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Volumn 33, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 437-457

American exceptionalism reconsidered: Anglo-saxon ethnogenesis in the "universal" nation, 1776-1850

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EID: 7444265892     PISSN: 00218758     EISSN: 14695154     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021875899006180     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (59)

References (103)
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    • This article is based upon a paper delivered at the British Association of American Studies Annual Conference held at the University of Birmingham, 4-7 April 1997.
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    • This opinion has been expressed by Linda Bosniak in her essay, "'Nativism' the Concept: Some Reflections," in Juan F. Perea, ed., Immigrants Out!: The New Nativism and the Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States (New York, N.Y. & London: New York University Press, 1997), 279-299
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    • The sense of national territory embraced by the Anglo-Americans was, in the first instance, regional, and was also elastic - tending to advance with the frontier. Even so, there was a generalized appreciation of the grandeur and fertility of the American landscape, which, during the nineteenth century, was believed to be a source of national invigoration and a hedge against European decadence. See Merle Eugene Curti, The Roots of American Loyalty (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946), 37-38.
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    • The Daniel Boone/Pathfinder myth, which dated from the 1820s, though largely narrated by New England writers, concerned the frontier from Tennessee to Pennsylvania, and can arguably be treated as a national image, "the embodiment of an America as rooted as the soil, as primordial as the Germany that gave birth to Siegfried." See Miller, Perry, Nature's Nation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 10.
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    • This is, of course, a contentious thesis. Fischer's critics tend to accuse him of overgeneralization: they grant that he has identified important cultural forces, but insist that the cultural regions (both British and American) which he denotes are more complex than he imagines. Local variation within cultural regions, and non-core ethnic/regional fragments are fingered as dimensions of this complexity. Critics also claim that several groups other than the English (notably the Fenno-Scandinavians and native Indians in the backcountry and the blacks in the lowland south) have had a major impact on American folkways. See reviews by Wilbur Zelinsky, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 81: 3 (September 1991), 526-31;
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    • For example, the Congregational Church was disestablished in Connecticut in 1708 as a result of the colony's toleration acts. This did not occur in Massachusetts until 1733. See Terry Alan Baney, Yankees and the City: Struggling over Urban Representation in Connecticut, 1880 to World War I (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, the University of Connecticut, 1989), 5.
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    • Richard Merritt has documented this trend with a content analysis of major journals in both the North and the South from 1735. See Richard L. Merritt, Symbols of American Community, 1735-1775 (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1966), 66-74.
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    • Early nineteenth-century men of letters like William Cullen Bryant, James Fenimore Cooper, Washington Irving, and Edgar Allan Poe resided in New York, and exchanged ideas via literary journals like Knickerbocker Magazine and the Democratic Review in the 1820s and 1830s. See Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City, from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Own Time (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), 141.
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    • Introduction by Alan Ryan (London: David Campbell Publishers, First published 1835)
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    • Notwithstanding Tocqueville's monocausal explanation, New England's influence was mediated by that of other regions. The South, especially the lowland South, was a particularly important source of divergence, with its relatively hierarchical division of white labour, its dearth of large urban areas, and its plantation slavery system. Differences between North and South must be placed in context, however - the South participated in many of the social changes that gripped the north between 1800 and 1850. Indeed, the narration of southern distinctiveness, to say nothing of nationalism, was a feature of the late antebellum period. Common adherence to the Yeoman ideal and western expansion (Jefferson and Jackson were exemplars) and a keen interest in the nature of American national identity were part of the shared cultural orientation of both North and South, though tension between the Yeoman and Cavalier motifs emerged in Southern discourse by the 1830s. See William R. Taylor, Cavalier and Yankee: The Old South and American National Character (New York: George Braziller, 1961), 16, 316-317
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    • note
    • Not all American Protestants were British, of course. The Protestant unity to which I refer was most explicit among the mainline British denominations, but can be seen to encompass larger numbers through both the Protestant inflection of the secular culture and the pan-Protestant assimilation process - which is treated later in this article.
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    • A notable exception occurred in parts of the South where the white population knew itself to be merely "white" or "American."
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    • For instance, in 1778, no more than 39 per cent of Hungary's population was of Magyar stock. However, during the next century, Magyarization policies managed to assimilate much of Hungary's non-Magyar population to the ethnic core. See Francis, Interetinic Relations, 93-94.
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    • The Americans' founding date (1607) differs little from that of the Ulster Protestants, Québécois, and Afrikaners
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