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Volumn 58, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 965-1025

Goodbye soft money, hello grassroots: How campaign finance reform restructured campaigns and the political world

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EID: 70449717649     PISSN: 00088390     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Conference Paper
Times cited : (3)

References (443)
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    • See, e.g., By comparing data from the Congressional Donors Survey, the 1996 American National Election Study, and the Census, Peter Francia and his co-authors concluded that the population of partisan donors has long been dominated by white, wealthy, highly-educated men who are middle-aged and older, and generally of non-Evangelical Protestant religious affiliation
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    • See, FORUM, Art. 5, "Contrary to the speculation of some prior to the implementation of BCRA, the soft money ban did not 'short-circuit the efforts... to revitalize political parties.'"
    • See David B. Magleby, Rolling in the Dough: The Continued Surge in Individual Contributions to Presidential Candidates and Party Committees, FORUM, Vol. 6, Issue 1, Art. 5, at 10 (2008) ("Contrary to the speculation of some prior to the implementation of BCRA, the soft money ban did not 'short-circuit the efforts... to revitalize political parties.'").
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    • Press Release, Fed. Election Comm'n, May 28, 2009, available at, Please note that these figures have been rounded for the reader's convenience
    • Press Release, Fed. Election Comm'n, Party Financial Activity Summarized for the 2008 Election Cycle: Party Support for Candidates Increases (May 28, 2009), available at http://www.fec.gov/press2009/05282009Party/20090528Party. shtml. Please note that these figures have been rounded for the reader's convenience.
    • Party Financial Activity Summarized for the 2008 Election Cycle: Party Support for Candidates Increases
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    • For just one example of the press coverage regarding Clinton's clear early advantage, see, AM. PROSPECT, Nov. 19, available at
    • For just one example of the press coverage regarding Clinton's clear early advantage, see Harold Meyerson, How Hillary's Done It-So Far, AM. PROSPECT, Nov. 19, 2007, available at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles? article=how-hillarys-done-it-so-far.
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    • Between 1974 and 1982, the number of PACs organized by business and labor unions increased from 608 to 2601. In 1992, the number of PACs reached 4195
    • Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, The money Men: The Real Story of Fund-raising's Influence on Political Power in America 31, 36 (2000). Between 1974 and 1982, the number of PACs organized by business and labor unions increased from 608 to 2601. In 1992, the number of PACs reached 4195.
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    • How the democrats hold on to congress
    • available at, Nov. 24
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    • Id, at, 76 For a detailed account of congressional corruption and associated scandal during the late 1970s to early
    • Id. at 64, 76. For a detailed account of congressional corruption and associated scandal during the late 1970s to early 1990s
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    • Id. at 77.
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    • Id. The Savings and Loan scandal centered on a Democratic-leaning sector of the financial industry; for a detailed account of the crisis, see generally, Simon and Schuster
    • Id. The Savings and Loan scandal centered on a Democratic-leaning sector of the financial industry; for a detailed account of the crisis, see generally Paul Zane PILZER and Robert Deitz, Other People's Money: The inside Story of the S&L mess (Simon and Schuster 1989);
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    • Mediated corruption: The case of the keating five
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    • Federal Election Campaign Act FECA Amendments of 1979, Pub. L. No. 96-187, Stat. 1339
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    • , vol.93 , pp. 1340-42
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    • 2 U. S. C codified at, §
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    • (2006) , pp. 431
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    • See, available at, hereinafter FECA GUIDE, the campaign finance guide
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    • (2009) The Campaign Legal Ctr.
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    • E. Joshua Rosenkranz ed., Soft money figures prior to 1991 are estimated. For updated figures on the 1991-92 election cycle, see
    • Frank J. Sorauf, What Buckley Wrought, in IF BUCKLEY FELL 11, 21 (E. Joshua Rosenkranz ed., 1999). Soft money figures prior to 1991 are estimated. For updated figures on the 1991-92 election cycle, see http://www.opensecrets. org.
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    • F. Supp. 2d 176, D. D. C, Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.
    • McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176, 497 (D. D. C. 2003) (Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.).
    • (2003) McConnell V. FEC , vol.251 , pp. 497
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    • Id. at
    • Id. at 498.
