The Myth of confucian capitalism in South Korea: Overworked elderly and underworked youth

Pacific Affairs

Volumn 83, Issue 2, 2010, Pages 237-259

  Yun, Ji Whan ^a  

^a Kyung Hee University   (South Korea)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77954518980     PISSN: 0030851X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5509/2010832237     Document Type: Article

References (61)

1. Roger L. Janelli and Dawnhee Yim, "The Mutual Constitution of Confucianism and Capitalism," in Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds., Culture and Economy: The Shaping of Capitalism in East Asia (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), pp. 107-124;
2. Wei Ming Tu, "A Confucian Perspective on the Rise of Industrial East Asia," in Silke Kriger and Rolf Trauzettel, eds., Confucianism and the Modernization of China (Mainz: Hase & Koehler Press, 1991), pp. 32-50
3. Hung-Chao Tai, ed., Confucianism and Economic Development: An Oriental Alternative? (Washington DC: Washington Institute Press, 1989).
4. Minja Kim Choe, Larry L. Bumpass and Noriko O. Tsuya, "Employment," in Noriko O. Tsuya and Larry L. Bumpass, eds., Marriage, Work & Family Life in Comparative Perspective (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), pp. 95-113;
5. Ken Tamai and Jonghwan Lee, "Confucianism as Cultural Constraint: A Comparison of Confucian Values of Japanese and Korean University Students," International Education Journal,vol. 3, no. 5 (2002), pp. 33-49.
6. Ryu Sǒk-ch'un and Wang Hye-suk, "Sahoechabon Kaenyǒm-ǔro chaekusǒng-han han'guk-ǔi kyǒngje palchǒn" (Economic Growth of Korea Revisited through the Social Capital Concept), Sahoewa iron (Society and Theory), vol. 12 (2008), pp. 109-162
7. and Seok-Choon Lew, Woo-Young Choi and Hye-Sook Wang, "Confucian Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism in Korea: Focused on Filial Piety," Korea Sociology, vol. 39, no.6 (2005), pp. 52-86.
8. For the countries belonging to this level, see World Bank, World Development Indicators 2007 (Washington DC: World Bank, 2007), pp. 190-193. As figure 1 shows, China and Brazil are added in this study for their economic sizes and growth rates.
9. To compare Korea with other countries, see appendix.
10. The 25-to-29 age group best explains how young Koreans enter labour markets after leaving school. In comparison, many of the 20-to-24 group are still in school, not ready to work (the EAP rate = 56.9 percent in 2000). Some male Koreans begin to work in their thirties after completing their military duty. However, the EAP rate of the 30-to-34 age group is only slightly higher than that of the 25-to-29 age group (72.6 versus 70.5 percent in 2000).
11. Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO), Kyǒngje hwaltong in'gu yǒn (Annual Economic Activity Census), available from , last accessed 20 April 2009.
12. Although Korea is nowadays undergoing growing inequality between regular and non-regular workers, disparities between LE and SME workers are more deeply rooted. See Chǒng Yi-hwan, "Kiǒp gyumo-in'ga koyong hyǒngt'ae in'ga: nodongsijang pulp'yǒngdǔng yoinpunsǒk" (Firm Size or Work Arrangements? The Determinants of Labour Market Inequality in Korea), Kyǒngje-wa sahoe (Economy and Society), vol. 73 (2007), pp. 332-355.
13. KNSO, Kyǒngje.
14. The Ministry of Labour (MOL), 2007 Saǒpch'e kǔllo silt'ae pogosǒ (2007 Report on the Working Conditions in Enterprises) (Kwach'ǒn: MOL, 2008), pp. 60-64.
15. MOL, Ch'nǒgnyǒn sirǒp wǒinn punsǒk (The Analysis of Youth Unemployment), (2004), p. 4.
16. MOL, 2007 Saǒpch'e, p. 51.
17. The self-employed include employers, own-account workers and unpaid family workers. Special Committee for Small-and-Medium-Sized Business (SCSMB), Yǒngse chayǒngǒpja chonghap taech'aek (Comprehensive Measures for Small Self-employment) (2005), p. 2.
