China and global governance

Asian Perspective

Volumn 33, Issue 3, 2009, Pages 5-39

  Wang, Hongying ^a   Rosenau, James N ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

China; Chinese foreign policy; Global finance; Global governance; International system

Indexed keywords

EID: 77950748643     PISSN: 02589184     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/apr.2009.0009     Document Type: Article

References (128)

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3. This is discussed in Yongjin Zhang, China in International Society since 1949: Alienation and Beyond (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998).
4. Also, we refer to the West-dominated international system as mainstream in the sense that most international interactions and most international organizations were to be found in that system. China's non-membership in the United Nations until 1971 and its low profile in the UN until the 1980s were symbolic manifestations of its estrangement from the mainstream international system.
5. Nicholas Lardy, China in the World Economy (Washington, D.C.: International Institute of Economics, 1994).
6. Harold Jacobson and Michel Oksenberg, China's Participation in the IMF, the World Bank, and GATT (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1990).
7. For a collection of essays making this argument, see Elizabeth Economy and Michel Oksenberg, eds., China Joins the World (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1999).
8. The distinction between "shallow integration" and "deep integration" in this sense is made in Susan Shirk, How China Opened Its Door (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1994).
9. For an examination of China's self-conception in the early years of the People's Republic, see Hongying Wang, "National Image Building and Chinese Foreign Policy," China: An International Journal, vol. 1, No. 1 (2003), pp. 46-72.
10. See Zhang, China in International Society since 1949.
11. Peter Van Ness, Revolution and Chinese Foreign Policy: Peking's Support for Wars of National Liberation (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1970).
12. Samuel Kim, "China and the United Nations," in Economy and Oksenberg, eds., China Joins the World, p. 45.
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19. Chen Shaofeng and Li Yonghui, "Quanqiu Zhili ji qi Xiandu" (Global Governance and Its Limits), Dangdai Shijie yu Shehui Zhuyi (Contemporary World and Socialism), No. 6 (2001), pp. 57-61.
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23. See, for example, Yu, "Jingji Quanqiuhuayu Zhili de Bianqian.".
24. Kim, "China and the United Nations," p. 45.
25. Wang Yizhou, "Zhongguo yu Guoji Zuzhi Guanxi Yanjiu de Ruogan Wenti" (Issues in the Study of China's Relationships with International Organizations), Shehui Kexue Luntan (Social Science Forum), No. 8 (2002), pp. 4-13.
26. See, for example, Wang, "Zhongguo yu Guoji Zuzhi Guanxi Yanjiu de Ruogan Wenti.
27. Lu Youzhi and Zha Junhong, "G7/G8 Jiaose Zhuanxing yu Quanqiu Zhili" (The Role Transformation of G7/G8 and Global Governance), Xiandai Guoji Guanxi (Contemporary International Relations), No. 12 (2001), pp. 18-22.
28. Wu Miaofa, "Zhongguo Zai Lianheguo de Dingwei he Lianheguo Gaige" (China's Role in the UN and UN Reform), Sixiang Lilun Jiaoyu Daokan (Primer on Ideological Theory Education), No. 10 (2006), pp. 57-61.
29. Deng Lansong, "Quyu Zuzhihua yu Zhongguo" (Regionalization and China), Shijie Jingji Yanjiu (World Economic Studies), No. 9 (2004), pp. 80-83.
30. Pan Guang and Dai Yichen, "Ya-Ou Huiyi yu Yatai Diqu Zuzhi de Hudong Guanxi" (Interactions between ASEM and APEC), Guoji Wenti Yanjiu (International Studies), No. 5 (2006), pp. 30-35.
31. Li Xuefeng, "Qianxi Quyu Zuzhihua dui Lianheguo Gaige de Yingxiang" (Preliminary Analysis of the Impact of Regionalization on UN Reforms), Xin Xuanze (New Choices), No. 8 (2006), pp. 142-43.
32. See, for instance, Yu, "Jingji Quanqiuhuayu Zhili de Bianqian".
33. Zhou Jun, Quanqiu Gongmin Shehui zai Zhili Jiegou zhong de Zuoyong ji qi Xiandu (Global Civil Society's Role in Governance and Its Limitations), Makesizhuyi yu Xianshi (Marxism and Reality), No. 1 (2008), pp. 94-100.
