Europeanization and party system mechanics: Comparing Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro

Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies

Volumn 10, Issue 2, 2008, Pages 167-181

  Fink Hafner, Danica ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LJUBLJANA   (Slovenia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77649131497     PISSN: 19448953     EISSN: 19448961     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14613190802146216     Document Type: Article

References (91)

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3. Political Science Research Programme (P5-0136), the project Politics in the Territory of Former Yugoslavia (J5-6154-0582-15) and the Robert Ladrech visiting professor project (contract no. 1000-06-780001-6). All the projects have been financed by the Slovenian Research Agency.
4. E.g. S. Bulmer and M. Burch, 'Organizing for Europe: Whitehall, the British State and European Union', Public Administration, 76(4), 1998, pp. 601-628;
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11. P. Mair, 2000, 'The limited impact of Europe on national party systems', West European Politics, 23(4), 2000, pp. 27-51;
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15. P. Lewis and Z. Mansfeldová (eds), The European Union and Party Politics in Central Europe, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2006.
16. Z. Enyedi and P. Lewis, 'The impact of the European Union on party politics in Central and Eastern Europe', in P. Lewis and Z. Mansfeldová (eds), The European Union and Party Politics in Central Europe, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2006, pp. 231-249.
17. T. Haughton and D. Malová, 'Emerging patterns of EU membership: drawing lessons from Slovakia's first two years as a member state', Politics, 27(2), 2007, pp. 69-75;
18. M. Rybár and D. Malova, 'Exerting influence on a contentious polity: European Union's democratic conditionality and political change in Slovakia', in A. Dimitrova (ed.), Driven to Change: The European Union's Enlargement Viewed from the East, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2004, pp. 38-58;
19. K. Henderson, 'EU influence on party politics in Slovakia', paper delivered to the EUSA Conference, Austin, TX, 31 March-2 April 2005, available at: (last accessed 14 December 2007);
20. M. Rybář, 'From isolation to integration: internal and external factors of democratic change in Slovakia', in T. Flackhart (ed.), Socializing Democratic Norms, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2005, pp. 169-189.
21. S. Mainwaring and M. Torcal, 'Party system institutionalization and party system theory after the third wave of democratization', in Richard S. Katz and William J. Crotty (eds), Handbook of Party Politics, Sage, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, 2006, pp. 204-227, cited p. 206.
22. F. C. Thames, 'Discipline and party institutionalization in post-Soviet legislatures', Party Politics, 13(4), 2007, pp. 456-477.
23. S. Mainwearing, Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1999;
24. S. Mainwearing and M. Torcal, 2006, 'Party system institutionalization and party system theory after the third wave of democratization', in Richard S. Katz and William J. Crotty (eds), Handbook of Party Politics, Sage, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, 2006, pp. 204-227.
25. S. Mainwearing, 1999, Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1999;
26. S. Mainwearing and M. Torcal, 2006, 'Party system institutionalization and party system theory after the third wave of democratization', in Richard S. Katz and William J. Crotty (eds), Handbook of Party Politics, Sage, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, 2006, pp. 204-227;
27. K. Janda, Political Parties: A Cross National Survey, Free Press, New York, 1980;
28. A. Panebianco, Political Parties: Organisation and Power, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1988.
29. S. Birch, 'Electoral systems and party system stability in post-Communist Europe', paper presented at the American Political Association Meeting, 2001;
30. F. C. Thames, 2007, Discipline and party institutionalization in post-Soviet legislatures', Party Politics, 13(4), 2007, pp. 456-477
31. T. Diez, 'Riding the AM-track through Europe; or the pitfalls of a rationalist's journey through European integration', Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 28(2), 1999, pp. 355-369.
32. T. Risse, 'Social constructivism and European integration', in A.Wiener and T. Diez (eds), European Integration Theory, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004, pp. 159-176.