18. Pak Sang-ch'ǒl and Kim Chung-chin, "Koryǒngja usǒn koyong chigchong punsǒk mit chaesǒnjǒng" (The Analysis and Re-selection of Priority Jobs for the Elderly Workers), e-Employment, issue no. 24 (2008), pp. 2-20.
19. Pang Ha-nam, In'gu koryǒnghwa-wa nodongsijang pyǒnhwa mit nodong chǒngch'aek kwaje (The Population Aging, Labour Market Change and Tasks for Labour Policies) (Seoul: Korea Labour Institute, 2005).
20. Pang, In'gu, p. 4.
21. Yi Hye-hun, Koryǒnghwa-wa chaejǒng-ǔi taeǔng kwaje (The Aging and the Responses of the Fiscal Policy) (Seoul: Korea Development Institute, 2001).
22. For example, see "Ch'ǒngnyǒn sirǒp, nojoga munjeda" (Youth Unemployment. The Problem is Labour Unions). Tongailbo, 28 November 2004, p. 6.
23. Moonhyeon Joo, "Estimate of Job Mismatch by Educational Attainment in Korea," presented at the International Conference for Panel Data Analyses: Employment and Quality of Life, Korea Labour Institute & Korea Employment Information Service, Seoul, 2007.
24. Minhong Oh, "Young People Not in Employment, Education or Training in Korea," presented at the International Conference for Panel Data Analyses: Employment and Quality of Life, Korea Labour Institute & Korea Employment Information Service, Seoul, 2007.
25. Nelson Chow, "Asian Value and Aged Care," Geriatrics and Gerontology International, vol. 4 (2004), pp. 21-25
26. Yeon Kyung Chee, "Elder Care in Korea: The Future is Now," Ageing International, vol. 26, no. 1-2 (2000), pp. 25-37;
27. Erdman Palmore, Ageing: Negative and Positive (New York: Springer, 1999).
28. A survey shows that only 47 percent of Korean citizens answered "yes" to the question: "Do you think that children should help their parents when the parents get old or they should take care of themselves?" This rate is much lower than that of Chinese citizens (70.5 percent in Beijing, 79.9 percent in Hong Kong and 71.3 percent in Taiwan) and slightly higher than that of Japanese citizens (44.5 percent) (Institute of Statistical Mathematics, East Asian Value Survey., available at , last accessed 1 October 2009).
29. According to some observers, what has changed is the way in which Koreans express these Confucian virtues. See Kyu-taik Sung, Care and Respect for the Elderly in Korea: Filial Piety in Modern Times in East Asia (Paju: Jimmmondang, 2005);
30. Chong-Hong Park, "Historical Review of Korean Confucianism," in The Korean National Commission for UNESCO, ed., Main Currents of Korean Thought, (Seoul: Sisayǒngǒsa, 1983), pp. 26-82.
31. "Kajǒng-kwa Kyǒngje" (Family and Economy) Chosǒnilbo, 28 August 2003, p. 6;
32. Yi Chung-jǒn, "Kajǒng-kwa sahoejǒk chabon, kǔrigo kyǒngje" (Family, Social Capital and Economy), The Hearing for the Prevention of the Family Deinstitutionalization and the Fostering and Assistance of Strong Family (Seoul: Grand National Party, 2003), pp. 39-53.
33. "Kǒn'gang kajǒng kibonpǒp-e taehan sogo" (A Thought on the Strong Family Act), Han'gyǒresinmun, 22 April 2004, p. 4;
34. In-Sook Kim, "Kǒn'gang kajǒng kibonpǒp chejǒng kwajǒng-e nat'anan kajok mit kajokchǒngch'aek tamnon" (A Study on the Discourse of Family and Family Policy in the Legislative Process of the Strong Family Act), Korean Academy of Social Welfare, vol. 59, no. 3 (2007), pp. 253-280.
35. David C. Kang, Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
36. David C. Kang, "Bad Loans to Good Friends: Money Politics and the Developmental State in South Korea," International Organization, vol. 56, no. 1 (2002), pp. 177-207;
37. Rodney B. Hall, "The Discursive Demolition of the Asian Development Model," International Studies Quarterly, vol. 47, no. 1 (2003), pp. 71-99
38. Korea International Trade Association, "Trade Focus," Weekly Trade Review, vol. 160 (2005), p. 1.
39. Solidarity for Economic Reform, "Chaebǒlǔi kyǒngjeryǒk chipchungkwa ǒpchong tagakhwa hyǒnhwang punsǒk" (An Analysis of Chaebol's Economic Concentration and Business Diversification), Economic Reform Report 1 (2009), p. 13.
40. Solidarity for Economic Reform, "Chaebǒlǔi," p. 7.
