Colonial collecting expeditions and the pursuit of opportunities in the Amazonian sertão, c. 1750-1800

Americas

Volumn 66, Issue 4, 2010, Pages 435-467

  Roller, Heather Flynn ^a  

^a STANFORD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 77952161341     PISSN: 00031615     EISSN: 15336247     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0003161500004752     Document Type: Review

References (91)

1. Adequate English translations of the term sertão include backlands, wilderness, or frontier. On the various meanings attached to the term and its usage among colonial authors as well as historians, see Hal Langfur, The Forbidden Lands: Colonial Identity, Frontier Violence, and the Persistence of Brazil's Eastern Indians, 1750-1830 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 4, 292-294. For sources on average crew sizes, see note 15
2. In her dissertation, Barbara Sommer presented several cases of voluntary participation in the expeditions that initially sparked my interest in the phenomenon ("Negotiated Settlements: Native Amazonians and Portuguese Policy in Pará, Brazil, 1758-1798" [Ph.D. dissertation, University of New Mexico, 2000], pp. 135-136, 281), as did David Sweet's passing observation, for an earlier period of Amazonian history, that Indians seemed to have preferred working as crewmen on slaving expeditions to other types of colonial service that did not entail a trip to the sertão
3. ("A Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed: The Middle Amazon Valley, 1640-1750" [Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1974], p. 580)
4. The literature on the Directorate has expanded in recent years to include case studies of its interpretation and application in the different colonial captaincies of Brazil. On the Directorate in Brazil in general, see Rita Heloisa Almeida, O Diretório dos Índios: Um projeto de civilização no Brasil do século XVIII (Brasília: Editora Universidade de Brasília, 1997)
5. On Amazonia, see Nádia Farage's pathbreaking book, As Muralhas dos Sertões: Os povos indígenas no Rio Branco e a colonizaç ão (Rio de Janeiro: ANPOCS, 1991)
6. Ângela Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos. Colonização e relações de poder no Norte do Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII (Lisbon: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2000)
7. Sommer, "Negotiated Settlements"
8. Patrícia Maria Melo Sampaio, "Espelhos Partidos: Etnia, Legislação e Desigualdade na Colônia Sertões do Grão-Pará, c. 1755-1823" (Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2001)
9. and Mauro Cezar Coelho, "Do sertão para o mar-Um estudo sobre a experiência Portuguesa na América, a partir da Colônia: o caso do Diretório dos Índios (1751-1798)" (Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade de São Paulo, 2005)
10. On the Directorate in Bahia, see B. J. Barickman, "'Tame Indians,' 'Wild Heathens,' and Settlers in Southern Bahia in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries," The Americas 51:3 (January 1995), pp. 337-351
11. For Ceará, see Isabelle Braz Peixoto da Silva, Vilas de Índios no Ceará: Dinâmicas Locais sob o Diretório Pombalino (Campinas: Pontes Editores, 2006)
12. For Rio de Janeiro there is the excellent analysis of Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida, Metamorfoses Indígenas: identidade e cultura nas aldeias coloniais do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2001)
13. Secondary sources that describe the collecting expeditions generally rely on either the Directorate legislation itself or the account of the Jesuit chronicler João Daniel (see note 10). These include Colin M. MacLachlan, "The Indian Directorate: Forced Acculturation in Portuguese America," The Americas 28:4 (April 1972), pp. 357-387
14. John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London: MacMillan, 1987), pp. 43-46
15. Robin Anderson, "Following Curupira: Colonization and Migration in Pará, 1758 to 1930 as a Study in Settlement of the Humid Tropics" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Davis, 1976), pp. 27-45
16. Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida, "A Falácia do Povoamento: Ocupação Portuguesa na Amazônia Setecentista," in Meandros da História: Trabalho e poder no Pará e Maranhão, Séculos XVIII e XIX, ed. Mauro Cezar Coelho, et al. (Belem: UNAMAZ, 2005), pp. 21-33
17. and Sampaio, "Espelhos Partidos," pp. 146-153
18. and Coelho, "Do sertão para o mar," pp. 230-243, 281. Their systematic use of village-level correspondence has laid to rest any lingering doubts about the feasibility of studying colonial Amazonian history and its native protagonists
19. Some of the most influential or pioneering works in this vein include Farage, As Muralhas dos Sertões; the collection of essays in Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, ed., História dos Índios no Brasil (São Paulo: Schwarcz, 1992)
20. Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos
21. and Almeida, Metamorfoses Indígenas
22. Padre Domingos de Araújo, "Chronica da Companha de Jesus da Missão do Maranhão, escripta em 1720," AIHGB, 1.2.32, Livro 1, Capítulo 11, fol. 62
23. There was at least one short-lived export boom before the Directorate period, in cacao from 1730-1734. See Dauril Alden, "The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region During the Late Colonial Period," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 120:2 (April 1976), p. 120
24. For annual export data from 1730-1755, see "Mappa dos diferentes Géneros, que dos Livros d'Alfândega da Cidade do Pará consta se exportarão do seu Porto, desde o anno de 1730, athé o de 1755" AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 80, Doc. 6627
25. For comparison, export figures during Directorate years (1756-1777) are available in the same document. In his analysis of cacao export data in this series, Alden found that yearly export averages were slightly lower during the latter period (when the royal trading company, the Companhia Geral do Comércio, operated), but the downward trend in exports of the late 1740s and early 1750s was reversed (Alden, "The Significance of Cacao Production," p. 126)
26. João Daniel, Tesouro Descoberto no Máximo Rio Amazonas [c. 1758-1776] (Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, 2004), vol. 2, p. 248
27. On epidemics, see Arthur Vianna, As epidemias no Pará (Belem: Universidade Federal do Pará, 1975)
28. and Dauril Alden and Joseph C. Miller, "Out of Africa: The Slave Trade and the Transmission of Smallpox to Brazil, 1560-1831," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18:2 (1987), pp. 195-224
29. A general treatment of the Pombaline reforms is offered by Kenneth Maxwell, Pombal: Paradox of the Enlightenment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995)
30. According to David Sweet, private collecting expeditions during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries often collected as many Indian slaves as they did forest products, and slaving activities - carried out under the auspices of officially licensed collecting expeditions - continued even after government slave-ransoming expeditions were reauthorized in the 1720s ("A Rich Realm," pp. 468-470)
31. Robin Anderson detects a shift in Directorate economic policy around 1788 or 1789, when the attention of village directors and governors turned towards agricultural activities and away from collecting expeditions. She attributes this to changing priorities among policymakers who confronted population declines in the Indian villages as well as shortages in wild products due to overexploitation ("Following Curupira," pp. 121-122). The encouragement of agriculture in the villages was not a new idea - the Directorate legislation itself identified it as a top priority - but very little agricultural development seems to have taken place in the villages until Governor João Pereira Caldas came into office, in the 1770s, with a mandate to increase production of crops for both local consumption and export. Despite improved agricultural production during his tenure, extractive activities were a mainstay of the economy well into the following decade