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    • Id. quoting a statement of the Chairman Emeritus of United Airlines
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    • U. S. 95
    • McConnell v. FEC, 540 U. S. 95, 147 (2003).
    • (2003) McConnell V. FEC , vol.540 , pp. 147
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    • at, Sorauf In this Part, soft money figures before 1991 are estimated. For updated figures on the 1991-92 election cycle, see
    • Sorauf, supra note 77, at 21. In this Part, soft money figures before 1991 are estimated. For updated figures on the 1991-92 election cycle, see http://www.opensecrets.org. Sorauf attributes increased political competition in the early 1990s to two primary factors. First, the number of open seat contests increased due to redistricting following the 1990 census and public outcry over incumbency.
    • Supra Note 77 , pp. 21
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    • Id. at, Second, as Republicans came to believe in the possibility of taking over Congress, electoral stakes intensified
    • Id. at 16. Second, as Republicans came to believe in the possibility of taking over Congress, electoral stakes intensified.
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    • Id. at 17.
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    • See FECA GUIDE
    • See FECA GUIDE, supra note 75.
    • Supra Note 75
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    • MOTHER JONES, Jan. 1, Representative Albert Bustamante D-TX was convicted of racketeering and bribery; Representative Nicholas Mavroules D-MA pleaded guilty to tax fraud and accepting gratuities while in office; and Representative Larry Smith D-FL was convicted of tax evasion. Id
    • Justin Pritchard, From the House to the Big House, MOTHER JONES, Jan. 1, 1998, available at http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/1998/01/pritchard. html. Representative Albert Bustamante (D-TX) was convicted of racketeering and bribery; Representative Nicholas Mavroules (D-MA) pleaded guilty to tax fraud and accepting gratuities while in office; and Representative Larry Smith (D-FL) was convicted of tax evasion. Id.
    • (1998) From the House to the Big House
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    • F. Supp. 2d 176, D. D. C. 2003, Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.
    • McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176, 671 (D. D. C. 2003) (Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.).
    • McConnell V. FEC , vol.251 , pp. 671
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    • F. Supp. 2d, No. 02-0582
    • McConnell, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176 (No. 02-0582).
    • , vol.251 , pp. 176
    • McConnell1
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    • New clinton scandal mirrors "chinagale, "
    • CNSNEWS.COM, Sept. 3
    • Fred Lucas, New Clinton Scandal Mirrors "Chinagale, "Say Analysts, CNSNEWS.COM, Sept. 3, 2007, http://www.cnsnews.com/public/content/ article.aspx?RsrcID=31399.
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    • Id. In, President Clinton admitted to inviting major campaign donors to stay overnight in the White House, and the Clintons are reported to have hosted 404 overnight guests, Id
    • Id. In 1997, President Clinton admitted to inviting major campaign donors to stay overnight in the White House, and the Clintons are reported to have hosted 404 overnight guests. Id
    • (1997)
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    • Id. Some of the first donations were more than double the asking price and came from two large labor organizations: the Communications Workers of America, and American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees. Id. Early subscribers also included AT&T, the founder of Price Club, and a wealthy Texan law firm. Id. To attract large donations from wealthy donors, the DCCC also traded on personal attention from Kennedy and influential Democratic legislators such as Gephardt. Id
    • Id. Some of the first donations were more than double the asking price and came from two large labor organizations: the Communications Workers of America, and American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees. Id. Early subscribers also included AT&T, the founder of Price Club, and a wealthy Texan law firm. Id. To attract large donations from wealthy donors, the DCCC also traded on personal attention from Kennedy and influential Democratic legislators such as Gephardt. Id.
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    • Spitting on the umpire: Political parties, the federal election campaign act, and the 1996 campaigns, in
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    • Id
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    • See Center for Responsive Politics, last visited Aug. 10
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    • Throwing out the rule book: Party financing of the 2000 elections, in
    • David B. Magleby ed.
    • Diane Dwyre & Robin Kolodny, Throwing Out the Rule Book: Party Financing of the 2000 Elections, in FINANCING THE 2000 ELECTION 133, 133-34 (David B. Magleby ed., 2002).
