'A dwelling beyond violence': On the uses and disadvantages of history for contemporary republicans

History of Political Thought

Volumn 31, Issue 2, 2010, Pages 183-220

  Ando, Clifford ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77953931676     PISSN: 0143781X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (133)

1. For a recent overview of contemporary republicanism, with many salient historiographic excursus, Republicanism and Political Theory, ed. Cécile Laborde and John Maynor (Oxford, 2008).
2. I have been encouraged in this project by a number of readings critical of historical aspects of neo-Roman scholarship which for reasons of relevance are not cited below: among these I single out Blair Worden, "Marchamont Nedham and the beginnings of English Republicanism, 1649-1656", in Republicanism, Liberty, and Commercial Society, 1649-1776, ed.
3. David Wootton (Stanford, 1994), pp. 45-81; Blair Worden, "Hobbes & the Halo of Power", New York Review of Books, 56 (12) (16 July 2009);
4. John McCormick, Machiavellian Democracy (in progress). Marco Geuna, "Skinner, Pre-Humanist Rhetorical Culture and Machiavelli", in Rethinking the Foundations of Modern Political Thought, ed.
5. Annabel Brett and James Tully (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 50-72; and, on Pettit's invocations of and allusion to Roman material, Patchen Markell, "The Insufficiency of Non-Domination", Political Theory, 36 (2008),pp. 24-27. I do not cite below one of the more salient and pointed critiques of Skinner and Pettit's use of classical material, Daniel Kapust, "skinner, Pettit and Livy: The Conflict of the Orders and the Ambiguity of Republican Liberty", History of Political Thought, XXV (3) (2004), Although I agree at a very basic level with many of its criticisms, its use of Greek and Roman sources in general - and its scholarship in respect to legal matters in particular - strikes me as highly problematic. The following abbreviations are used below: Gaudentius 1888, Gaudentius 1892 and Gaudentius 1901 = Bibliotheca Iuridica Medii Aevi: Scripta Anecdota Glossatorum, ed. Augustus Gaudentius: Vol. 1 (Bononiae in aedibus Societatis Azzoguidianae, 1888);
6. Vol. 2 (Bononiae in aedibus Petri Virano olim Fratrum Treves, 1892); and Vol. 3 (Bononiae in aedibus successorum Monti, 1901). The effort here undertaken has significant affinities with Janet Coleman's exemplary essay, "El concepto derepública: Continuidad mítica y continuidad real", Res Publica, 15 (2005), pp. 27-47, and I thank Professor Coleman for bringing it to my attention. For help and encouragement along the way, my warmest thanks to Ruth Abbey, John McCormick, Jennifer Pitts and Benjamin Straumann.
7. Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics, Vol. 2: Renaissance Virtues (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 190-1 (quoted below at footnote 81) and especially p. 196: "The missing line of argument I should like to reinstate is the one embedded in the classical and especially the Roman republican theory of citizenship. Before becoming engulfed by more individualistic styles of political reasoning, the Roman vision of freedom and civic equality enjoyed a brief but brilliant revival within the republican regimes of early modern Europe."
8. Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford, 1997), pp.10; and likewise, describing both his own and Skinner's practice, Philip Pettit"Keeping Republican Freedom Simple: On a Difference with Quentin Skinner", Political Theory, 30 (2002), pp. 339-56, at pp. 339-40.
9. J.G.A. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, Vol. 3: The First Decline and Fall (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 276-9, treating Carlo Sigonio's reading of Appian, is an important exception to this generalization.
10. In this respect, the reading of the medieval legal tradition by Walter Ullman, Law and Politics in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, 1975), pp. 83-116, is a model of judgment.
11. Pettit, Republicanism, pp. 22, 31-5;
12. Skinner, Visions, pp. 287-90, 312-17 and else- where
13. For the claim (not in my view substantiated) that Republicanism provides safe- guards against majoritarianism see Pettit, Republicanism, p. 31.
14. As is well known, Cicero originally drafted De re publica together with the books of De legibus, almost undoubtedly as a single work, but eventually separated the two.
