark.65; f.1, op.1, spr.28, ark.114-6; f.1, op.1, spr.30, 31, 32, 33 (combined), ark.47-50. Note that some files (spravy) in DAChO have been re-arranged in the post-Soviet period. The classification, though, remained the same, resulting in many cases when new single folders contain documents previously located in separate files. In such cases, new combined files list numbers of old files the documents come from. It is not clear, though, what materials come from what files, since the sheets of the new files are re-numbered, resulting in an awkward reference system with multiple file (sprava) numbers but single sheet (arkush) references.
49. DAChO, f.1, op.1, spr.28, ark.31; f. 1, op.1, spr.30, ark.17.
50. The concept of "speaking Bolshevik" as the obligatory official language for self-identification and self-expression in Stalinist society belongs to Stephen Kotkin-see his Magnetic Mountain. Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). even earlier, Jan Gross conceptualized the Stalinist regime as the one that depended largely on the "destruction of language" (along with the destruction of communities) so that the structure of language was radically modified, the speech was ritualized, and there was "no more lapse in time between naming and judging" (and often believing, I would add).
51. See Jan T. Gross, Revolution from Abroad. The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
52. Officially, after several years of confusing messages and policies, official language and ethnicity of Romanians in Chernivtsi province was identified as "Moldavian." The term "Romanian" was mostly reserved for the discourse about the "historical other" in the region, that is, the "Romanian occupation," "Romanian boyars", and "nationalist, capitalist interwar Romanian state" as well as the post-war Socialist Romanian state.
53. See Amir Weiner, ed., Landscaping the Human Garden: Twentieth-Century Population Management in a Comparative Framework (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003).
54. Eric Weitz, A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
55. For example, in August 1947, a letter from the CC of CP(B) of Ukraine to all province CP committees called to pay more attention to monuments and commemoration related to revolution and World War Two (Kot, Istoryko-kulturna spadshchyna Ukraïny, 40). In May of the same year of 1947, a directive followed that required the necessary work to be finished, criticizing particularly Lviv and Chernivtsi for dragging behind in this important political task. Tsentral'nyi Derzhavnyi Arkhiv Hromads'kykh Orhanizatsii Ukraïny (Central State Archive of Civic Organizations of Ukraine; hereafter, TsDAHOU), f.1, op.23, spr.4929, ark. 5-6; DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.674.
56. Kaindl, Geschichte von Czernowitz, 239.
57. For the architectural argument about the cultural dominance of Jews and its reflection in the urban structure of the old town, see Bohdan Kolosok, "Mistobudivna spadshchyna Chenrivtsiv," in Architekturna spadshchyna Chernivtsiv Avstriis'koii doby (Materialy konferentsii 1-4 zhovtnia 2001 r.) (Chernivtsi: Zoloti lytavry, 2003), 20.
58. Roman Mohytych, "Mistobudivel'nyi rozvytok Chernivtsiv u XIV-XIX st. Shliakhy okhorony urbanistychnoho seredovyshcha mista," in Architekturna spadshchyna Chernivtsiv, 28.
59. Also published in Visnyk instytutu "Ukrzakhidproektrestavratsiia" 12 (2002): 68-75.
60. For an arthistorical argument about the signs of Jewish culture and religion in the city's later architecture, see Natalia Shevchenko, Chernovitskaia Atlantida (Chernivtsi, 2004).
61. The classic works on the history of Jews of Bukovina and Chernivtsi are Hugo Gold, ed., Geschichte der Juden in der Bukowina. Ein Semmelwerk, 2 vols. (Tel-Aviv, Israel: Alamenu, 1962) (also partially available in english translation online at http://czernowitz.ehpes.com/ [accessed 27 October, 2009]).
62. More recent and specific works include Fred Stambrook, "The Golden Age of the Jews of Bukovina, 1880-1914," Working Papers in Austrian Studies (Center of Austrian Studies, University of Manitoba, Canada, 2003).
63. Martin Broszat, "Von der Kulturnation zur Volkgruppe. Die Nationalestellung der Juden in der Bukowina im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert," Historische Zeitschrift 200:3 (1965): 572-605.
64. David Sha'ari, "The Jewish Community of Czernowitz under Habsburg and Romanian rule. Part One: Habsburg Rule," Shvut 6 (1997): 150-83.
65. J. Leslie, "Der Ausgleich in der Bukowina 1910: Zur österreichischen Nationalpolitik vor dem ersten Weltkrieg," in e. Brix et al., eds., Geschichte zwischen Freiheit und Ordnung: Gerald Stourzh zum 60. Geburtstag (Graz, 1991).