    • (2002) Financing The 2000 Election , vol.133 , pp. 133-34
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    • See, e.g., AM. PROSPECT, Jul. 31, 2000, available at
    • See, e.g., Robert B. Reich, Why Business Should Love Gore, AM. PROSPECT, Jul. 31, 2000, available at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=why- business-should-love-gore.
    • Why Business Should Love Gore
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    • Party Fundraising Totals by Cycle
    • Center for Responsive Politics
    • Center for Responsive Politics, Party Fundraising Totals by Cycle, supra note 115.
    • Supra Note 115
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    • Id
    • Id.
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    • See id. Please note that these figures have been rounded
    • See id. Please note that these figures have been rounded.
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    • See, at, reciting a story from inside the Clinton White House about Congress's failure to enact the pending campaign finance reform bill
    • See WALDMAN, supra note 95, at 77-78 (reciting a story from inside the Clinton White House about Congress's failure to enact the pending campaign finance reform bill).
    • Supra Note 95 , pp. 77-78
    • Waldman1
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    • Id. at
    • Id. at 80.
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    • Id. at
    • Id. at 81.
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    • DAILY NEWS, July 19
    • Timothy J. Burger, Hillary, Dem Shout it Out at Capitol, DAILY NEWS, July 19, 2002, available at http://www.nydailynews.com/archives/news/2002/07/l 9/2002-07-19-hillary-dem- shout-it-out-at.html.
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    • Id
    • Id.
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    • 200, See Motion of the Committee for Economic Development for Leave to File, F. Supp. 2d, D. D. C, No. 02-582, aff d in part, rev'd in part, U. S. 93
    • See Motion of the Committee for Economic Development for Leave to File, McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176 (D. D. C. 2003) (No. 02-582), aff d in part, rev'd in part, 540 U. S. 93 (2003).
    • (2003) McConnell V. FEC , vol.251-540 , pp. 176
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    • See FECA GUIDE
    • See FECA GUIDE, supra note 75.
    • Supra Note 75
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    • For this section of the article, Civ. No. 08-1953 I am heavily indebted to Monica Youn of the Brennan Center for Justice and draw extensively on the amicus brief submitted in the pending challenge to BCRA brought by the RNC, D. D. C. filed Nov. 13
    • For this section of the article, I am heavily indebted to Monica Youn of the Brennan Center for Justice and draw extensively on the amicus brief submitted in the pending challenge to BCRA brought by the RNC. Republican Nat'l Comm. v. FEC, Civ. No. 08-1953 (D. D. C. filed Nov. 13, 2008).
    • (2008) Republican Nat'l Comm. V. FEC
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    • F. Supp. 2d 176, D. D. C
    • McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176, 183 (D. D. C. 2003).
    • (2003) McConnell V. FEC , vol.251 , pp. 183
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    • Id. at, n. 29
    • Id. at 767 n. 29
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    • Leon, J., mem., quoting Colo. Republican Fed, U. S. 604
    • (Leon, J., mem.) (quoting Colo. Republican Fed. Campaign Comm'n v. FEC, 518 U. S. 604, 616 (1996))
    • (1996) Campaign Comm'n V. FEC , vol.518 , pp. 616
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    • McConnell v. FEC, 540 U. S. 93, 146 (2003).
    • (2003) McConnell V. FEC , vol.540 , pp. 146
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    • No 02-582 Declaration of, ¶ 7, McConnell, F. Supp. 2d
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    • "Under the pre-BCRA provisions, the parties demonstrated great ingenuity in moving money around so as to minimize the amount of hard money needed to fund federal election activity."
    • see also Donald P. Green, Report of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act 16 (2002) ("Under the pre-BCRA provisions, the parties demonstrated great ingenuity in moving money around so as to minimize the amount of hard money needed to fund federal election activity.").
    • (2002) Report of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act , pp. 16
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    • GREEN at, citing HANDBOOK OF CRIMINOLOGY 1062 Daniel Glasered.
    • GREEN, supra note 141, at 28 (citing HANDBOOK OF CRIMINOLOGY 1062 (Daniel Glasered., 1974)).