15. Because it aims at something like an imminent critique, De legibus Readers as the structures of Roman law - particularly Roman public law - have lost relevance to contemporary political theory and constitutional debate. For the same reasons, however, it was widely read in the late middle ages. On that history
16. Peter Lebrecht Schmidt, Die Überlieferung von Ciceros Schrift "De legibus" in Mittelalter und Renaissance (Munich, 1974), esp. pp. 199-408. Lebrecht Schmidt is concerned above all with the establishment of the text, but naturally much is revealed about the reading public and their intellectual formation by careful examination of the use, copying, transmission and so forth of the text itself. For one vision of this moment in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
17. Paul A. Rahe, "Antiquity Surpassed: The Repudiation of Classical Republicanism", in Republicanism, ed. Wootton, pp. 233-69.
18. De verbis quibusdam legalibus ex cod. ms. Taurinensi D. V. 19, §39, ed.
19. F. Patteta in Gaudentius 1892, p. 131; Glossae ineditae e cod. Institutionum Sessoriano 110 ad Inst. 1.2.1; Glossae ined. e cod. Inst. vaticano 8782 ad Inst. 1.2.1
20. The Berlin Commentary on Martianus Capella's De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, Book II, ed. Haijo Jan Westra and Tanja Kupke (Leiden, 1998), 72.7 (51.3)
21. Maia, id ist hominum pluralitas, genuit eloquenciam, et ideo vult ut tantum impendant sapientes studiis ut congregent homines ad iure vivendum, quantum impenderunt eloquencie. Thierry, The Latin Rhetorical Commentaries by Thierry of Chartres, ed.
22. Karin Margareta Fredborg (Toronto, 1988), ad Cicero Inv. 1.2: SAPIENTIA SINE ELOQUENTIA PARUM PRODESSE CIVITATIBUS prosit CIVITATIBUS, id est ad congregandum homines ut iure vivant, quod maxime per eloquentiam administrantur. ad. 1.2. (NAM FUIT QUODDAM TEMPUS, etc... eloquentia volens Tullius ostendere primo ruditatem hominum bestialem, quae in principio mundi fuit, breviter et commode descripsit, ut per eloquentiam iunctam sapientiae tunc primo et propter hoc inchoatam ostendat et ruditatem illam hominum fuisse depulsam et civitates constituas et multa alia commoda, quae in littera ostenduntur), ad 1.7 (Quidam libri habent POSITUM IN CONSULTATIONE, sed hoc posset esse etiam si unus ab alio consilium acciperet, ideo subiungitur quod reliquum est. Civilem vero dixit, quoniam omnis deliberatio aut de publicis est aud de privatis, ex quibus civitas constat), and ad 2.168 (UT IN RE PUBLICA, etc. Ponit exempla eius utilitatis quae est in corpore, velut in corpore civitatis sunt haec utilia: AGRI, PORTUS et cetera, quibus incolumis civitas servatur, ne periculum incurrat, aut libertas retinetur, ne dominio subiaceat). Thierry is clearly an important transitional moment between a classical, Republican contractarianism and a Hobbesian one.
23. Immoral, that is, because based on a lie. To rehearse such an interested and falsifiable representation while neither exposing it nor discussing its more likely anti- democratic motivations is the most base form of scholarship.
24. Abbreviatio Institutionum ex cod. ms. Taurinensi D. V. 19, ed.
25. F. Patteta in Gaudentius 1892, p. 121: Principum placita sunt quod imperatores constituunt, eaque legis habent vigorem. Populus enim in eos omne suum imperium et potestatem concessit. Magistratuum quoque edicta non modicam iuris obtinent auctoritatem.
26. Pettit, Republicanism, p. 20
27. Cicero, Rep., 1.43 and esp. 1.47
28. For two very distinctive approaches to the nature of public debate in the Roman Republic, see Robert Morstein-Marx, Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic (Cambridge, 2004), with the qualifications to his approach suggested by James Tan, "Contiones in the Age of Cicero", Classical Antiquity, 27 (2008), pp. 163-201;
29. Joy Connolly, The State of Speech: Rhetoric and Political Thought in Ancient Rome (Princeton, 2007);
30. Coleman, "El concepto de república", pp. 29-30. On the importance of this point for histories of Roman freedom
31. Chaim Wirszubski, Libertas as a Political Idea at Rome During the Late Republic and Early Principate (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 34-35.