32. Data on average crew sizes was gleaned from AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 71, Doc. 6055 (for the year 1772); Cod. 72, Doc. 6102 (for 1773); Cod. 76, Doc. 6389 (for 1775); Cod. 79, Doc. 6533 (for 1776); Cod. 81, Doc. 6648 (for 1777 and 1778); Cod. 88, Doc. 7212 (for 1779-1781); Cod. 98, Doc. 7790 (for 1788)
33. Cacao production data for the Directorate villages is available in the "Mapa(s) gerai(s) do rendimento" series in AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cods. 51, 61, 64, 66, and 69. To determine the portion of cacao supplied by Directorate villages, I compared production data from a seven-year sample (1761-1772) of these mapas with total cacao export data available in AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 80, Doc. 6627 for those same years
34. The Indian villages may have collected even more cacao when they were run by missionaries, if one royal investigator's figures are correct; see the "Cópia da informação e parecer do Desembargador Francisco Duarte dos Santos, que sua Magestade mandou ao Maranhão em 1734, para se informar do governor temporal do Índios e queixas contra os missionários [1735]," in Corographia Histórica, Cronográphica, Genealógica, Nobiliária, e Política do Imperio do Brasil, A. J. de Mello Moraes, ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Brasileira, 1860), pp. 139-140
35. Diretório, que se deve observar nas povoações de índios, Article 46, reproduced in José Oscar Beozzo, Leis e Regimentos das Missões: Política Indigenista no Brasil (São Paulo: Edições Loyola, 1983)
36. José Oscar Beozzo, Leis e Regimentos das Missões: Política Indigenista no Brasil Ibid., Article 50
37. References to female participants can be found in the following APEP codices: Cod. 177, Doc. 38; Cod. 190, Doc. 23, Doc. 40, and Doc. 53; Cod. 201, Doc. 94; Cod. 202, Doc. 65; Cod. 202, Doc. 74; Cod. 491, unnumbered doc., fls. 49-51; Cod. 491, unnumbered doc., fls. 45-48; Cod. 497, unnumbered doc., fls. 35-38; Cod. 517, Doc. 31. Sending women on collecting expeditions was specifically forbidden by the Intendente Luís Gomes de Faria e Souza during the early Directorate period (see his letter to Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, September 15, 1762, AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 53, Doc. 4839), but the practice nevertheless continued
38. Diretório, Article 53, in Beozzo, Leis e Regimentos; and Daniel, Tesouro Descoberto, vol. 2, p. 91. Despite the stipulation that cabos be nominated by municipal councils and village headmen, cabos were often appointed by the governor, supposedly because there were no "suitable" candidates in the villages (Intendente Geral do Comércio Mathias José Ribeiro to Governor Martinho de Souza Albuquerque, Belém, November 27, 1783, AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 90, Doc. 7366)
39. Diretório, Article 56, in Beozzo, Leis e Regimentos
40. The cabo's percentage was not actually specified in the legislation but was later set at 20% (MacLachlan, "The Indian Directorate," p. 366). A detailed listing of the payments-in-kind made to each crew member, along with their monetary value, can be found in Director Luis de Amorim to governor, Boim, October 23, 1760, APEP, Cod. 107, Doc. 83. This shows the three pilots earning goods valued at 14$205 réis each; the two bowmen earning 12$171; and the rest of the 26 crewmen earning between 8$955 and 9$263. The difference in payments among the regular crewmen would correspond to whether the one had gone to work for himself (and had therefore received a cut of the profits) or had worked on behalf of the native officials for a fixed salary
41. Governor Francisco de Souza Coutinho to Queen Maria I, Belém, March 22, 1791, AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 100, Doc. 7963
42. "Formalidade, q' se costuma observar no Negocio feito nos Sertões" Intendente Geral do Comércio Mathias José Ribeiro to Governor Martinho de Souza Albuquerque, Belém, November 27, 1783, AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 90, Doc. 7366. For more on the seasonal navigation of Amazonian river routes, see Roberta Marx Delson, "Inland Navigation in Colonial Brazil: Using Canoes on the Amazon," International Journal of Maritime History VII, no. 1 (1995), pp. 1-28