    • (1974) Supra Note 141 , pp. 28
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    • McConnell, 540 U. S. at 155.
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    • Id. at 153.
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    • F. Supp. 2d at, Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem. "Donors or their lobbyists often inform a particular Senator that they have made a large donation." quoting Declaration of Senator John McCain, Oct. 4, As Professor Green explained: "When donors make soft money donations to parties on behalf of candidates, neither the donors nor the parties have any incentive to hide this fact from the candidates...."
    • McConnell, 251 F. Supp. 2d at 488 (Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.) ("Donors or their lobbyists often inform a particular Senator that they have made a large donation." (quoting Declaration of Senator John McCain, Oct. 4, 2002)). As Professor Green explained: "When donors make soft money donations to parties on behalf of candidates, neither the donors nor the parties have any incentive to hide this fact from the candidates...."
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    • McConnell1
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    • GREEN, supra note 141, at 28.
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    • F. Supp. 2d at 515 Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.
    • McCotmell, 251 F. Supp. 2d at 515 (Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.).
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    • McCotmell1
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    • Id. at, citation omitted quoting, S12, 593 daily ed. Oct. 14, statement of Sen. Feingold
    • Id. at 684 (citation omitted) (quoting 145 CONG. REC. S12, 593 (daily ed. Oct. 14, 1999) (statement of Sen. Feingold));
    • (1999) Cong. Rec. , vol.145 , pp. 684
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    • see also, U. S. 377
    • see also Nixon v. Shrink Mo. Gov't PAC, 528 U. S. 377, 390 (2000)
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    • "Democracy works 'only if the people have faith in those who govern, and that faith is bound to be shattered when high officials and their appointees engage in activities which arouse suspicions of malfeasance and corruption. '" quoting United States v. Miss. Valley Generating Co., U. S. 520
    • ("Democracy works 'only if the people have faith in those who govern, and that faith is bound to be shattered when high officials and their appointees engage in activities which arouse suspicions of malfeasance and corruption. '" (quoting United States v. Miss. Valley Generating Co., 364 U. S. 520, 562 (1961)));
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    • Report of, Sept. 20, at, "Since most of the largest soft-money donors had high stakes in decisions made by Washington policymakers, the public has a substantial basis for its concerns about conflicts of interest and corruption of the policy process."
    • Report of Thomas E. Mann, Sept. 20, 2002, at 32 ("[S]ince most of the largest soft-money donors had high stakes in decisions made by Washington policymakers, the public has a substantial basis for its concerns about conflicts of interest and corruption of the policy process.").
    • (2002) , pp. 32
    • Mann, T.E.1
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    • McConnell, 251 F. Supp. 2d at 683 (Kollar-Kotelly, J., mem.). Mellman and Wirthlin's survey found that seventy-one percent of those polled believe that members of Congress make decisions based on what the big contributors to their party want, even if it is not what their constituents want or what the member thinks is in the best interests of the country. Id. An even greater percentage, eighty-four percent, believe that members are more likely to listen to large party contributors because of their contributions, and sixty-eight percent think that big contributors to political parties have blocked decisions by the federal government that could improve people's everyday lives. Id. The poll also reflects that the public perceives that their views are given less attention than those of large contributors. Eighty-one percent of those polled believe that the views of those corporations, unions, interest groups or individuals who donate $50, 000 or more to a political party would likely receive special consideration from members of Congress, while only twenty-four percent believe a member is "likely to give the opinion from someone like them special consideration. "
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    • McConnell1
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    • Id. citations omitted. Additionally, a Zogby poll of 301 business executives found that seventy-three percent agreed "that BCRA's prohibition on soft money was good for both them personally and for the country.", ROLL CALL, Apr. 6
    • Id. (citations omitted). Additionally, a Zogby poll of 301 business executives found that seventy-three percent agreed "that BCRA's prohibition on soft money was good for both them personally and for the country." Megan King, Business Likes Soft-Money Ban, But Wants More, ROLL CALL, Apr. 6, 2005;
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    • Campaign finance laws and political efficacy
    • see also, &, arguing that limits on campaign contributions by organizations have a statistically significant positive effect on public opinion, as does public disclosure of campaign contributions
    • see also David M. Primo & Jeffrey Milyo, Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy, 5 ELECTION L. J. 23, 33 (2006) (arguing that limits on campaign contributions by organizations have a statistically significant positive effect on public opinion, as does public disclosure of campaign contributions).