66. Particularly illuminating is a comparative case study by Albert Lichtblau and Michael John, "Jewries in Galicia and Bukovina, in Lemberg and in Czernowitz: Two Divergent examples of Jewish Communities in the Far east of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy," in Sander L. Gilman, ed., Jewries at the Frontier: Accommodation, Identity, Conflict (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 29-66.
67. Radical politics of cultural homogenization were not successful in Bukovina until the late 1930s. The city retained its "Austrian character" even later, throughout the war years. The best historical accounts of the period are Mariana Hausleiter, Die Rumänisierung der Bukowina: Die Durchsetzung des national-staatlichen Anspruchs Grossrumäniens 1918-1944 (Munich, Germany: R. Oldenbourg, 2001).
68. Mariana Hausleiter, "Gegen die Zwangsrumänisierung: die Kooperation von Bukowiner Deutschen, Juden und Ukrainern in der Zwischenkriegszeit," WerkstattGeschichte, 32 (2002): 31-43.
69. Hausleiter's chapter on Bukovina in Irina Livezeanu, ed., Cultural Politics of Greater Romania. Regionalism, Nation Building and Ethnic Struggle, 1918-1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995): 49-89.
70. Numerous memoirs are also very illuminating. For example, see Georg Drozdowski, Damals in Czernowitz und Rundum. Erinnerung eines Altlsterreichers, Wiederaufgelegt von der Georg-Drozdowski-Gesellschaft (Klagenfurt, 2003).
71. Vernon Kress, Pervaia zhyzn'. Nevydumannaia povest' (Moskva: Globus, 2001).
72. Aharon Appelfeld, The Story of a Life (New York: Schocken Books, 2004)
73. Pearl Fichman, Before Memories Fade (n.p.: Book Surge Publishing, 2005). Novels and other fiction by Karl emil Franzos, Gregor von Rezzori, Rosa Auslander, and other writers who had lived in the inter-war Bukovina also contain biographical and memoir component that reveals strong continuity between Austrian and Romanian periods.
74. TsDAHOU, f.1, op.23, spr.817, ark.4; see also Mordechai Altshuler, "The Soviet 'Transfer' of Jews from Chernovtsy Province to Romania, 1945-1946," Jews in Eastern Europe 2:3 (1998): 54-75.
75. Data from a report by the province NKVD head Rudenko (DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.61, ark.1-2). Most probably, many survivors were unable or scared to return to their homes in rural areas and smaller towns where their homes were often appropriated by others. In the atmosphere of post-war hunger, scarcity, and popular anti-Semitism often encouraged by Ukrainian nationalists' detachments active in many rural areas, they were attracted to Chernivtsi by the rumors of possibilities to emigrate, better employment opportunities, and comparative safety.
76. Between 6 and 8 July 1941, up to several thousand Jews in Chernivtsi were killed by Nazis. Among the first victims were the major rabbi and chorus members of the reformist Temple. Nazis gathered approximately two thousand victims in the Romanian House in Chernivtsi and later took them to the shore of the Prut River, made them dig graves, tortured some of them, and shot most of them. Many more Jews were killed on the streets and cemeteries of the city during these days. DAChO, f.653, op.1, spr.103, ark.2; G. L. Chabashkevich, et al., eds. Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi. Chernovitskoie obshchestvo ievreiskoi kul'tury im. Shteinbarga. Vestnik. Svidetel'tsva uznikov fashystskikh lagerei-getto, iss. 3 (Chernivtsi, 1994), 143.
77. Aleksandr Kruglov, Sbornik dokumentov i materialov ob unichtozheniiu natsistami evreev Ukrainy v 1941-1944 godakh (Kiev: Institut iudaiki, 2002), 30, 173.
78. O. A. Surovtsev, "Holokost u Chernivtsiakh v roky rumuno-nimets'koii okupatsii," Bukovyns'kyi istoryko-etnohrafichnyi visnyk, iss. 4 (Chernivtsi: Zoloti lytavry, 2002), 89-92.
79. Transnistria was created as a political unit by Nazi rulers to compensate Romania for the regions of Transylvania and southern Dobrudja which had been lost to Hungary and Bulgaria, respectively. It was a territory of approximately forty thousand kilometers situated between the Dniester and the Bug rivers, in the south corner of what is today Ukraine.