43. and David Michael Davidson, "Rivers and Empire: The Madeira Route and the Incorporation of the Brazilian Far West, 1737-1808" (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1970)
44. Daniel, Tesouro Descoberto, vol. 2, pp. 79-94, especially p. 84
45. Desembargador Luís Gomes de Faria e Souza to the Secretário de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar, Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, Belém, November 17, 1761, AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 51, Doc. 4689
46. Written during his tenure as governor and included as an attachment to a letter to the queen. Governor José de Napoles Telo e Menezes to the Secretário de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar, Martinho de Melo e Castro, Belém, November 28, 1780. Attached Doc. 1 in AHU, Pará Avulsos, Cod. 94, Doc. 7502
47. For another contemporary account with a similar tone, see Antonio José Pestana e Silva, " Meios de Dirigir o Governo Temporal dos Índios [1770s?]," in Corographia Histórica, Cronográphica, Genealógica, Nobiliária, e Política do Imperio do Brasil, ed. A. J. de Mello Moraes (Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Brasileira, 1860), pp. 140-142
48. See, for example, Arthur Cézar Ferreira Reis, A política de Portugal no valle amazônico (Belem: Secretaria do Estado da Cultura, 1993), pp. 54-55
49. Caio Prado Júnior, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 246-248
50. Hemming, Amazon Frontier, p. 45
51. Robin Anderson, Colonization as Exploitation in the Amazon Rain Forest, 1758-1911 (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1999), pp. 34-35
52. Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida, "Os Vassalos d'El Rey nos Confins da Amazônia: A Colonização da Amazônia Ocidental, 1750-1798," Anais da Biblioteca Nacional 112 (1992), p. 72
53. Devassa of Cabo José da Silva Godinho, Pinhel, July 27, 1771, APEP, Cod. 234, Doc. 44
54. The Jesuit João Daniel wrote that the position of pilot is "a trade and art that among them [the Indians] is one of the most dignified posts in their settlements, and they [the pilots] are respected and obeyed by the native residents (nacionais)" (Daniel, Tesouro descoberto, vol. 1, p. 343; and on bowmen, see p. 346). Just as jacumaúba - from the Tupi-based língua geral word for the piece of wood (jacumã) typically used in place of an oar-appears in the sources more often than the Portuguese term piloto, one commonly encounters native terminology for the expedition canoes (igarités, ubás), the types of waterways traversed (igarapés), and the products collected in the sertão (such as andiroba and copaiba oils)
55. On indigenous influences on colonial canoe fabrication and design, see Delson, "Inland Navigation"
56. and the classic work by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Monções (Rio de Janeiro: Casa do Estudante do Brasil, 1945)
57. Devassa of cabo Francisco de Brito Mendes, Oeiras, August 18, 1772, APEP, Cod. 240, Doc. 19
58. Mauro Cezar Coelho, "O Diretório dos Índios: Possibilidades de Investigação," in Meandros da História: Trabalho e poder no Pará e Maranhão, Séculos XVIII e XIX, ed. Mauro Cezar Coelho, et al. (Belém: UNAMAZ, 2005), pp. 66-67
59. Letter from Director Faustino António de Souza to governor and devassa of Cabo Manoel Gonçalves da Silva, Veiros, September 26, 1775, APEP, Cod. 283, Doc. 115. See also devassa of Cabo Angelo de Lemos Correa, Serpa, June 15, 1772, APEP, Cod. 240, Doc. 14. At the end of this devassa, the director appended a note in defense of the cabo, who had been criticized by the crewmen
60. Devassa of Cabo Antonio Francisco Franco and accompanying certidão (signed by the cabo) of the behavior of Director Antonio Luis de Amorim, Javary, July 1773, APEP, Cod. 258, Doc. 20. See also the letter of Director Francisco Ruberto Pimentel to governor and accompanying certidão (signed by Cabo José Sanches de Brito) of the director's behavior, Portel, October 13, 1779, APEP, Cod. 346, Doc. 21. There is no devassa appended to this documentation, but the director's letter describes the content of the testimonies
