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Volumn 68, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 31-64

Suffrage restriction in post-reconstruction Texas: Urban politics and the specter of the commune

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EID: 67649540787     PISSN: 00224642     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3069690     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (7)

References (167)
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    • On Republican and African American officeholding in post-Reconstruction Texas, see Randolph B. Campbell, Grass-Roots Reconstruction in Texas, 1865-1880 (Baton Rouge and London, 1997), 54-57, 126-30
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    • Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Texas
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    • Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University
    • The fact that even citizens in the whitest counties had faced a sharp rise in state and local taxes since the end of the Civil War gave the fiscal argument against Reconstruction particular strength. Taxes amounted to .31 percent of assessed property values in 1866; this figure had risen to 1.77 percent by 1871. Larry Earl Adams, "Economic Development in Texas During Reconstruction" (Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, 1980), 43-48
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  • 40
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    • Farm Ownership and Tenancy in the Black Prairie of Texas
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    • J. T. Sanders, Farm Ownership and Tenancy in the Black Prairie of Texas, U.S. Department of Agriculture Bulletin No. 1068 (Washington, D.C., 1922), 1-5
    • (1922) Department of Agriculture Bulletin , vol.1068 , pp. 1-5
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    • Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas
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    • (1960)
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    • (1876) GDN , pp. 1
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    • (1875) GDN , pp. 1
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    • For the common language employed to describe problems in northern and southern cities, see, for example, GDN, September 24, 1874, p. 1, c. 1
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    • August
    • By the later 1880s a political machine had matured in San Antonio, but initially its developmental agenda appealed to the civic elite. See Dale Baum and Worth Robert Miller, "Ethnic Conflict and Machine Politics in San Antonio, 1892-1899," Journal of Urban History, 19 (August 1993), 63-84
    • (1993) Journal of Urban History , vol.19 , pp. 63-84
    • Baum1    W. Robert Miller, D.2
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    • David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds. Lincoln, Nebr., and London
    • John A. Booth and David R. Johnson, "Power and Progress in San Antonio Politics, 1836-1970," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Progress, and Power (Lincoln, Nebr., and London, 1983), 8-15
    • (1983) The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Progress, and Power , pp. 8-15
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  • 62
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    • House Journal, 13 Legis., 275, 1219
    • House Journal
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    • c. 1 second quotation, April 8
    • GDN, April 8, 1873, p. 1, c. 1 (second quotation)
    • (1873) GDN , pp. 1
  • 65
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    • The Rise of Urban Texas
    • Char Miller and Heywood T. Sanders, eds, College Station, Tex
    • For urban population figures and rates of growth in Texas, see Char Miller and David R. Johnson, "The Rise of Urban Texas," in Char Miller and Heywood T. Sanders, eds., Urban Texas: Politics and Development (College Station, Tex., 1990), 6, 8
    • (1990) Urban Texas: Politics and Development , vol.6 , pp. 8
    • Miller, C.1    Johnson, D.R.2
  • 68
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    • Miller and Johnson, Rise of Urban Texas, 6
    • For the population of Houston and Galveston, see Miller and Johnson, "Rise of Urban Texas," 6
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    • 85
    • For the growth of manufacture between 1860 and 1870, see U.S. Census Office, Eighth Census, Manufactures of the United States in 1860 (Washington, 1865), 583-85, 592-93
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    • For industrial growth more generally, see Vera Lea Dugas, "Texas Industry, 1860-1880," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 59 (October 1955), 151-83
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    • The Stillbirth of Urban Politics in the Reconstruction South: Houston, Texas as a Test Case
    • Summer
    • See also Harold L. Platt, "The Stillbirth of Urban Politics in the Reconstruction South: Houston, Texas as a Test Case," Houston Review, 4 (Summer 1982), 60
    • (1982) Houston Review , vol.4 , pp. 60
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  • 89
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    • See, for example, GDN, February 23, 26, 1875, February 20, 1876
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  • 95
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    • For the efforts of liberal reformers in 1877-78 to have property qualifications on the urban franchise incorporated into the New York state constitution, see McGerr, Decline of Popular Politics, 48-50
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    • Galveston M.A. thesis, Rice University
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    • In 1879 the legislature did pass a statewide requirement to print ballots on plain white paper with no identifying mark by which illiterates might distinguish among party tickets. The bill had been introduced in the Texas House by a Democrat from black-majority Montgomery County who also happened to represent urban Harris County. Navasota Weekly Tablet, January 31, 1879
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    • Fort Worth and the Progressive Era: The Movement for Charter Revision
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    • Richard G. Miller, "Fort Worth and the Progressive Era: The Movement for Charter Revision, 1899-1907," in Margaret Francine Morris and Elliott West, eds., Essays on Urban America (Austin and London, 1975), 89-121
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    • The volte-face by Texas Democrats with respect to a state poll tax requires further close study, but see Perman, Struggle for Mastery, 271-81
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    • Texas Populists and the Failure of Biracial Politics
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    • Building a Progressive Coalition in Texas: The Populist-Reform Democrat Rapprochement, 1900-1907
    • May
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    • Fort Worth and the Progressive Era
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    • Progressives Against Democracy: Electoral Reform in Louisiana, 1894-1921
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    • On disfranchisement as a response to such divisions see Matthew J. Schott, "Progressives Against Democracy: Electoral Reform in Louisiana, 1894-1921," Louisiana History, 20 (Summer 1979), 247-60
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    • The work of Eugene Watts and James Russell on Atlanta suggests another way in which class divisions among whites accelerated disfranchisement. Black voters' tendency to side with elite reformers inspired the white working class to press for a white primary. Watts, Social Bases of City Politics, 30
    • Social Bases of City Politics , pp. 30
    • Watts1


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