80. See, for example, J. Ancel, "The Romanian Way of Solving the 'Jewish Problem' in Bessarabia and Bukovina, June-July 1941," Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988): 187-233.
81. Dalia Ofer, "The Holocaust in Transnistria. A Special Case of Genocide," in Lucian Dobroszycki and Jeffrey Gurock, eds., The Holocaust in the Soviet Union. Studies and Sources on the Destruction of the Jews in the Nazi-Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941-1945 (New York: Sharpe, 1993).
82. D. Ofer, "Life in the Ghettos of Transnistria," Yad Vashem Studies 25 (1996): 229-47.
83. A. Shachan, Burning Ice: The Ghettos of Transnistria (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
84. E. Ophir, "Was the Transnistria Rescue Plan Achievable?" Holocaust and Genocide Studies 6:1 (1991): 1-16.
85. V. P. Shchetnikov, "K istorii ievreiskikh lagerei-getto na territorii Transnistrii: 1941-1944," Holokost i suchasnist' 1 (2003): 14-15.
86. J. Ancel, Transnistria 1941-1942. The Romanian Mass Campaigns. History and Documents Summaries, vols. 1-3. (Tel Aviv, 2003).
87. J. Ancel, Transnistria, vols. 1-3 (Bucharest, Romania: Atlas, 1998).
88. Julius S. Fisher, Transnistria: The Forgotten Cemetery (South Brunswick, NJ: T. Yoseloff, 1969).
89. L. Sushon, Transnistriia v adu. Chernaia kniga o katastrofe v Severnom Prichernomorie (po vospominaniiam i dokumentam) (Odessa, 1998).
90. For information concerning Chernivtsi and the province specifically, L. Sh. Zinger, L. P. Liapunova, et al., eds., Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi. Chernovitskoie obshchestvo ievreiskoi kul'tury im. Shteinbarga. Vestnik. Svidetel'tsva ochevidtsev, iss. 1 (Chernivtsi, 1991).
91. Ie. M. Finkel' and P. V. Rykhlo, eds., Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi. Chernovitskoie obshchestvo ievreiskoi kul'tury im. Shteinbarga. Vestnik. Svidetel'tsva uznikov fashystskikh lagerei-getto, iss. 5 (Chernivtsi, 1996), 46-50.
92. Up to twenty thousand Jews in Chernivtsi received "authorizations" to stay in Chernivtsi thanks to the efforts of the city's mayor, Traian Popovici, who was opposed to deportations. See Traian Popovici, Spovedania/Testimony (Bucharest, 2000); parts of his Testimony is also available on http://czernowitz. ehpes.com/ (go to Popovici memorial pages) (accessed 27 October, 2009).
93. see also Oleh Surovtsev, Holokost u Pivnichnii Bukovyni i Khotynshchyni v roku druhoï svitovoï viiny (Candidate of Science diss., National University of Chernivtsi, 2006), 112-13.
94. "Dolia ievreis'koii hromady Pivnichnoii Bukovyny pislia podii Holokostu," in Pytannia istorii Ukraiiny: Zbirnyk naukovykh statei, vol. 7 (Chernivtsi: Zelena Bukovyna, 2004), 133-37.
95. "Deportatsii ievreis'koho naselennia Pivnichnoii Bukovyny v 1941-1942 rokakh," in Ternopil's'kyi derzhavnyi pedahohichnyi universytet. Naukovi zapysky. Seriia: Istoriia, iss. 1 (Ternopil', 2004), 128-33.
96. Popovici's memoirs quoted in Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 60-61.
97. Anti-Jewish violence intensified before and during the retreat of Romanian army and authorities in June 1940. See Botushans'kyi et al., Bukovyna v konteksti ievropeis'kykh mizhnarodnykh vidnosyn (z davnikh chasiv do seredyny XX st), 617-18.
98. Two largest categories of deportees from the western regions of Ukrainian SSR were ethnic Poles and Polish citizens of Jewish nationality. In 1941 alone, probably 275,000 Polish citizens were deported by Soviet authorities. On the deportations of 1939-1941, see Pavel M. Polian, Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR (Budapest, Hungary: Central european University Press, 2004), 117-23.
99. Statistics on Chernivtsi region come from V. Kholodnyts'kyi, "Vplyv politychnykh protsesiv na demohraphichni vtraty narodonaselennia Chernivets'koï oblasti v 1940-1950 rr.," Naukovyi visnyk Chernivets'koho Universytetu 6:7 (1996): 171.