33. D. Lajh and A. Krašovec, 'Co-operation between Slovenian parliamentary political parties and European party federations', in L. Cabada and A. Krašovec (eds), Europeanization of National Political Parties, Fakulta Humanitnich Studii v Plzni, Plzn, 2004, pp. 161-177;
34. A. Krašovec and D. Lajh, 'Povezovanje in sodelovanje slovenskih parlamentarnih strank z evropskimi strankaskimi federacijami', in D. Fink-Hafner (ed.), Evropske stranke in strankarski sistem na ravni Evropske unije, Fakulteta za družbene vede, Ljubljana, 2004, pp. 165-183;
35. Lewis and Mansfeldová (eds), 2006, The European Union and Party Politics in Central Europe, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York.
36. Z. Enyedi and P. Lewis, 2006, 'The impact of the European Union on party politics in Central and Eastern Europe', p. 236
37. It should be stressed that the Croatian path to the EU has been partly influenced by the context of EU decision-making on the Turkish candidacy (see, e.g. M. Sošić, 'Hrvatska strategija europskih integracija 2000-2005', Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2005, Hrvatsko politološko društvo, Zagreb, 2006, pp. 145-164;
38. G. Pridham, 'European Union accession dynamics and democratization in Central and Eastern Europe: past and future perspectives', Government and Opposition, 41(3), 2006, pp. 373-400.
39. D. Lalović, 'Crisis of the Croatian Second Republic (1990-1999): transition to totalitarianism or to democracy?', Politička misao, 37(5), 2000, pp. 47-60.
40. M. Kasapović, 'Ten years of democratic transition in Croatia 1989-1999', in H. Riegler (ed.), Transformation Processes in the Yugoslav Successor States between Marginalization and European Integration, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaf, Baden-Baden, 2000, pp. 45-63.
41. According to it it was 17.4 per cent between 1990 and 1995. M. Kasapović, 'Demokratska konsolidacija i izborna politika u Hrvatskoj 1990-2000', in M. Kasapović (ed.), Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2001, pp. 15-40.
42. G. Čular, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2005, pp. 123-179.
43. In 1995, voters with quite a strong party identification had considerably stronger authoritarian characteristics (Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, p. 143)! There were primarily voters of the HDZ that constantly had more authoritarian tendencies than the voters of other main parties (Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, p. 152). As it was revealed that party identification was related to satisfaction with democracy, it can be understood why in the 1990-2000 period mainly non-democrats were satisfied with democracy in Croatia (Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, p. 144).
44. G. Čular, 2005, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, p. 140.
45. M. Kasapović, 2001, 'Demokratska konsolidacija i izborna politika u Hrvatskoj 1990-2000', in M. Kasapović (ed.), Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, p. 22.
46. G. Čular, 'Political development in Croatia', Politička misao, 37(5), 2000, pp. 30-46.
47. I. Vejvoda, 'Democratic despotism: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia', in G. Pridham and T. Gallagher (eds), Experimenting with Democracy. Regime Change in the Balkans, Routledge, London and New York, 2000, pp. 219-236.
48. M. Kasapović, 2001, 'Demokratska konsolidacija i izborna politika u Hrvatskoj 1990-2000', in M. Kasapović (ed.), Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb.
49. V. Cvrtila, 'Izborna geografija kao aspekt izborne politike u Hrvatsko', in M. Kasapović (ed.), Hrvatska politika 1990-2000: Izbori, stranke i parlament u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2001, pp. 41-61.
50. M. Kasapović, 2001, Demokratska konsolidacija i izborna politika u Hrvatskoj 1990-2000', in M. Kasapović (ed.), Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, p. 23.
