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Volumn 132, Issue 1, 2003, Pages 64-69

The responsibility of nations: A moral case for coercive justice

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EID: 77950036728     PISSN: 00115266     EISSN: 15486192     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (4)

References (4)
  • 1
    • 77950037438 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • It should be obvious from my description that the instability to which I refer is not the disturbance to civic peace attendant upon so cial and political contestation. In such cases, in cluding those involving widespread civil dis obedience, a structure of laws and accountabili ty is in place - and it is precisely this structure that becomes a target for protesters to the ex tent that they believe the law encodes specific injustices. I am referring to law-less situations of cruelty, arbitrariness, violence, and caprice - and these abound at present. 1 It should be obvious from my description that the instability to which I refer is not the disturbance to civic peace attendant upon so cial and political contestation. In such cases, in cluding those involving widespread civil dis obedience, a structure of laws and accountabili ty is in place - and it is precisely this structure that becomes a target for protesters to the ex tent that they believe the law encodes specific injustices. I am referring to law-less situations of cruelty, arbitrariness, violence, and caprice - and these abound at present.
  • 2
    • 77950041797 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Thucydides, it must be noted, did not pres ent the Melian dialogue as a depiction of exem plary behavior on the part of the Athenian gen erals; indeed, it presaged disaster for Athens. Oddly enough, however, contemporary realists often identify this extreme instance of the use of force as a case in point for their perspective
    • Thucydides, it must be noted, did not pres ent the Melian dialogue as a depiction of exem plary behavior on the part of the Athenian gen erals; indeed, it presaged disaster for Athens. Oddly enough, however, contemporary realists often identify this extreme instance of the use of force as a case in point for their perspective.
  • 3
    • 77950044609 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • I would not use U.S. military personnel to re spond to authentic natural disasters, like flood relief. International humanitarian relief agen cies, including non-military U.S. personnel and NGOs, should be deployed in such instances. In light of the current war on terror, deploying our military to respond to the aftermath of hurricanes and the like will stretch us too thin. Humanitarian relief and coercive force must be kept distinct, in part to limit coercive force rather than bury it under the humanitarian rubric
    • I would not use U.S. military personnel to re spond to authentic natural disasters, like flood relief. International humanitarian relief agen cies, including non-military U.S. personnel and NGOs, should be deployed in such instances. In light of the current war on terror, deploying our military to respond to the aftermath of hurricanes and the like will stretch us too thin. Humanitarian relief and coercive force must be kept distinct, in part to limit coercive force rather than bury it under the humanitarian rubric.
  • 4
    • 77950033300 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Here precision-guided weaponry has rolled back many arguments that modern war and the just war tradition are by definition incompatible. This is surely true of a total war absent restraint. It is not true of a limited war fought, with restraint, in order to punish egregious aggression, to interdict terrible violence, and to prevent further harm
    • Here precision-guided weaponry has rolled back many arguments that modern war and the just war tradition are by definition incompatible. This is surely true of a total war absent restraint. It is not true of a limited war fought, with restraint, in order to punish egregious aggression, to interdict terrible violence, and to prevent further harm.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.