100. Tamara Marusyk, Zakhidnoukraiïns'ka humanitarna intelihentsiia: realii zhyttia ta diial'nosti (40-50-ti rr. XX st.) (Chernivtsi: Ruta, 2002) and her several articles.
101. "Represiï sered students'koï molodi Chernivtsiv u 40-kh rokakh XX st.," Naukovyi visnyk Chernivts'koho Universytety 6:7 (1996), 113-20.
102. "Represovane studentstvo," Bukozyns'kyi Zhurnal 1:2 (1995): 117-24.
103. Tamara Marusyk, "Studentstvo Bukovyny pid tyskom stalins'kykh repressii," Z arkhiviv VUcHK/GPU/NKVD-KGB 1/2:10/11 (1999): 455-68.
104. I could not so far find exact statistics on the nationality of deportees from Chernivtsi region. However, the Jews were the largest national ethnic group of the city. They also constituted the core of the city's professional elite and entrepreneurial world, thus engaging in activities that made them "unreliable" or openly "alien" in the eyes of the Soviet regime. Those who were not targeted as large business owners and renters, could be (and often were) easily accused of Zionism and other political "crimes." Archival documents (see below) also indicate that property of the Jewish residents in the city center often triggered their arrests. All of these factors made repressions of Jewish residents, at least in the central districts of the city, the most representative experience of state violence in 1940-1941. Archival documents from 1940-1941 about abuse of local population, most often Jewish (as revealed by their names even if the nationality was not indicated), are numerous. Local state and party authorities constantly discussed the "outrages" in the processes of arrests and re-distribution of residential property. DAChO, f.1, op.1, spr.58-59, ark.10-11; f.1, op.1, spr.27, ark.41; f.72, op.1, spr.2, ark.33-34; f.1, op.1, spr. 4-6, 8-29; f. 4, op.1, spr. 233, ark.54; f.4, op.1, spr.125, ark.23, 51, 59. Complaints sent to the highest province and city party organs contain many details about stealing, arbitrary evictions, and other forms of abuse. DAChO, f.1, op.1, spr.171, 174, ark.33, 62-77 (signed and anonymous complaints and informative letters to provincial CP committee); f.4, op.1, apr.233, ark.54; f.4, op.1, spr.125; f.2, op.1, spr.122b, ark.4-7,9; f.2, op.1, spr.18, ark.7,16; f.2, op.1, spr.17; f.1, op.1, spr.171. NKVD officials were often the first to take possession of the apartments and belongings of the "alien elements" who most often happened to be Jews. They also were in a position to "organize" arrests of the families whose residences, businesses, or other possessions they liked. For such cases, see DAChO, f.1, op.1, spr.171, ark.92-97; f.4, op.1, spr.233, ark.41. The widespread practice of appropriation of the property of Jews by private persons continued also later, throughout the war (see Chabashkevich et al., Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 147). The same and similar documents reveal, though, that sometimes Jews (as well as other locals) engaged in businesslike agreements with the new political masters to mutual benefits.
105. Whatever were the political beliefs of its "consumers," the seeds of anti-Semitic propaganda often found fertile grounds in the minds of young Chernivtsi residents. For example, a Soviet information note from the first days of the war reported a Ukrainian worker at one of the city's factories saying, "I wish our people [Ukrainian nationalists] come soon; then we will know what to do with the Jews (zhyds)." DACHO, f.1, op.1, spr.140, ark.49-51. In his novel-memoir My First Life (Pervaia zhyzn'. Nevydumannaia povest'), Vernon Kres (Peter Demant), who grew up in Romanian Chernivtsi, remarked that, by the end of the interwar period, nationalist rather than Marxist propaganda was often winning the souls of the less educated strata of the population (p. 277).
106. With the beginning of the war, a number of units of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and related organizations moved to Bukovina from neighboring Galicia and Volhynia and based in rural districts where Ukrainian speakers dominated.