34. Zhao Liqing, "Yingdui Feizhengfu Zuzhi Canyu de Lianheguo Gaige" (Response to UN Reforms Involving NGOs), Xin Yuanjian (New Vision), No. 7 (2008), pp. 27-38.
35. Yang Yang, "Lianheguo yu Feizhengfu Zuzhi jian de Zhili Moshi" (The Governance Model Between the UN and NGOs), Guoji Guanxi Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of the College of International Relations), No. 1 (2008), pp. 32-38.
36. Gong Wei and Zhao Chunzhen, "Shimin Shehui Canyu G7/G8 de Licheng, Moshi ji Yingxiang" (The Process, Models, and Impact of Civil Society Participation in the G7/G8), Guoji Guancha, No. 4 (2008), pp. 32-38.
37. See, for instance, Wang Tiejun and Zhang Jingna, "Quanqiu Zhili, WTO yu Kuaguo Gongmin Shehui" (Global Governance, WTO and Transnational Civil Society), Shandong Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Shandong University), No. 6 (2003), pp. 156-60.
38. Li Dan, "NGO, Fan Quanqiuhua Yundong yu Quanqiu Zhili" (NGOs, Anti-Globalization Movement, and Global Governance), Dongnan Xueshu (Southeast Academic Research), No. 1 (2006), pp. 58-64.
39. For example, see Hu Jian, "Quanqiu Shehui Yundong de Xingqi ji qi dui Quanqiu Zhili de Yingxiang" (The Rise of the Global Social Movement and Its Impact on Global Governance), Guoji Luntan (International Forum), No. 1 (2006), pp. 1-5.
40. Wang and Zhang, "Quanqiu Zhili, WTO yu Kuaguo Gongmin Shehui.".
41. The basic ideas contained in the concept-mutual respect, common development, confidence building, and cultural tolerance-were already present in Jiang Zemin's speech to the 16th CCP Congress in 2002.
42. In general, it means rule of the people. But there is no agreement as to how to aggregate people's will and turn it into policies. For example, the democracy of ancient Athens involved the public directly (in practice, just the propertied male members of the public), gathering and making decisions together. The common American definition of democracy focuses on competitive elections. The Leninist version of democracy allows the vanguard party to represent what the people "should want" or would want if only they knew themselves better.
43. Sun Hui and Yu Yu, "Guoji Zhengfu Zuzhi yu Quanqiu Zhili" (International Government Organizations and Global Governance), Tongji Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Tongji University), No. 5 (2004), pp. 48-53.
44. Yin Chengde, "Shijie Xin Redian yu Quanqiu Zhili Xin Tiaozhan" (New Hot Spots in the World and New Challenges for Global Governance), Guoji Wenti Yanjiu, No. 5 (2008), pp. 1-7.
45. Lu and Zha, G7/G8 Jiaose Zhuanxing yu Quanqiu Zhili.
46. Li Zhongzhou, "Quanqiu Zhili ying Chongfen Kaolu Quanqiu Jingji Liyi" (Global Governance Should Adequately Consider Global Economic Interests), WTO Jingji Daokan (China WTO Tribune), No. 7 (2008), p. 95.
47. Hu Jintao, "Nuli Jianli Chijiu Heping, Gongtong Fanrong de Hexie Shijie" (Strive to Establish a Harmonious World of Lasting Peace and Common Prosperity), Renmin Ribao, September 16, 2005.
48. Yu Keping, "Hexie Shijie yu Quanqiu Zhili" (A Harmonious World and Global Governance), Zhonggong Tianjin Shiwei Dangxiao Xuebao (Journal of the Tianjin Municipal Chinese Communist Party School), No. 2 (2007), pp. 5-10.
49. Liu Turao and Wang Yufei, "Lun Woguo Changdao de Xin Guojia Anquanguan" (On the New Security Concept Advocated by Our Country), Lilun Tansuo (Theoretical Explorations), No. 1 (2006), pp. 135-38.