51. G. Čular, 2005, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, p. 157.
52. G. Čular, 2005, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, p. 124.
53. G. Čular, 2005, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, pp. 167-168.
54. G. Čular, 2005, 'Političke stranke i potpora demokraciji', in G. Čular (ed.), Izbori i konsolidacija demokracije u Hrvatskoj, Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, pp. 167-168
55. N. Zakošek, 'Struktura biraćkog tijela i političke promjene u siječanjskim izborima 2000', in M. Kasapović (ed.), 2001, Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, pp. 99-122. The author (2001, Hrvatska politika 1990-2000, p. 120) reports the share of 'losers' of the 1990s among stable oppositional voters was 72.9 per cent, while among the stable HDZ voters the share of losers was 27.2 per cent and among former HDZ voters who shifted their votes to oppositional parties it was 64.5 per cent (the data come from the Izbori 2000 survey conducted by the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb).
56. See, e.g. V. Goati (ed.), Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, 1998;
57. S. P. Ramet, The Three Yugoslavias. State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2005, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington, DC, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 2006.
58. V. Goati, 2000 Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, 1998, p. 180. 'Pitanje svih pitanja' (an estimation by the Serbian foreign minister during his visit to Ljubljana; TV news at 7 p.m. on the Slovenian TV station 'POP-TV' and the national 'RTV Slovenia' on 16 July 2007).
59. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, 1998, p. 179.
60. D. Fink-Hafner, D. Lajh and A. Krašovec, Politika na območju nekdanje Jugoslavije, Založba FDV, Ljubljana, 2005.
61. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, 1998, p. 179.
62. According to V. Goati (2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, p. 200), the average electoral volatility during the 1990s in Serbia was 34.6 per cent and in Montenegro 34 per cent (in Montenegro the biggest was in the watershed elections in 1998-63.4 per cent).
63. Montenegro has been very vulnerable to drug trafficking, organized crime, money laundering as well as financial crimes and has a significant black market for smuggled goods (see, e.g. International Narcotics Control Report 2007, released by the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, available at:
64. For more, see S. P. Ramet, 2006, The Three Yugoslavias. State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2005, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington, DC, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis.
65. Beside the pro-European coalition 'to live a better life'-'Da živimo bolje', which gained 49.5 per cent of votes and 53 per cent of parliamentary mandates-there were also some additional small parties with mandates, which together with the coalition won 58.3 per cent of votes and 62.8 per cent of mandates
66. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, p. 182
67. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, p. 183.
68. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, p. 180.
69. Z. Komšić, 'Političke stranke u Srbiji i evropske vrednosti-programi i praksa', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2007, pp. 9-49.
70. For information on the membership of Croatian party organizations in international party organizations, see (last accessed 14 December 2007).
71. The HDZ was accepted into the European Union of Christian parties (EUCD) in 1995.
72. I. Sanader, 'Transnational parties in regional cooperation: the impact of the EPP on Central and South-East Europe', European View, special issue on Transnational Parties and European Democracy, 3(Spring), 2006, pp. 135-141.
73. I. Sanader (2006, 'Transnational parties in regional cooperation: the impact of the EPP on Central and South-East Europe', European View, special issue on Transnational Parties and European Democracy, 3(Spring).) stresses an important role of linking with the European People's Party federation in the 2000-2003 period, during which the party was in opposition for the first time since 1990. The party's reorientation under the EPP influence included the intensification of bilateral contacts with the EPP's members (especially those in the region), emphasizing the party's European orientation in addressing some policy issues proving that the HDZ shares the values and principles of the EPP (e.g. the successful integration of national minorities), developing a network and regional cooperation with party counterparts in South-East Europe.
74. I. Sanader (2006, 'Transnational parties in regional cooperation: the impact of the EPP on Central and South-East Europe', European View, special issue on Transnational Parties and European Democracy, 3(Spring).) also stresses that the EPP party federation helped the HDZ interpret Croatia and the whole of South-East Europe to EU institutions and EU member states. In September 2005, on the initiative of EPP President Wilfred Martens a letter from nine EU prime ministers was sent to British Prime Minister and President of the European Council Tony Blair asking for the opening of accession negotiations with Croatia.
75. M. Lazić, 'Vrednostne orientacije političkih i ekonomskih elita u Srbiji', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2007, pp. 63-84.