107. Mass violence against Jews began in different areas of Northern Bukovina as soon as Soviet authorities and troops left them. In some cases-but not always-it was organized or inspired by Romanian and German military; in other cases the organizers were members of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists or just locals. According to the Soviet extraordinary State Commission for the Investigation of Atrocities of German Fascists and Their Henchmen (popularly known by the Russian abbreviation GChK), in July 1941 alone, 11,347 Jews were killed in the province. Although in many cases it is hard to determine national identity or even names of the perpetrators, approximately equal numbers of victims in all the districts of the province, both Ukrainian- and Romanian-dominated, tell us that anti-Jewish violence was by no means connected to the support of the Romanian regime. (GChK statistics, available in the State Archive of Russian Federation [GARF], quoted in Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 62). As early as in late June and early July, when Soviet authorities were still in Chernivtsi but already did not control many rural districts of the province, they reported many cases of violence and atrocities perpetrated not only by Germans and Romanians who occasionally forced through the border, but also local Ukrainian and Romanian nationalists. See, for example, DAChO f.1, op.1, spr.140. In at least several cases, groups of Ukrainian nationalists and their sympathizers undoubtedly organized killings of local Jews in the areas where they operated. See Chabashkevich et al., Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 151.
108. "Rozplata," Radians'ka Bukovyna, March 27, 1977, 3-4. Such cases are also described in unpublished memoirs by Mikhail Zhylin who led the investigation of 1941 mass killings cases in Chernivtsi province by the regional Prosecutor's Office of Chernivtsi region in 1958 (I obtained a copy of the memoir from the author in May 2006).
109. Altshuler, "The Soviet 'Transfer' of Jews".
110. Mikhail Mitsel', Evrei Ukrainy v 1943-1953 gg.: ocherki dokumentirovannoi istorii (Kiev: Dukh i litera, 2004), 70-85.
111. See, for example, materials on several cases of abuse by NKVD officials (including NKVD head Rudenko, his wife, and several other officials) in Chernivtsi province related to the transfer of Jews, TsDAHOU, f.1, op.23, spr.3870.
112. See the resolution no. 66/2 of the Soviet of People's Commissars of the Ukr SSR and the CC of the CP(B) of Ukraine of February 26, 1946, "On the evacuation from the territory of Chernovtsy Province of the Ukrainian SSR to Romania of people of Jewish nationality who are residing in Northern Bukovina and were not Soviet citizens before June 28, 1940," published in Altshuler, "The Soviet 'Transfer' of Jews," 70-71.
113. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.61, ark.3.
114. Ibid., ark.12.
115. It must be noted that, as happened during the Holocaust throughout europe, there were many cases when non-Jewish locals of Chernivtsi and the region saved and otherwise helped Jews. Such cases are mentioned in many of the sources cited above. (For example, lists of those who saved Jews in Chernivtsi province during the Holocaust can be found in Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 39-45.) My focus on the other forms of participation of non-Jewish locals in anti-Jewish violence of different kinds is by no means dictated by the desire to neglect or deny multiple cases of noble actions of those who helped the victims. However, part of my argument here is to bring back into the historical discussions facts and behaviors that have been neglected for too long by historians of Chernivtsi region.
116. For the argument that Soviet war commemorative politics were based on the twin institutions of hierarchical heroism and universal suffering, see, for example, Weiner, Making Sense of War, 208-35.
117. A report of the Chernivtsi Province Commission for the Accounting of Crimes and Losses Performed by Fascists Occupants from summer 1944 asserted, "Fascists murderers... tried to cover up the traces of their crimes. [F]or example, the bodies of the shot peaceful citizens, according to multiple witnesses of the residents of the city of Chernivtsi, were thrown to the Prut River. [Others] were buried in mass graves up to 300 bodies; the excavations showed that some people were buried alive" (DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.61, 65, 84, 77, 80, 87, ark.17-18). According to the unwritten rule of Soviet official communication, the report did not mention that the same local informants were also aware of the fact that the absolute majority of the killed were Jews.
118. DAChO, f.1245, op.1, spr.2, ark.3.
119. For example, a common grave on the Jewish cemetery in Chernivtsi that was slowly deteriorating, together with the cemetery itself, throughout the Soviet era (see Zinger et al., Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 25).
120. Only in 1990, on the initiative of local Jewish activists, a memorial plaque to local Jewish victims of the Holocaust was installed at the spot of shooting near the Prut River. Osachuk et al., Pam'iatnyky Chernivtsiv, 50.
121. The commemoration projects were outlined in a decree issued on 23 May 1944 by the province CP committee and government, "On maintenance [of tombs] and commemoration of memory of soldiers who perished in struggle for liberation and independence of the Soviet motherland." DAChO, f.4, op.1, spr.440, ark.109.
122. Osachuk et al., Pam'iatnyky Chernivtsiv, 37.
123. DAChO, f.932, op.1, spr.350; f.1245, op.1, spr.2, ark.2; TsDAVOVU, f.2, op.7, spr.1780, ark.108; Osachuk et al., Pam'iatnyky Chernivtsiv, 40.