50. Wu Meixing, "Hexie Shijie: Quanqiu Zhili de Zhongguo Quanshi" (A Harmonious World: China's Interpretation of Global Governance), Jinan Xuebao (Jinan Journal), No. 4 (2007), pp. 43-45.
51. See, for example, Wu Xingtang, "'Quanqiu Zhili' de Zhiyixing Jiedu" (A Skeptical Reading of Global Governance), Dangdai Shijie (Contemporary World), No. 12 (2007), pp. 41-43.
52. Pang Zhongying, "Zhongguo zai Guoji Tixi zhong de Diwei yu Zuoyong" (China's Status and Role in the International System), Xiandai Guoji Guanxi, No. 4 (2006), pp. 17-22.
53. Kim, "China and the United Nations," p. 49.
54. Li Shenming and Wang Yizhou, 2007 Quanqiu Zhengzhi yu Anquan Baogao (2007 Global Political and Security Report), Beijing: Shehui Kexue yu Wenxian Chubanshe, 2007.
55. Kim, "China and the United Nations.".
56. In 2003 the head of the influential Reform Forum in Beijing, Zheng Bijian, coined the phrase "China's peaceful rise." It has since been superseded by the even less threatening slogan of "China's peaceful development.".
57. Pang, "Zhongguo zai Guoji Tixi zhong de Diwei yu Zuoyong.".
58. Hu, "Quanqiu Shehui Yundong de Xingqi ji qi dui Quanqiu Zhili de Yingxiang.
59. Tang Yongsheng, "Zhongguo Guoji Jiaose Fenxi" (An Analysis of China's International Role), Xiandai Guoji Guanxi, No. 10 (2006), pp. 52-59.
60. Pang, "Zhongguo zai Guoji Tixi zhong de Diwei yu Zuoyong.
61. Yu, "Hexie Shijie yu Quanqiu Zhili.".
62. Men Honghua, "Daguo Jueqi yu Guoji Zhixu" (The Rise of Great Powers and International Order), Guoji Zhengzhi Yanjiu (International Politics), No. 2 (2004), pp. 133-42.
63. Zhang Wenwu, "Jianli Guoji Zhixu de Xin Linian" (New Concepts for Establishing International Order), Xueshu Tansuo (Academic Explorations), No. 6 (2005), pp. 73-80.
64. For an analysis of China's limited role in the international financial system, see Paul Masson, Wendy Dobson, and Robert Lafrance, "China's Integration into the Global Financial System," Bank of Canada Review, Summer 2008, pp. 17-29.
65. See Gregory China and Eric Helleiner, "China as a Creditor: A Rising Financial Power?" Journal of International Affairs, vol. 62, No. 1 (Fall-Winter, 2008), pp. 87-102.
66. Joshua Cooper Ramo, The Beijing Consensus (London: Foreign Policy Center, 2004).
67. Liu Mingkang, "Basic Rules Helped China Sidestep Bank Crisis: What the West Could Learn from China's Firewalls," Financial Times, June 29, 2009.
68. China is not alone in this type of interpretation of the crisis. French president Nicolas Sarkozy proclaims that the current crisis spells the demise of "Anglo-Saxon capitalism." Others insist that the crisis has vindicated the Asian approach to capitalism.
69. See, for example, Kishore Mahbubani, "Lessons for the West from Asian Capitalism," Financial Times, March 19, 2009.
70. Reported in Financial Times, October 25, 2008.
71. Financial Times, October 27, 2008.
72. Reported in Wall Street Journal, October 27, 2008.
73. Financial Times, January 29, 2009.
74. Financial Times, May 8, 2009.
75. See, for example, C. Fred Bergsten, "We Should Listen to Beijing's Currency Idea," Financial Times, April 9, 2009.
76. Jeffrey Sachs, "Rethink the Global Money Supply," Scientific American, vol. 300, No. 6 (2009), p. 34.
77. Financial Times, April 20, 2009.
78. Chin and Helleiner, "China as a Creditor.".
79. Masson et al., "China's Integration into the Global Financial System.".
80. Reported in Wall Street Journal, November 18, 2008.
81. There is a large literature on the rise of nationalism in contemporary China.
82. See, for example, Suisheng Zhao, A Nation State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004).
83. Peter Gries, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2005).
84. Reported in Financial Times, March 28, 2009.
85. Zhao Lei, "Yi 'Hexie Shijie' Linian Tisheng 'Fuzeren Daguo' Xingxiang" (Improve the Image of a "Responsible Power" with the Concept of a "Harmonious World"), Zhongguo Dangzheng Ganbu Luntan (Forum of China's Party and Government Cadres), No. 12 (2007), pp. 46-48.