32. That the Romans distributed citizenship without the right to vote is acknowledged by Pettit (Republicanism), but he connects the existence and distribution of civitas sine suffragio to the foundation of colonies too far from Rome for the vote to be exercised. Nothing of the sort is true. On the history of civitas sine suffragio
33. Michel Humbert, Municipium et civitas sine suffragio: L"Organisation de la conquête jusqu"à la guerre sociale, CÉFR, 36 (Rome, 1978), pp. 151-220; and
34. S.P. Oakley, A Commentary on Livy Books VI-X,Vol. 2,Books VII-VIII(Oxford, 1998), pp. 538-59, esp.pp. 544-554.
35. Livy 9.43.22-24 (see also Livy 9.9.6): Cornelius in Samnio relictus: Marcius de Hernicis triumphans in urbem rediit statuaque equestris in foro decreta est, quae ante templum Castoris posita est. Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati Verulano Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam ciuitatem, suae leges redditae conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis quique arma Romanis intulerant ciuitas sine suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta et magistratibus praeter quam sacrorum curatione interdictum.
36. Pettit, Republicanism, pp. 27-28 (discussed above, footnote 17) and p. 36.
37. Gaius, Inst., 1.13-14, 22
38. Giovanni da Viterbo, Liber de regimine civitatum, ed. Caietano Salvemini in Gaudentius 1901, pp., ch. II, "De interpretatione civitatis" (p. 218), citing Gaius, ad edictum provinciale, Bk. 4 fr. 112 Lenel = Dig. 4.7.3.pr. and Ulpian, De officio proconsulis, Bk. 1 fr. 2152 Lenel = Dig. 1.16.9.5.
39. Giovanni, Liber de regimine civitatum, ch. XI, "Qualis rector querendus sit civitati et eligendus in potestatem", citing Ulpian, De officio proconsulis, Bk. 1 fr. 2152 Lenel = Dig. 1.16.9.4.
40. Giovanni da Viterbo, Skinner, Visions, pp. 23-26
41. Quentin Skinner, "Classical Liberty and the Coming of the English Civil War", in Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, ed.
42. Martin van Gelderen and Quentin Skinner, Vol. II: The Values of Republicanism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2002), p. 9. Skinner reads the same passages of the Digest, in conjunction with metaphorical uses of legal terminology among "historians and moralists", to make similar claims in respect to Roman liberty in Q.
43. Skinner, Liberty before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 39-46
44. Skinner, "Classical Liberty", p. 9 n. 3
45. For a similar critique of neo-Roman theory in respect of ancient concepts of citizenship see Coleman, "El concepto de república", pp. 41-2.
46. Florentinus, Inst., Bk. 9 fr. 25 Lenel = Dig. 1.5.4.
47. Peter Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (Cambridge, 1996)
48. Skinner,Visions, pp. 13-17.
49. My language here alludes to the ur-text on sovereign authority in the civil law tradition, Ulpian, Inst., Bk. 1 fr. 1916 Lenel = Dig. 1.4.1: Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.
50. Azo, Lectura super codicem = Azonis ad singulas leges XII: librorum codicis Iustinianei, commentarius et magnus appartus nunquam antea in lucem editus
51. Corpus Glossatorum Juris Civilis, Vol. 3 (Centro Studi di Storia del Diritto Italiana, Università de Torino; Augustae Taurinorum ex Officina Erasmiana, 1966; this is a photostatic reproduction of the 1577 Paris edition apud Sebastianum Nivellium;
52. Azo here glosses Codex Justinianus, Bk. 1, ch. 14 ("De legibus et constitutionibus princip. et edictis"), title no. 12, a law of Justinian of 529), p. 44: SOLI IMPERATORI, &c. Ergo populus Romanus non habet potestatem legis condendae, quod olim habebat: sed lege † regia in eum transtulit populus omne ius quod habebat: ut Instit.de iur.natural.§.sed & quod. Videtur ergo quod hodie nullum ius habeat. Vel dic quod non transtulit ita quin sibi retineret.
53. Abbreviatio Institutionum, p. 121: Magistratuum quoque edicta non modicam iuris obtinent auctoritatem.
54. Needless to say, the status of consuetudo in Roman law was naturally more easily stated as a principle than it was untangled in practice.