124. DAChO, f.1245, op.1, spr.24, ark.3, 6.
125. In the opinion of Soviet Chernivtsi architects, Czech peculiarities were represented by the combination of stern Middle Ages and early northern Renaissance elements and even a cross engraved on the tomb stone. They also insisted that the memorial was made from cheap local materials to please local financial authorities. DAChO, f.932, op.1, spr.359, ark.2-10.
126. Examples of fiction about Khotyn resistance include V. Petliovannyi, Khotyntsi (Kiev, 1965).
127. M. Kaniuka and A. Nabatchikov, Krepost' (Moscow, 1958).
128. S Snihur, Polum'iani sertsia (Chernivtsi, 1958).
129. I. Kurlat, Kuz'ma Galkin (Chernivtsi, 1958).
130. M. Il'inskii, Gorodok na Dnestre (Moscow, 1970).
131. S. Snigur, Al'pii's'ki troiandy (Uzhhorod, 1973).
132. O. Chernushenko, Borot'ba khotyns'kykh komsomol'tsivpidpil'nykiv proty nimetsko-fashysts'kykh zaharbnykiv (Stanislaviv, 1961).
133. References to Khotyn young communists were included in a collection of letters of Soviet resistance fighters Govoriat pogibshyie geroi. Predsmertnyie pis'ma sovetskikh bortsov protiv nemetsko-fashystskikh zakhvatchikov (1941-1945) (Moscow, 1975) and a book on anti-fascist resistance in western provinces of Ukraine V. Zamlins'kyi, Z viroiu v peremohu. Komunistynchna partiia na choli partyzans'koï borot'by proty nimets'ko-fashysts'kykh zaharbnykiv u zakhidnykh oblastiakh Ukraïny. 1941-1944 (Kiev, 1976).
134. Scholarly work, however, was less numerous (for example, I. Slyn'ko, "Khotyns'ke pidpillia i partyzany u borot'bi proty nimets'kofashysts'kykh i rumuns'kykh zaharbnykiv," in Heroïchna Khotynshchyna (Lviv, 1972), 92-115.
135. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72, ark.4-5; f.1, op.2, spr.61, 63, l.1.
136. For a telling example of historical narrative in a specialized work, S. I. Komarnytskyi, Radianska Bukovyna v Roky Velykoï Vitchyznianoï viiny. 1941-1945 (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1979), 54-67.
137. For references in popular literature, I. Minakov and V. Onykiienko, Chernivets'ka oblast' (Chernivtsi: Oblvydav, 1958), 35.
138. Iu. Khokhol and Iu. Kovaliov, Chernivtsi. Istoryko-arkhitekturnyi narys (Kiev: Budivel'nyk, 1966), 49-50.
139. Kostyshyn et al., Bukovyna, 262.
140. Chernivtsi province (oblast) was organized on the basis of the northern part of the historical region of Bukovina. However, it also included parts of the historical region of Bessarabia that had eastern Slavic as well as Moldavian/Romanian population. (The larger part of Bessarabia, together with the former autonomous Moldavian republic within Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, formed the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic in August of 1940, upon the annexation of Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia from Romania to the USSR.) explaining the annexation of Bessarabia to Ukraine was much easier for the Soviet ideologues, since this region historically had been a part of the Russian empire. Bukovina, on the contrary, had no strong historical evidence of connections of any type with Ukraine and Russia. After the war, the largest town of the Bessarabian part of Chernivtsi province, Khotyn, became an important cultural symbol of the province with a late-medieval fortress that was interpreted in terms of Ukrainian national history. Additionally, Khotyn had a history of a social revolt of 1919 that was strongly exploited by Soviet propaganda together with the resistance by the group of young communists during the war. For more on this, see Svitlana Frunchak, "Carved in Stone? Reading and Translating Urban Space in Post-War Chernivtsi (1944-1959)" (Paper presented at the University of Toronto Russian and eastern european History Discussion Group meeting, Toronto, Canada, 9 October 2009).
141. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72, ark.3-4; f.1, op.2, spr.61, 63, akr.43.