76. V. Vuletić, 'Strukturalna obeležja političke elite Srbije kao pretpostavka priključenja Srbije EU', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 2007, pp. 85-105.
77. V. Vuletić, 2007, 'Strukturalna obeležja političke elite Srbije kao pretpostavka priključenja Srbije EU', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, p. 99.
78. K. Milivojević, 'Saradnja političkih stranaka u Srbiji sa institucijama Evropske unije', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 107-122.
79. K. Milivojević, 2007, 'Saradnja političkih stranaka u Srbiji sa institucijama Evropske unije', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 107-122;
80. S. Orlović, 'Evropski parlament i evropske stranke-perspektiva za Srbiju', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 123-144.
81. S. Orlović, 2007, 'Evropski parlament i evropske stranke-perspektiva za Srbiju', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 139-141.
82. Crobarometar-Travanj 2006, report, Puls, Zagreb, p. 9.
83. G. Vilović, 'Stajališta o europskoj uniji u hrvatskome dnevnom tisku', Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2004, Hrvatsko politološko društvo, Zagreb, 2005, pp. 187-194.
84. S. Bogosavljević, 'Evropa i Srbija u Evropi u svesti gradana Srbije', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 51-62.
85. According to a survey conducted by the Centar za politikološka istraživanja i javno mnenje Institut društvenih nauka in Belgrade in 2004 (Stavovi gradana o medunarodnoj zajednici i odnosima Srbije i Crne gore krajem 2004. godine, Beograd, januar 2005), 34 per cent of Serbian citizens did not trust the EU and 46 per cent did, at the same time the proportion of distrust in the UN was even lower (48 per cent did not trust it, 33 per cent did trust it) and the lowest among international organizations were the Hague Tribunal and NATO with the same proportions of distrust (70 per cent) and trust (13 per cent).
86. Public opinion data in the following sentences are cited from S. Bogosavljević, 2007, 'Evropa i Srbija u Evropi u svesti gradana Srbije', in Z. Lutovac (ed.), Političke stranke u Srbiji i Evropska unija, Fridrich Ebert Stiftung and Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, pp. 56, 61 and 62.
87. Low ethnocentrism is characteristic for 34 per cent of the non-decided, for 27 per cent of those who did not want to tell, for 40 per cent of non-voters, for 13 per cent of Serbian Radical Party voters, 35 per cent of Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) voters and as much as for 52 per cent of Democratic Party voters (Istraživanje javnog mnenja Srbije, leto 2006. godine, CeSID, Center for Free Elections and Democracy, Belgrade, September 2006, p. 26).
88. Source: Javno mnenje Crne gore, 2000, CEDEM 2:45 as quoted by V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, p. 182.
89. Among the reasons for joining the EU the highest proportion (45 per cent of those surveyed in December 2004) answered it was an improvement of the economic situation and citizens' standard of living ('Position regarding statehood issue and key socio-economic problems', CEDEM, Department of Empiric Studies, December 2004, available at: (last accessed 14 December 2007)).
90. V. Goati, 2000, Elections to the Federal and Republican Parliaments of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), 1990-1996, Sigma, Berlin, pp. 180-181.
91. According to a survey conducted by Centar za politikološka istraživanja i javno mnenje Institut društvenih nauka in Belgrade in 2004 (Stavovi gradana o medunarodnoj zajednici i odnosima Srbije i Crne gore krajem 2004. godine, Beograd, January 2005), 21 per cent of Montenegrin citizens did not trust the EU and 54 per cent did, at the same time the proportion of distrust in the UN was only slightly lower (28 per cent did not trust it, 47 per cent did trust it) and the lowest among international organizations were the Hague Tribunal (50 per cent did not trust it, 27 per cent did trust it) and NATO with the same proportions of distrust (50 per cent) and slightly different trust (27 per cent trusted the Hague Tribunal while 22 per cent trusted NATO).