86. Wang Yonggui and Li Peiwu, "Quanqiuhua Jincheng yu Zhongguo Goujian Hexie Shijie de Waijiao Zhanlue Xuanze" (The Course of Globalization and China's Foreign Policy Strategy Choices in Formulating a Harmonious World), Dangdai Shijie yu Shehui Zhuyi, No. 4 (2008), pp. 80-83.
87. Yao Shangjian, "Quanqiu Zhili zhong de Zeren Zhengdang-Jian lun Zhongguo Gongchandang de Guoji Zeren" (Responsible Parties in Global Governance-Also on the International Responsibility of the Chinese Communist Party), Gansu Shehui Kexue (Gansu Social Sciences), No. 4 (2008), pp. 177-80.
88. Yu, "Jingji Quanqiuhua yu Zhili de Bianqian".
89. Teng Shihua, "Quanqiu Zhili yu Zhengfu Gaige de Shuangxiang Hudong Yingxiang" (The Two-Way Interaction and Influence between Global Governance and Government Reforms), Jingji Shehui Tizhi Bijiao (Comparative Economic and Social Systems), No. 6 (2002), pp. 95-99.
90. Yang Hongshan, "Jingji Quanqiuhua yu Zhongguo Zhengfu Zhili Biange" (Economic Globalization and Chinese Government Reforms), Guangdong Xingzheng Xueyuan Xuebao (Journal of the Guangdong College of Administration), No. 5 (2003), pp. 23-27.
91. Financial Times, June 24, 2009.
92. Cong Riyun, "Quanqiu Zhili, Lianheguo Gaige yu Zhongguo Zhengzhi Fazhan" (Global Governance, UN Reforms, and China's Political Development), Zhejiang Xuekan (Zhejiang Forum), No. 5 (2005), pp. 108-15.
93. Zhang Jinsong, "Lun Quanqiu Zhili Shidai Woguo Zhengfu de Zeren" (On the Responsibilities of Our Government in the Age of Global Governance), Shehui Kexue Zhanxian (Frontlines of Social Science), No. 8 (2008), pp. 158-61.
94. Lai-Ha Chan, Pak K. Lee, and Gerald Chan, "Rethinking Global Governance: A China Model in the Making?" Contemporary Politics, vol. 14, No. 1 (March, 2008), pp. 3-19.
95. See Wang, "National Image Building and Chinese Foreign Policy,".
96. Zhiqun Zhu, "Power Transition and U.S.-China Relations: Is War Inevitable?" Journal of International and Area Studies, vol. 12, No. 1 (June, 2005), pp. 1-24.
97. In 2002 the 16th CCP National Congress placed Chinese relations with the developed countries on the top of its foreign-policy agenda, which was unprecedented in the history of the People's Republic.
98. Wang, "Zhongguo yu Guoji Zuzhi Guanxi Yanjiu de Ruogan Wenti.".
99. Lu and Zha, "G7/G8 Jiaose Zhuanxing yu Quanqiu Zhili.".
100. This, for example, was the view expressed in Wang Jisi, "China's Search for Stability with America," Foreign Affairs, vol. 84, No. 5 (September-October, 2005), pp. 39-48.
101. Yan Shuangwu and Yu Feng, "Xianxian Canyu Quanqiu Zhili de Juexi" (Showing Determination to Participate in Global Governance), Xinwen Qianshao (News Outpost), No. 7 (2007), pp. 8-9.
102. For a detailed discussion of China's behavior with regard to the G-8, see Gregory Chin, "Negotiating China's Complex Interests and Multiple Identity in Global Governance Reform: Between G8 Engagement and BRICSAM Diplomacy," unpublished manuscript (York University, 2008).