55. Azo, Lectura super codicem, p, commenting on Cod. Iust. 8.53, QUAE SIT LONGA CONSUETUDO, title 2, a law of Constantine from 319 CE (a text now numbered 8.52.2)
56. Such scholarship as exists on Azo's influence in this field is almost entirely non- historical in orientation. Myron Piper Gilmore exemplifies practice among theorists in this field - indeed, he is rather more diligent than most - in citing from Loyseau, Bodin and Odofredus an apocryphal story to the effect that a dispute between Azo and Lothair on sovereignty grew so heated that the emperor was summoned to resolve it (M.P. Gilmore, Argument from Roman Law in Political Thought 1200-1600 (Cambridge, 1941), pp. 15-19).
57. There is a long tradition of such stories: compare that regarding Frederick Barbarossa, who is supposed to have encountered Bulgarus and Martinus on the road and asked them whetherhewas dominus mundi (the storyissummarizedinKenneth Pennington, The Prince and the Law, (Berkeley, 1993 the text may be found, Imperiales Königtum, Konziliarismus und Volks- souveränität (Munich, 1976), p. 82 n. 41). A proper historical study would attempt to situate these anecdotes in the context of their composition and ask why and how later writers retrojected to these moments in the early twelfth century the rise of a monarchic constitutionalism.
58. Skinner, Visions, p. 14
59. Among its uses see esp. Gaius, Inst., 2.11;
60. Marcian, Inst., Bk.3 fr. 71 Lenel = Dig. 1.8.6.1 (Universitatis sunt non singulorum veluti quae in civitatibus sunt theatra et sta- dia et similia et si qua alia sunt communia civitatium. ideoque nec servus communis civitatis singulorum pro parte intellegitur, sed universitatis et ideo tam contra civem quam pro eo posse servum civitatis torqueri divi fratres rescripserunt. ideo et libertus civitatis non habet necesse veniam edicti peteri, si vocet in ius aliquem ex civibus) and
61. Ulpian, ad Edictum, Bk. 8 fr. 303 Lenel = Dig. 3.4.2. Note that Marcian appeals to a more purely republican conception of the populus as collective possessor of goods in order to explain the legal signification of universitas: that which belongs to a collective belongs to it in the same way that in communities of citizens theatres and stadiums and other similar things are common to all the citizens. Marcian thus appeals to a more purely Republican discourse but does not cite the classic formulation of Cicero, res publica res populi (Rep. 1.39; see also 1.41).
62. On Gaius and Ulpian see below at footnotes 45 and 67, respectively.
63. Skinner, Visions, p. 16,
64. citing Azo, Lectura super codicem, p. 44
65. Cicero, De legibus, 1.19; transulation, Cicero: On the Common- wealth and On the Laws (Cambridge, 1999), with minor modifications.
66. Varro, De lingua latina, 9.5-6;, Varro: On the Latin Language (Cambridge, 1938).
67. Lex agraria = Roman Statutes, ed. Michael Crawford (London, 1996), no. 2, line 78. Among later quotations of second century BCE texts that may respect second-century diction
68. Titius fr. 2 in Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta liberae rei publicae, (Torino, 4th edn., 1976). First century BCE formulations occasionally offer the senate in partnership with populace - iniussu populi ac senatus vel sim. - and this has prompted the question of whether sovereignty was understood to be lodged in both bodies, but the evidence from legislation seems to me decisive:
69. Theodor Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht (Leipzig, 1887), Vol. 3, Part 2, pp. 1255-6.
70. Cicero, De lege agraria, 2.27
71. Cicero, Verr., 3.17 and Balb., 34 (de quo foedere populus Romanus sententiam non tulit, qui iniussu suo nullo pacto potest religione obligari);
72. Sallust, Cat., 29.2-3, discussing the senatus consultum ultimum (Itaque, quod plerumque in atroci negotio solet, senatus decrevit, darent operam consules, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Ea potestas per senatum more Romano magistratui maxuma permittitur: exercitum parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios atque civis, domi militiaeque imperium atque iudicium summum habere;aliter sine populi iussu nullius earum rerum consuli ius est); as well as Livy 38.45.3-7 and 9.10.9.
73. Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 10.20.2 = Ateius Capito fr. 22 Huschke-Seckel-Kübler: Ateius Capito, publici privatique iuris peritissimus, quid "lex" esset, hisce verbis definivit: "Lex" inquit "est generale iussum populi aut plebis rogante magistratu".
74. Gaius, Inst., 1.3: Lex est quod populus iubet atque constituit. plebiscitum est quod plebs iubet atque constituit. plebs autem a populo eo distat, quod populi appellatione universi cives significantur, connumeratis etiam patriciis; plebis autem appellatione sine patriciis ceteri cives significantur.
75. Justinian, Inst., 1.2.3-4: Lex est, quod populus Romanus senatore magistratu interrogante, veluti consule, constituebat. plebi scitum est, quod plebs plebeio magistratu interrogante, veluti tribuno, constituebat. plebs autem a populo eo differt, quo species a genere. etc.
76. In addition to the texts cited earlier, recall the claim advanced by the consul in a public assembly in Livy's narrative of the Bacchanalian controversy in the early second century BCE (39.13-15 at 15.11): "your ancestors" had not wanted any assembly to be held except under statal control - namely, when a standard was raised or at the summons of a magistrate: in sum, the consul urged, maiores vestri had provided, censebant, that "wheresoever the multitude was, there should be a legitimus rector multitudinis".
77. On consensus in Roman thought see "Consensus Universorum", Hermes,75(1940), pp. 265-78,
78. Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2000), passim
79. Cicero, Rep., 1. populus autem non omnis hominum coetus quoquo modo congregatus, sed coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus. Rep., 1.41 and 6.17 Powell: Nihil est enim illi principi deo, qui omnem mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat, acceptius, quam concilia coetusque hominum iure sociati, quae civitates appellantur.
80. Cicero, Leg. Man., 41, Off., 1. and Pro Cluentio, On Rep., 6.17
81. Augustine, Civ., 2.21 and 19.21, and cf. Lib. arbitrio, 1.5.11, 1.6.15, and Serm. Dolbeau, 23.7
82. Cicero,Rep., 2,Cicero: Onthe Commonwealth and On the Laws.
83. Augustus, ed (Edinburgh, 2009), provides invaluable bibliographic guidance. For a historical survey see also Clifford Ando, "From Republic to Empire", in Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World, ed.
84. Michael Peachin (Oxford, 2010). Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford, 1939), type=contributor>remains an indispensable study. Augustus's extraordinary autography should now be read in the edition by John Scheid, Res Gestae Divi Augusti: Hauts faits du divine Auguste (Paris, 2007), a monument of concision and acute good sense.
85. Augustus, Res Gestae, 6.1: nullum magistratum contra morem maiorum delatum recepi.
86. Dio 53.17-18. For a detailed analysis of the public-law issues at stake in the early Principate see now Jean-Louis Ferrary, "Àpropos des pouvoirs d"Auguste", Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz, 12 (2001), pp.An abridged translation by Jonathan Edmondson of this now-fundamental article is available in Augustus, ed. Edmondson, pp. 90-136.
87. Augustus, Res Gestae, 1.4;
88. Appian, Bellum Civile., 4.7.27;
89. Fasti Colotiani, Inscriptiones Italiae, XIII.1, pp. 273-4;
90. Livy, Periochae, ant texts are generously quoted at Res Gestae, ed. Scheid, pp. 29-30.
91. Fergus Millar,Rome,the Greek World, and the East,Vol.:The Roman Republic and the Augustan Re, ed. HannahM. Cotton and GuyM. Rogers (Chapel Hill, 2002), pp. 243-4.