142. For example, V. Demchenko and A. Sanduliak, Chernovtsy. Putevoditel' (Uzhgorod: Karpaty, 1981), 16-17, 20.
143. Komarnytskyi, Radianska Bukovyna v Roky Velykoï Vitchyznianoï viiny,7-8.
144. At least 135 sheets of the leaflets and transcripts of the broadcasts of the Soviet and British radio broadcast, dated between July 1943 and 11 March 1944, were submitted by the group to the Soviet authorities along with other documents. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72. These documents were mentioned as unclaimed previously in a publication for the first time in 1996 by the director of the Chernivtsi state archives, Yurii Liapunov, who explained the silencing of these materials by the nationality of their authors. Yurii Liapunov, "Slavim muzhestvo. Podpolie v Chernovtsakh," in Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 7-11.
145. The reports can be found in DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72 (combined). When in the late 1960s the Chernivtsi state archive initiated a project to collect recollection of anti fascist resistance members in the province (in response to a campaign launched by the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the CC of Ukrainian CP to identify unknown resisters), Martin Batero was invited to Chernivtsi from Moscow where he lived and was interviewed. His recollections were published in Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 21-26. Most of the details of the reports and recollections are consistent, although the recollection has much less details.
146. In his memoirs, Khrushchev wrote about the complex decisions on whether to trust communists and their supporters of other political orientations from newly incorporated western regions, remarking that very many of them ended up in Soviet prisons. Khrushchev, Memoirs, 234-35.
147. The argument about the meaning and importance of the verification process is one of the central arguments made by Amir Weiner in his book on World War Two in Ukraine, Making Sense of War.
148. For more on the process of verification of partisans and underground resistance groups in the USSR, besides Weiner, Making Sense of War.
149. Kenneth Slepyan, Stalin's Guerrilas: Soviet Partisans in World War II (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006).
150. Oleksandr Melnyk, "'And You Bastards Are Calling Yourself Partisans?!' Negotiating Political Identity in Stalinists Ukraine" (Paper presented at American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies National Convention, Boston, 12-15 November 2009).
151. Komarnytskyi, Radianska Bukovyna v Roky Velykoï Vitchyznianoï viiny, 48.
152. Melnyk, "'And You Bastards Are Calling Yourself Partisans?!'"
153. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72, ark.4-7.
154. Ibid., ark.7
155. Ibid., ark.3.
156. Finkel' and Rykhlo, Liudi ostaiutsia liud'mi, 22.
157. This is well demonstrated, for example, in the sections of materials of the Chernivtsi province GChK that describe the mass extermination of Jews in the province. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.62, 79, 84, op.5, spr.480 (combined), ark.20-22, 50.
158. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72, ark. 44, 47.
159. Ibid., ark.45-47.
160. Ibid., ark.48.
161. An official note prepared by the Chernivtsi CP organization included information on a Chernivtsi "Jewish komsomoltsi resistance group." However, the document also mentioned that some of the Jewish young communists left the country together with their parents. DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.69-72, ark.6-7, 32-43.
162. For example, a report from Chernivtsi province party committee secretary Zeleniuk to Khrushchev from 1944 asserted, "Jews constitute the majority of the city's population. It is characteristic that many Jews were shot and deported to concentration camps.... A substantial part of Ukrainian population has alien attitudes towards Jews who live in the city. You can often hear: 'We will not go to Chernivtsi while Jews are there.'" DAChO, f.1, op.2, spr.62, 79, 84, op.5, spr.480 (combined), ark.49-50.
163. Komarnytskyi, Radianska Bukovyna v Roky Velykoï Vitchyznianoï viiny, 28.
164. Ibid., 48-53.
165. Ibid., 54-66.
166. Komarnytskyi also criticized numerous fictional and scholarly accounts about Khotyn heroes which allegedly misrepresented the real facts. Ibid., 7.
167. Ibid., 66-68.
168. Ibid., 53, 75.
169. On the relation between the act of remembering the past of physical, and particularly urban, space and the construction of personal identities and memories, Steven Jobbit, "Remembering Szatmár, Remembering Himself: The Geography of Memory and Identity in Ferenc Fodor's 'Szatmár Földje, Szatmár Népe, Szatmár Élete,'" Hungarian Studies Review 26:1-2 (2009): 21.
170. See http://www.city.cv.ua/english/History/ (accessed 20 November 2009).
171. For more statistical data on Chernivtsi province. see http://www.ukrcensus.gov.ua/results/general/nationality/chernivtsi/ (accessed 20 November 2009).