103. Most notably, see C. Fred Bergsten, "A Partnership of Equals: How Washington Should Respond to China's Economic Challenge," Foreign Affairs, vol. 87, No. 4 (July-August, 2008), pp. 57-69.
104. Jian Junbo, "China Says 'No Thanks' to G-2," Asia Times, May 29, 2009, online at www.atimes.com/atimes/China/KE29Ad01.html.
105. Chinese organizations that have membership in various transnational organizations tend to be government-sponsored NGOs. They are not representatives of an autonomous civil society.
106. Wang Jisi, "Meiguo Baquan de Luoji" (The Logic of U.S. Hegemony), in Meiguo Yanjiu (American Studies), vol. 17, No. 3 (2003), pp. 7-29.
107. Cai, "Quanqiu Zhili de Zhongguo Shijiao yu Shijian".
108. Cong, "Quanqiu Zhili, Lianheguo Gaige yu Zhongguo Zhengzhi Fazhan.".
109. Zhang Fangfang, "Quanqiu Zhili zhong de Fei Zhengfu Zuzhi" (NGOs in Global Governance), Dazhong Kexue (Popular Science), No. 7 (2008), pp. 157-58.
110. Ding Hong, "Quanqiuhua, Quanqiu Zhili yu Guoji Fenzhengfu Zuzhi" (Globalization, Global Governance, and International NGOs), Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi Luntan (Forum of World Economy and Politics), No. 6 (2006), pp. 101-106.
111. Peter Lawler, "Janus-Faced Solidarity: Danish Internationalism Reconsidered," Cooperation and Conflict, vol. 42, No. 1 (2007), pp. 101-26.
112. Heather Smith, "Disrupting Internationalism and Finding the Others," in Claire Turenne Sjolander, Heather A. Smith, and Deborah Stienstra, eds., Feminist Perspectives on Canadian Foreign Policy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2003).
113. Allison Howell, "Peaceful, Tolerant and Orderly? A Feminist Analysis of Discourses on 'Canadian Values' in Canadian Foreign Policy," Canadian Foreign Policy, vol. 12, No. 1 (2005), pp. 49-69.
114. See, for example, Ian Manners, "Normative Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms?" Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 40, No. 2 (2002), pp. 235-58.
115. Christopher Hill, "The Capability-Expectations Gap, or Conceptualizing Europe's International Role," Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 31, No. 3 (1993), pp. 305-28.
116. Bastian Giegerich and William Wallace, "Not Such a Soft Power: The External Deployment of European Forces," Survival, vol. 46, No. 2 (2004), pp. 163-82.
117. See Michael Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988).
118. Andrew Bacevich, "Prophets and Poseurs: Niebuhr and Our Times," World Affairs, vol. 170, No. 3 (2008), pp. 24-48.
119. Peter Katzenstein and Robert Keohane, Anti-Americanism in World Politics (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2006).
120. Adrian Hyde-Price, "A 'Tragic Actor'? A Realist Perspective on 'Ethical Power Europe,'" International Affairs, vol. 84, No. 1 (2008), pp. 29-44.
121. Chan, Lai-Ha, Pak K. Lee, and Gerald Chan. "Rethinking Global Governance: A China Model in the Making?" Contemporary Politics, vol. 14, No. 1 (March, 2008), pp. 3-19.
122. Chin, Gregory and Eric Helleiner. "China as a Creditor: A Rising Financial Power?" Journal of International Affairs, vol. 62, No. 1 (Fall-Winter, 2008), pp. 87-102.
123. Kim, Samuel. "China and the United Nations," in Elizabeth Economy and Michel Oksenberg, eds., China Joins the World. New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1999, pp. 42-89.
124. Masson, Paul, Wendy Dobson, and Robert Lafrance. "China's Integration into the Global Financial System," Bank of Canada Review, Summer 2008, pp. 17-29.
125. Ramo, Joshua Cooper. The Beijing Consensus. London: Foreign Policy Center, 2004.
126. Rosenau, James N. and E.O. Czempiel, eds. Governance Without Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
127. Wang Jisi. "China's Search for Stability with America," Foreign Affairs, vol. 84, No. 5 (September-October, 2005), pp. 39-48.
128. Zhang Yongjin. China in International Society Since 1949: Alienation and Beyond. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.