92. Tacitus, Ann., 1.1.1, 2.1 and 3.7. For the text see footnote 31, above. For its quotation by the twelfth-century Abbreviatio Institutionum footnote 13, above; for its quotations by
93. Azo see Lectura, p., on Cod. Iust. 1.14.12, as well as p. on Cod. Iust. 8.52.2;
94. Azo, Summa super codicem, Corpus Glossatorum Juris Civilis, Vol. 2 (Centro Studi di Storia del Diritto Italiana, Universitàde Torino, 1966), pp., treating Cod. Iust. 1.14.Elsewhere in the glossatorial tradition seead Cod. Iust. 1.17.1.7, Justinian toTribonian, late December 529 (Cum enim lege antiqua, quae regia nuncupabatur, omne ius omnisque potestas populi Romani in imperatoriam translata sunt potestatem, nos vero sanctionem omnem non dividimus in alias et alias conditorum partes, sed totam nostram esse volumus, quid possit antiquitas nostris legibus abrogare?) and 6.23.3, a constitution of
95. Alexander Severus from December 231 (Ex imperfecto testamento nec imperatorem hereditatem vindicare saepe constitutum est. Licet enim lex imperii sollemnibus iuris imperatorem solverit, nihil tamen tam proprium imperii est, ut legibus vivere).
96. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Vita Severi Alexandri, 8.1 and Dio 53.17-18, esp. 17.11 and 18.4,
97. together with Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology, p. 156 n. 115.
98. Perhaps the most interesting recent work on Roman Republican magistracy is Roberta Stewart, Public Office in Early Rome: Ritual Procedure and Political Practice (Ann Arbor, 1998), but hers is a reconstructive history of institutions: the Republic produces no body of constitutional theory until perhaps its final decades. Hence, although Stewart provides a history of the development of principles of collegiality and of differentiation as magistracies multiplied, that history rests on the aggregation and analysis of records of elections, assignment of bailiwicks and historical action, not on readings of juridical literature.
99. Pomponius Encheiridion liber singularis fr. 178 Lenel = Dig. 1.2.2.16: Exactis deinde regibus consules constituti sunt duo: penes quos summum ius uti esset, lege rogatum est: dicti sunt ab eo, quod plurimum rei publicae consulerent. qui tamen ne per omnia regiam potestatem sibi vindicarent, lege lata factum est, ut ab eis provocatio esset neve possent in caput civis romani animadvertere iniussu populi: solum relictum est illis, ut coercere possent et in vincula publica duci iuberent. On jurisdiction
100. Varro, Ling., 6;a lay judge, ius dicat "speaks a decision" accepta potestate, having received the power to do so" (from the magistrate with jurisdictio). For construals of consular power as royal in scope
101. Livy 8.32 and Ampelius 50.2. Cicero gives a polemical but not wholly distorted view of the structures of magistracy in 63 in De lege agraria 2.26-34, when he accuses an opponent of so breaching standard protocols in the creation of a special magistracy as to confer regal power.
102. Clifford Ando, "sovereignty and Solipsism in Democratic Empires", in Models of Empire, ed.
103. A. Pagden and S. Subrahmanyam, forthcoming. Cicero: On Duties (Cambridge, 1991), trans.
104. E.M. Atkins. maiestas the fundamental treatment of Yan Thomas, "L"institution de la majesté", Revue de synthèse, IVe sérié, nos. 3-4 (1991), pp. 331-86;
105. Ando, "sovereignty". One might compare the language and legal apparatus developed at Rome for differentiating among holders of imperium when that powerofcommand wasspecifically assigned with overlapping bailiwicks: one was simply described as "greater" than the other. What's more, as Jean-Louis Ferrary has convincingly demonstrated, there was no such thing as a blanket grant of "greater imperium": it was always understood that something had to be greater in relation to something else (Ferrary, "Pouvoirs", pp. "Powers" in Augustus, ed. Edmondson, pp. 113-21).
106. Jean-Louis Ferrary, "Les origines de la loi de majesté à Rome", Comptes rendus de l"Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres (1983), pp. 556-72;
107. Robin Seager, "Maiestas in the Late Republic: Some Observations", in Critical Studies in Ancient Law,Comparative Law and Legal History, ed.
108. John W. Cairns and Olivia F. Robinson (Oxford, 2001), pp. 143-53
109. J.M. Kelly, Princeps Iudex: eine Untersuchung zur Entwicklung und zu den Grundlagen der kaiserlichen Gerichtsbarkeit (Weimar, 1957), pp. 24-46.