61. See, for example, the crew list for the village of Alvarais, which included 20 crewmen with indigenous names among a total crew of 48. Director João Pedroso Neves to governor, Alvarais, August 12, 1776, APEP, Cod. 300, Doc. 8, fl. 22
62. Coelho, "O Diretório dos Índios," pp. 66-67
63. Director José Vicente Pereira to governor, Serzedelo, October 22, 1779, APEP, Cod. 346, Doc. 20
64. Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira, "Diário da Viagem Philosóphica pela Capitania de São José do Rio Negro." Revista Trimensal do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 48 (1885), p. 65
65. On the relatively high density of precontact populations, see William M. Denevan, "A Bluff Model of Riverine Settlement in Prehistoric Amazonia," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 86:4 (1996), pp. 654-681
66. Daniel H. Usner, "The Frontier Exchange Economy of the Lower Mississippi Valley in the Eighteenth Century," The William and Mary Quarterly 44:2 (1987), pp. 167-68
67. Brooke Larson, Cochabamba, 1550-1900: Colonialism and Agrarian Transformation in Bolivia, expanded edition (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), pp. 351, 353-354, and note 30
68. See also Thierry Saignes, "Indian Migration and Social Change in Seventeenth-Century Charcas," in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology, ed. Brooke Larson and Olivia Harris (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), pp. 187-189
69. "Livro Grosso do Maranhão," in Anais da Biblioteca Nacional (Rio de Janeiro: Divisão de Obras Raras e Publicaçõ es, 1948), Vols. 67-68, p. 172
70. Langfur, The Forbidden Lands, pp. 49-54
71. Director Luis Gomes de Faria e Souza to governor, Pombal, October 1, 1761, APEP, Cod. 108, Doc. 15
72. See, for example: Devassa of Cabo Fernando Correa, Alenquer, August 29, 1772, APEP, Cod. 240, Doc. 37; devassa of Cabo José Correia de Brito, Silves, September 16, 1775, APEP, Cod. 284, Doc. 45; Director Manoel da Fonseca Zuzute de Macedo to governor, Outeiro, September 30, 1787, APEP, Cod. 442, Doc. 38; Director Joaquim Francisco Printz to governor, Obidos, May 18, 1781, APEP, Cod. 373, Doc. 47; Director João Marçal da Silva to governor, Baião, May 16, 1774, APEP, Cod. 271, Doc. 67; Director Herónimo Pereira da Nóbrega to governor, Arraiolos, August 18, 1773, APEP, Cod. 260, Doc. 32; and Director Domingos Gonçalves Pinto Bello to governor, Serzedelo, January 4, 1781, APEP, Cod. 341, Doc. 46; devassa of Cabo Leandro José, [n/d] 1770, Faro, APEP, Cod. 235, Doc. 26
73. On usage of the term gentio in colonial Brazil, see Barickman, "'Tame Indians,' p. 327, note 6
74. and Almeida, O Diretório dos Índios, pp. 261-262
75. Devassa of Cabo Francisco da Silva Chaves, Melgaço, [n/d] 1793, APEP, Cod. 497, Doc. 54
76. Many documents mention attacks on collecting expeditions that resulted in the loss of life, or at least the loss of the canoe's cargo and supplies. See, for example, Director Francisco Ruberto Pimentel to governor, Portel, September 16, 1778, APEP, Cod. 330, Doc. 53; Director José Antonio de Brito to governor, Monte Alegre, November 1, 1793, APEP, Cod. 497, Doc. 51; and Director Pedro Vicente de Oliveira Pantoja to governor, Faro, November 3, 1794, APEP, Cod. 470, Doc. 82
77. Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira noted that colonial collecting expeditions had to travel farther and farther afield to find products that once grew close to the settled zones. He also mentioned crown efforts to preserve over-exploited plants, such as a 1688 edict prohibiting the collection of cravo on the Tocantins and Capim Rivers ("Diário da Viagem Philosóphica, " pp. 72-73)
78. As one of the anonymous reviewers of this article pointed out, relationships between fugitive and colonial communities were complex, ranging from mutual hostility to collaboration, depending on the context. See Stuart B. Schwartz and Hal Langfur, "Tapanhuns, Negros da Terra, and Curibocas: Common Cause and Confrontation between Blacks and Natives in Colonial Brazil," in Beyond Black and Red: African-Native Relations in Colonial Latin America, ed. Matthew Restall (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), pp. 81-114