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    • Breaking up the party: How mcconnell downsizes party campaigns
    • Raymond J. La Raja, Breaking Up the Party: How McConnell Downsizes Party Campaigns, 3 ELECTION L. J., 271, 271 (2004).
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    • See, &, Campaign Finance Institute, The Ups and Downs of Small and Large Donors: An Analysis of Pre- and post-bcra Contributions to Federal Candidates and Parties, 1999-2000, at, describing BCRA's effect on small donor contributions
    • See Michael J. Malbin & Sean A. Cain, Campaign Finance Institute, The Ups and Downs of Small and Large Donors: An Analysis of Pre- and post-bcra Contributions to Federal Candidates and Parties, 1999-2000, at 4 (2007) (describing BCRA's effect on small donor contributions).
    • (2007) , pp. 4
    • Malbin, M.J.1    Cain, S.A.2
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    • National party fundraising remains strong, despite ban on soft money
    • May 19
    • Anthony Corrado, National Party Fundraising Remains Strong, Despite Ban on Soft Money, THE BROOKINGS INST., May 19, 2004, http://www.brookings.edu/ papers/2004/0519 campaignfinancereform-corrado.aspx?p=1.
    • (2004) The Brookings Inst
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    • Id.
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    • War games: Issues and resources in the battle for control of congress
    • David B. Magleby & Kelly D. Patterson eds., available at
    • David B. Magleby & Kelly D. Patterson, War Games: Issues and Resources in the Battle for Control of Congress, in WAR GAMES: ISSUES AND RESOURCES IN THE BATTLE FOR CONTROL OF CONGRESS 1, 43 (David B. Magleby & Kelly D. Patterson eds., 2007), available at http://csed.byu.edu/Assets/Pew/ 2006%20Monograph.pdf.
    • (2007) War Games: Issues AND Resources IN The Battle for Control OF Congress , vol.1 , pp. 43
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    • Id. at, tbl. 1-1. Please note that these figures have been rounded
    • Id. at 43 tbl. 1-1. Please note that these figures have been rounded.
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    • Id. Please note that these figures have been rounded
    • Id. Please note that these figures have been rounded.
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    • Id. at, emphasis added
    • Id. at 19 (emphasis added).
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    • Id at
    • Id at 33.
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    • Separating myth from reality in
    • 3 ELECTION L. J
    • Thomas E. Mann & Norman J. Ornstein, Separating Myth from Reality in McConnell v. FEC, 3 ELECTION L. J. 291, 295 (2004).
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    • Id.
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    • Id. at
    • Id. at 7.
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    • Press Release, Fed. Election Comm'n, Party Financial Activity Summarized for the 2006 Election Cycle Mar. 7, 2007, available at, last visited Aug. 20
    • Press Release, Fed. Election Comm'n, Party Financial Activity Summarized for the 2006 Election Cycle (Mar. 7, 2007), available at http://www.fec.gov/ press/press2007/partyfinal2006/20070307party.shtml (last visited Aug. 20, 2009).
    • (2009)
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    • Id.
    • Id.
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    • Parties versus interest groups
    • see also, in, Anthony Corrado et al. eds., anticipating that BCRA would wither political parties' finances
    • see also Sidney M. Milkis, Parties Versus Interest Groups, in INSIDE THE Campaign Finance Battle 40, 40 (Anthony Corrado et al. eds., 2003) (anticipating that BCRA would wither political parties' finances);
    • (2003) Inside The Campaign Finance Battle , vol.40 , pp. 40
    • Milkis, S.M.1
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    • tracking amounts and proportions of individual contributions to national party committees across election cycles
    • Magleby, supra note 15, at 8-9 (tracking amounts and proportions of individual contributions to national party committees across election cycles);
    • Supra Note 15 , pp. 8-9
    • Magleby1
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    • Party finance in the wake of bcra
    • see also, in, Michael J. Malbin ed., noting that the sum of individual contributions to party organizations in 2004 was more than the sum of hard- and soft-money contributions in the 2000 election cycle
    • see also Anthony Corrado, Party Finance in the Wake of BCRA, in THE ELECTION AFTER REFORM: MONEY, POLITICS, AND THE BIPARTISAN CAMPAIGN REFORM ACT 25 (Michael J. Malbin ed., 2006) (noting that the sum of individual contributions to party organizations in 2004 was more than the sum of hard- and soft-money contributions in the 2000 election cycle).