110. Excerptis Cod. Vaticani Reg. 435 in Gaudentius 1892, §127, reading in full: Crimen maiestatis duobus modis diciitur: contra rempublicam et contra imperium. Con- tra imperium dicitur crimen perduellionis, quoniam hoc solo casu concedit lex humana duellum fieri. Perduellio dicta quasi duellum, quia in duas partes populus romanus dividebatur
111. Ulpian, ad Edictum, Bk. 76 fr. 1673 Lenel = Dig. 50.17.160.1: Refertur ad universos, quod publice fit per maiorem partem;
112. Marcellus, Dig., Bk. 14 fr. 169 Lenel = Dig. 50.16.95: Potest "reliquorum" appellatio et universos significare.
113. Leonardo Bruni, trans. James Hankins (Cambridge, 2001), 1.70
114. Skinner, Visions, pp. 198-9, 205, on Machiavelli;
115. Pettit, Republicanism, p. 37, on Harrington
116. Pocock,Barbarism and Religion, pp. 205-14 and cf. pp. 153-4. On the purchase of freedom through empire,
117. Isidore, Etym., 2.21.4, quoting Scipio: ex innocentia nascitur dignitas, ex dignitate honor, ex honore imperium, ex imperio libertas, "From virtueisborn esteem; from esteem, public honor; from public honor, powerofcommand; and from power of command, freedom." On this dictum
118. Wirszubski, Libertas as a Political Idea, pp. 31-44;
119. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, pp. 276-8; and Ando, "sov- ereignty"
120. For evidence and full bibliography on these issues Ando, "sovereignty".
121. For an ancient description of this framework Cicero, Pro Balbo, pp. 20-2.
122. For reflections on the legal landscape that issued from this understanding and its importance for modern theories of empire
123. Clifford Ando, The Matter of the Gods (Berkeley, 2008), pp. 59-92;
124. Clifford Ando, "The Ontology of Religious Institutions", History of Religions, forthcoming;
125. Clifford Ando, "Law and the Landscape of Empire", in Fig- ures d"empire, fragments de mémoire: Pouvoirs (pratiques et discours, images et représentations), et identités (sociales et religieuses) dans le monde romain impérial (Ier s. av J.-C. - Ve s. ap. J.-C.), ed. Stéphane Benoist, forthcoming.
126. Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 16.13.6-9 (trans. J.C. Rolfe, adapted)
127. This paragraph summarizes a long and complex history, on which see Clifford Ando, The Matter of the Gods, pp. 59-92.
128. Boncompagno da Signa, Rhetorica Novissima, ed. Augustus Gaudentius in Gaudentius 1892, p. 253: Decima fuit tempore Iustiniani principis christianissimi, qui fuit ipsa iuris origo; quia sicut Deus a materia primordiali elementa divisit et produxit in lucem, ita Iustinianus confusas origines et materias legum clarificavit ad illuminationem studentium et gloriam iuris canonici et civilis. Tertiadecima fuit in legibus municipalibus; quas hodie Italia specialiter imitatur propter omnimodam libertatem. Sed iste leges municipales atque plebiscita sicut umbra lunatica evanescunt, quoaniam ad similitudinem lune crescunt iugiter et decrescunt secundum arbitrium conditorum.
129. Rogerius, Summa Codicis, ed. Johannis Baptista Palmerius in Gaudentius 1888, p. 14
130. Excerptis Cod. Vaticani Reg. 435 in Gaudentius 1892, §122: Ius gentium est quia naturali ratione inductum et sic diffinitur: ius gentium est industria humana naturali ratione inducta et ideo dicitur ius non simpliciter, quia inductum est industria et natura. Naturale ius sic diffinitur: naturale ius est condicio regis creatis ab ipsa divina dispositione inposita, et ideo dicitur simplex ius, quia non ex industria hominia sed ex sola divina dispositione inductum est.
131. On this question Mc Cormick, Machiavellian Democracy.
132. Cicero, De lege Manilia, 60: At enim ne quid novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta maiorum. Non dicam hoc loco maiores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati paruisse; semper ad novos casus temporum novorom consiliorum rationes adcommodasse ... "I am also urged that nothing new should be done contrary to the precedents and practices of our ancestors. I will not bother to point out here that our ancestors obeyed custom in times of peace, but necessity in times of war, always developing new plans and policies to meet the new crises of the day."
133. Skinner, Visions, p. 191; italics in the original