41. Robert Blecker, "The Diminishing Returns to Export-Led Growth," in Walter Russell Mead and Sherle Schwenninger, eds., The Bridge to a Global Middle Class: Development, Trade and International Finance (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003), pp. 259-298.
42. The financial crisis posed the greatest challenge to the Korean LEs because they were no longer considered "too big to die." However, many LEs survived the crisis by depending on public funds injected by the government.
43. For the details, see Ji-Whan Yun, "Labor Market Polarization in South Korea: The Role of Policy Failures in Growing Inequality," Asian Survey, vol. 49, no. 2 (2009), p.275.
44. Small Business Development Centre, Sosanggongin chiwǒn chǒngch'aek hyǒksin pangan yǒn'gu (A Study on the Innovative Assistances for Small Business) (Taejǒn: SBDC, 2007), pp. 23-25.
45. Hun Joo Park, "Between Development and the State: Recasting South Korean Dirigisme," Asian Journal of Political Science, vol. 12, no. 1 (2004), pp.95-115;
46. Hun Joo Park, "Small Business's Place in the South Korean State-Society Relations," Asian Journal of Political Science, vol. 15, no. 2 (2007), pp. 195-218.
47. The name comes from the fact most of its members that were the former faculty of the Sǒgang University.
48. Tae-Gyun Park, "Compositional Changes of Economic Policymakers and New Economic Discourses in 1970s and 80s," Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, vol. 22, no. 1 (2009), pp. 1-28.
49. Hun Joo Park, "Dirigiste Coalition Politics and Financial Policies Compared," Asian Survey, vol. 41, no. 5 (2001), pp. 846-864.
50. Presidential Office, "Apch'uk sǒngjang, kǔ sinhwa-nǔn kkǔnnatta" (The myth of telescoped growth comes to an end), Ch'otjǒm (Focus): Presidential Briefing, available at , last accessed 10 January 2010
51. Joonmo Cho, GiSeung Kim, and Tease Kwon, "Employment Problems with Irregular Workers in Korea: A Critical Approach to Government Policy," Pacific Affairs, vol. 81, no. 3 (2008), pp. 407-426.
52. Chǒng In-su and Kim Ki-min, Ch'ǒngnyǒnch'ǔngǔi sirǒp silt'ae pa'ak mit taesangpyǒl chǒngch'aek kwaje (Understanding the Problem of Youth Unemployment and Policy Tasks for Each Target) (Seoul: KLI, 2005), pp. 23-7.
53. The EAP rate of female Koreans aged 30-34 is lower than that of counterparts aged 25-29 by over 10 percent. The sudden departure of female workers from the labour force in their late twenties or early thirties is a problem unique in Korea. See Kǔm Chae-ho, Yǒsǒng nodong sijang-ǔi hyǒnsang-kwa kwaje (The Problems of Female Labour Markets in Korea and Solutions) (Seoul: Korea Labour Institute, 2002), pp. 73-74.
54. Pang, In'gu, pp. 99-100.
55. Kǔm, Yǒsǒng, p. 54.
56. SCSMB, Yǒngse pp. 5-7.
57. For the Weberian view on Confucian capitalism, see Max Weber, The Religion of China (New York: The Free Press, 1951). See also Keedon Kwon, "Economic Development in East Asia and a Critique of the Post-Confucian Thesis," Theory and Society, vol. 36 (2007), pp. 55-83;
58. and Seong Hwan Cha, "Myth and Reality in the Discourse of Confucian Capitalism in Korea," Asian Survey, vol. 43, no. 3 (2003), pp. 485-506.
59. Concerning the view that characterizes Taiwan as a developmental state, see Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992);
60. Alice H. Amsden, "Diffusion of Development: The Late- Industrializing Model and Greater East Asia," The American Economic Review, vol. 81, no. 2 (1991), pp. 282-286.
61. Likewise, the recent research of Weathers and North pointed out that excess work hours in Japan are not based upon the ethic of hard-work among Japanese citizens. They clearly explain that the practice of overtime in Japan has been forced by employers. See Charles Weathers and Scott North, "Overtime Activists Take on Corporate Titans: Toyota, McDonald's and Japan's Work Hour Controversy," Pacific Affairs, vol. 82, no. 4 (2009), pp. 615-636.