79. and more specifically on the Amazon, Flávio dos Santos Gomes, "A 'Safe Haven': Runaway Slaves, Mocambos, and Borders in Colonial Amazonia, Brazil," Hispanic American Historical Review 82:3 (2002), pp. 469-498
80. Anderson, Colonization as Exploitation, pp. 30, 34-35
81. Almeida, "Os Vassalos d'el Rey," p. 72
82. Authors who emphasize the coercive aspects of the expeditions are listed in note 35. The primary exceptions, as already noted above, are the recent studies by Coelho and Sommer. The latter author mentions several examples of Indians demanding payment for services rendered to crown or village officials, including one case in which crewmen refused to go collecting for the native headmen because they did not expect to receive their salaries ("Negotiated Settlements," pp. 134-135
83. For reflections on how to interpret the varied responses of Andean Indians to European market expansion, see Steve J. Stern, "The Variety and Ambiguity of Native Andean Intervention in European Colonial Markets," in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology, ed. Brooke Larson and Olivia Harris (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), pp. 73-100
84. For a case study that argues for the voluntary nature of native participation in colonial credit institutions (the repartimiento de comercio) in Oaxaca, Mexico, see Jeremy Baskes, "Coerced or Voluntary? The Repartimiento and Market Participation of Peasants in Late Colonial Oaxaca," Journal of Latin American Studies 28:1 (1996), pp. 1-28
85. For a critique of Baskes and an attempt to reframe the question, see Kevin Gosner, "Indigenous Production and Consumption of Cotton in Eighteenth-Century Chiapas: Re-Evaluating the Coercive Practices of the Reparto de Efectos," in New World, First Nations: Native Peoples of Mesoamerica and the Andes under Colonial Rule, ed. David Patrick Cahill and Blanca Tovías (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2006), pp. 129-143
86. Stern, "The Variety and Ambiguity of Native Andean Intervention," p. 90
87. Antônio Gonçalves Dias, Diccionário da língua tupy: chamada língua geral dos indígenas do Brazil (Lisbon: F.A. Brockhaus, 1858), p. 148. The entry "potaba" includes the following definitions: dádiva (gift or donation), mimo (gift), oferta (offering or gift), parte (part), quinhão (portion or share), and ração (ration). The term can also be used to refer to esmolas (alms) or dízimos (tithes)
88. During his 1754 trip from Belém to the Rio Negro, the governor received "putavas," or "customary presents," from Indian women in each of the villages along the way, usually consisting of great quantities of bananas, which he "paid for" in ribbons, cotton cloth, and salt ("Diário da Viagem" in Marcos Carneiro de Mendonça, ed., A Amazônia na era pombalina: Correspondência inédita do Governador e Capitão-General do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, 1751-1759 [Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, 1963] vol. 2, pp. 256-288)
89. With reference to a different colonial captaincy (Ceará), Ricardo Pinto de Medeiros cites a case in which native headmen required Indians to pay them potabas of a half pataca (a type of colonial coinage) when they went to work as cowhands in the interior ("Política indigenista do período pombalino e seus reflexos nas capitanias do norte da América portuguesa," in Actas do Congresso Internacional o Espaço Atlântico de Antigo Regime: poderes e sociedades [Lisboa : Instituto Camões], 2008. v. 1, p. 15). I am grateful to one of the anonymous reviewers for suggesting this last reference and for drawing my attention to the ambiguities around the term
90. Ferreira, "Diário da Viagem Philosóphica," p. 73, where he also discusses the effects of unsustainable collecting practices on cacao and cravo
91. On similar strategies in the colonial Andean context, see the overview provided by Brooke Larson, "Andean Communities, Political Cultures, and Markets: The Changing Contours of a Field," in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration, pp. 21-22, as well as the case studies in the rest of the volume