    • (2006) The Election After Reform: Money, Politics, and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act , vol.25
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    • Id at
    • Id at 43.
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    • BCRA and the 527 groups
    • See, &, Michael J. Malbin ed.
    • See Stephen Weissman & Ruth Hassan, BCRA and the 527 Groups, in THE ELECTION AFTER REFORM 79, 79-80 (Michael J. Malbin ed., 2006).
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    • Weissman, S.1    Hassan, R.2
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    • See id
    • See id.
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    • Interest groups and advocacy organizations after bcra, in
    • 132 Michael J. Malbin ed.
    • Robert G. Boatright et al., Interest Groups and Advocacy Organizations After BCRA, in THE ELECTION AFTER REFORM 112, 113-14, 132 (Michael J. Malbin ed., 2006).
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    • Id at
    • Id at 132.
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    • See INSTITUTE FOR POLITICS, DEMOCRACY & THE INTERNET, SMALL DONORS AND Online Giving: A Study of donors to the 2004 Presidential Campaigns, hereinafter 2004 CAMPAIGN DONOR Study, available at
    • See INSTITUTE FOR POLITICS, DEMOCRACY & THE INTERNET, SMALL DONORS AND Online Giving: A Study of donors to the 2004 Presidential Campaigns 43 (2006) [hereinafter 2004 CAMPAIGN DONOR Study], available at http://www.ipdi.org/UploadedFiies/Small%20Donors%20Report.pdf.
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    • Id at 18.
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    • See id. at
    • See id. at 113.
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    • The '08 campaign: Sea change for politics as we know it
    • Nov. 4
    • Adam Nagourney, 1The '08 Campaign: Sea Change for Politics As We Know It, N. Y. Times, Nov. 4, 2008, at A1.
    • (2008) N. Y. Times
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    • at, citations omitted
    • Magleby, supra note 15, at 5 (citations omitted).
    • Supra Note 15 , pp. 5
    • Magleby1
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    • June 2008, available at, recognizing role of McCain-Feingold in small donor and networking push
    • see also Joshua Green, The Amazing Money Machine, ATLANTIC MONTHLY, June 2008, available at http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200806/obama-finance (recognizing role of McCain-Feingold in small donor and networking push).
    • The Amazing Money Machine, Atlantic Monthly
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    • Dnc memo: This is the 50-state strategy realized
    • See, Nov. 6, last visited Aug. 17
    • See Sam Stein, DNC Memo: This is the 50-State Strategy Realized, HUFFINGTON POST, Nov. 6, 2008, http://hufringtonpost.eom/2008/l l/06/dnc-memo-we-deserve-some-n-141878.html (last visited Aug. 17, 2009);
    • (2008) Huffington Post
    • Stein, S.1
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    • see also Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107-155, Stat
    • see also Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107-155, 116 Stat. 81 (2002).
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    • Armstrong & moulitsas, at
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    • See Democratic Nat'l Comm., The 50-State Strategy, http://www.democrats. org/a/2006/09/50-state-strate-17.php (last visited Aug. 20, 2009);
    • (2009) Democratic Nat'l Comm
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    • Obama and dean team up to recast the political map
    • June 5
    • Sam Stein, Obama and Dean Team Up to Recast the Political Map, HUFFINGTON POST, June 5, 2008, http://www.huffington post.com/2008/06/05/obama-and-dean- team-up-to-n-105419.html.
    • (2008) Huffington Post
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    • Democratic nat'l comm
    • Democratic Nat'l Comm., supra note 189.
    • Supra Note 189
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    • See, POLITICO, May 24
    • See David Paul Kuhn, DNC Blunts GOP Microtargeting Lead, POLITICO, May 24, 2008, available at http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0508/10573.html.