172. In his memoirist collection of essays and poetry, the writer Sviatoslav Bakis, who grew up and spent a large part of his life in Soviet Chernivtsi, reflects on the uneasiness he noticed among the remaining Jewish community in the later Soviet period regarding the revival of the Jewish history and culture in the city, implying that Jewish activists not only understood the limits of such potential revival but also felt that they were participants, and not (only) victims of the Soviet cultural project of re-imagining and re-constructing of the city's past and future. Sviatoslav Bakis, Prutskii mir (Kiev: Dukh I litera, 2006), 127-29.
173. The most recent book dedicated to such returns and memory is a rich monograph by Marianne Hirsch and Leo Spitzer, a hybrid study that combines a personal memoir, a historical study, and theory of memory: Ghosts of Home. The Afterlife of Czernowitz in Jewish Memory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).
174. On the same theme, Florence Heymann, Le Crépuscule des lieux. Identités juives de Czernowitz (Paris: Stock, 2003).
175. Marianne Hirsch, "Past Lives: Postmemories in exile," Poetics Today 17:4 (1996): 659-86.
176. Marianne Hirsch, Family Frames: Photography, Narrative, and Postmemory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).
177. Alti Rodal, "Bukovina Cemeteries, Archives and Oral History," Avotaynu 18:3 (2002): 9-15.
178. Paul Celan, trans. John Felstiner, quoted in Hirsch and Spitzer, Ghosts of Home, xiv.
179. A very rich resource of information about the pre-Soviet Chernivtsi and memory about it can be found on http://czernowitz.ehpes.com/, which has become a venue of communication between those who identify themselves with Jewish Czernowitz (rather than contemporary Chernivtsi) and, as such, a site of a virtual existence of the city's image.
180. Hirsch and Spitzer, Ghosts of Home, xviii.
181. The work of a local journalist and historian Ihor Chekhovs'ky is a good example of the failure to reconcile the fascination with, and the imminence-in the face of the increasing interest of foreigners- of some kind of acknowledgement of "historical multiculturalism" of Chernivtsi with its unconditionally Ukrainian present and future. On the one hand, Chekhovs'kyi celebrated acts of rehabilitation of some personalities, facts, and ideas from the city' non-Ukrainian past. He even admitted the profanation, simplification, and political speculation that some of these acts involve. Chekhovs'ky nonetheless remained trapped in the framework of nationally defined history telling that he revealed not only in ascribing a pre-determined and leading historical role to Ukrainians of Bukovina but also in a logical twist of using the "past multiculturalism" argument to demonstrate european-ness of Ukraine and Ukrainians rather than "returning" historical Chernivtsi to (non-Ukrainian) europe. Ihor Chekhovs'kyi, Chernivtsi-kovcheg pid vitrylamy tolerantnosti (Chernivtsi: Ruta, 2004).
182. Olexandr Masan and Ihor Chekhovs'kyi, Chernivtsi: 1408-1998. Narysy z istorii mista (Chernivtsi: Misto, 1998), 104-5 (on profanation of neo-multiculturalism, omitted from the later publication).
183. Chekhovs'ky, Chernivtsi-kovcheg pid vitrylamy tolerantnosti, 72.
184. Oleh Surovtsev described in detail one case of mass execution of Jews by an OUN leader (pp. 70-1) and briefly mentioned the participation of "OUN and local population" in the killings in his conclusions (p. 165). Surovtsev, 2006.
185. I am grateful to Natalia Shevchenko, who shared her experience of the museum organization during our meeting in summer of 2008. Numerous posts regarding the museum can be found on one of the biggest online resources dedicated to the historical heritage of the city, http://czernowitz.ehpes.com/ (go to Cz-L Archives) (accessed 27 October, 2009).
186. Another example of a similar attitude is a publication by a group of local archivists and historians of voluminous collection of documents on the Jewish population of the region that concerns the period between the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, although a number of detailed documents concerning the destruction of the Jewish communities of Bukovina are available and have been published in various collections and articles by Jewish historians (some of them cited above). Olexandr Dobzhans'kyi, Mykola Kushnir, and Maria Nikirsa, eds., Ievreis'ke naselennia ta rozvytok ievreiskoho natsional'noho rukhu na Bukovyni v ostannii chverti XVIII-na pochatku XX st (Chernivtsi: Nashi knyhy, 2007).
187. The term belongs to the historian Karel Berkhoff-see his Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004).
188. For a more recent account, see Ray Brandon, Wendy Lower, and United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008).
189. A very good example is the already quoted history textbook Kostyshyn et al., Bukovyna. The authors almost fully preserved the Soviet interpretation of the wartime events while augmenting it by a narrative about OUN activities, presented in heroic terms.