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    • Stepping out of the shadows? ground war activity in 2004, in
    • See, &, Michael J. Malbin ed.
    • See David B. Magleby & Kelly D. Patterson, Stepping out of the Shadows? Ground War Activity in 2004, in THE ELECTION AFTER REFORM 161, 171 (Michael J. Malbin ed., 2006).
    • (2006) The Election After Reform , vol.161 , pp. 171
    • Magleby, D.B.1    Patterson, K.D.2
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    • Id. at
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    • See Magleby, at
    • See Magleby, supra note 15, at 8-11.
    • Supra Note 15 , pp. 8-11
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    • see also, Art. 6, at, available at
    • see also Clyde Wilcox, Internet Fund-raising in 2008: A New Model?, FORUM, Vol. 6, Issue 1, Art. 6, at 1 (2008), available at http://www.bepress. com/forum/vol6/issl/art6/ ("[I]t is possible that internet fundraising will have a more profound impact on who contributes, and how they become involved in politics.").
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    • Supra Note 150 , pp. 8
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    • -2004 Campaign Donor Study, supra note 175, at 5, 39.
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    • Press Release, Campaign Finance Inst., Obama's Small Contributions Surged in June, but McCain's Party-Based Strategy Gave the GOP Side a Combined Cash Advantage on June 30 July 22, 2008, available at
    • Press Release, Campaign Finance Inst., Obama's Small Contributions Surged in June, but McCain's Party-Based Strategy Gave the GOP Side a Combined Cash Advantage on June 30 (July 22, 2008), available at http://www.cfinst.org/pr/ prrelease.aspx?releaseid=201.
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    • The change election
    • at 19, citations omitted
    • THE CHANGE ELECTION, supra note 12, at 19 (citations omitted).
    • Supra Note 12
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    • "She started 2007 as the candidate to beat in the money race, raising $229.4 million throught he end of May, but Obama surpassed her early in Center for Responsive Politics, Clinton left the race with $22.5 million in debt, at least $11.4 million of which came from her own pocket."
    • Center for Responsive Politics, Summary Data for Hillary Clinton, http://www.open secrets.org/pres08/summary.php?id=N00000019 ("She started 2007 as the candidate to beat in the money race, [raising $229.4 million through the end of May,] but Obama surpassed her early in 2008. Clinton left the race with $22.5 million in debt, at least $11.4 million of which came from her own pocket.").
    • (2008) Summary Data for Hillary Clinton
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    • Center for Responsive Politics, noting that Romney's fund-raising dropped off after February 2007, which suggests that his use of personal wealth to outspend opponents did not translate into a persuasive campaign
    • Center for Responsive Politics, Summary Data for Mitt Romney, http://www.open secrets.org/pres08/summary.php?id=n00000286 (noting that Romney's fund-raising dropped off after February 2007, which suggests that his use of personal wealth to outspend opponents did not translate into a persuasive campaign).
    • Summary Data for Mitt Romney
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    • See Fed. Election Comm'n, Presidential Campaign Finance: Contributions to All Candidates by State, last visited Aug. 20
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    • (2009)
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    • See Fed. Election Comm'n, FEC Form 3X: Report of Receipts and Disbursements filed Jan. 31, 2009, last visited Aug. 20
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    • Fed. Election Comm'n, FEC Form 3X: Report of Receipts and Disbursements filed Apr. 3, last visited Aug. 20
    • Fed. Election Comm'n, FEC Form 3X: Report of Receipts and Disbursements (filed Apr. 3, 2008), http://images.nictasa.com/pdC001/28931030001/28931030001. pdflmav panes=0 (last visited Aug. 20, 2009).
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    • Fed. Election Comm'n, FEC Form 3X: Report of Receipts and Disbursements for Republican National Committee filed Feb. 2, last visited Aug. 20
    • Fed. Election Comm'n, FEC Form 3X: Report of Receipts and Disbursements for Republican National Committee (filed Feb. 2, 2008), http://irnages.nictusa. com/pdf7001/2899044 0001/28990440001.pdf#navpanes=0 (last visited Aug. 20, 2009).
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.