Magister elephantorvm: A reappraisal of Hannibal's use of elephants

Classical World

Volumn 100, Issue 4, 2007, Pages 363-389

  Charles, Michael B ^a   Rhodan, Peter ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 67649535431     PISSN: 00098418     EISSN: 15589234     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/clw.2007.0054     Document Type: Review

References (71)

1. Translations in this paper are generally either verbatim or slightly adapted from the relevant Loeb Classical Library volume, with the exception of Eutropius and Zonaras (our translations) and Polyaenus (translation of P. Krentz and E. L. Wheeler, Polyaenus: Stratagems of Wars, 2 vols. [Chicago 1994]). The authors would like to thank Brian Jones and Tom Stevenson for reading earlier versions of this draft, in addition to CW's anonymous referee for helpful comments
2. J. Edwards, "The Irony of Hannibal's Elephants," Latomus 60 (2001) 900-5: "His decision to bring these animals across the Alps may well have brought him victory in Italy had the elephants not died en route" (905)
3. It is hoped that elephants in the Hellenistic world will become the subject of a future study; see also M. B. Charles, "Elephants at Raphia: Reinterpreting Polybius 5.84-85," CQ 57 (2007) 306-11
4. Bush elephants can grow to a height of four meters at the shoulder, while the forest variety does not reach higher than three meters and weighs only about half as much as its larger cousins; only a moderate degree of sexual dimorphism occurs. Recent scientific literature holds that the bush and forest elephants are full species (previously subspecies Loxodonta africana africana and Loxodonta africana cyclotis, respectively); see A. Duff and A. Lawson, Mammals of the World: A Checklist (London 2004) 209, 229 ("Appendix: New species")
5. which follows P. Grubb, C. P. Groves, J. P. Dudley, and J. Shoshani, "Living African Elephants Belong to Two Species: Loxodonta africana (Blumenbach, 1797)
6. and Loxodonta cyclotis (Matschie, 1900),"
7. Elephant 2.4 (2004) 1-4
8. T. Wise, Armies of the Carthaginian Wars 265-146 B.C. (London 1982) 12
9. Likewise, J. F. Shean, "Hannibal's Mules: The Logistical Limitations of Hannibal's Army and the Battle of Cannae, 216 B.C.," Historia 45 (1996) 174: "now extinct ... [in northern Africa]."
10. W. Gowers, "The African Elephant in Warfare," African Affairs 46 (1947) 43
11. S. O'Bryhim, "Hannibal's Elephants and the Crossing of the Rhône," CQ 41 (1991) 122 n.6
12. See especially W. Gowers and H. H. Scullard, "Hannibal's Elephants Again," NC, 6th ser., 10 (1950) 271-83
13. G. de Beer (Alps and Elephants: Hannibal's March [London 1955] 93-94)
14. using numismatic evidence, correctly identifies the elephants as "of the small forest type, variety cyclotis," repeated in de Beer, Hannibal: The Struggle for Power in the Mediterranean (London 1969) 102
15. It has been suggested that "at least one" Indian elephant was used by Hannibal; on this, see de Beer, Alps and Elephants, 96
16. See also L. Cottrell, Enemy of Rome (London and Sydney, 1962) 37
17. J. Prevas, Hannibal Crosses the Alps: The Invasion of Italy and the Punic Wars (Cambridge, Mass., 1998) 61
18. and M. Launey, Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, vol. 1 (Paris 1949) 587
19. W. R. Paton (Polybius: The Histories, vol. 1 [London and New York, 1922] 115) translates the word as "mahouts."
20. Gowers and Scullard (above, n.12) 278-82, with Scullard, The Elephant (above, n.11) 170
21. The coins in question are perhaps of Campanian origin; for representations, see E. S. G. Robinson, "Carthaginian and Other South Italian Coinages of the Second Punic War," NC, 7th ser., 4 (1964) pls. V.5, V.6, and V.7, with 41
22. Scullard ("Hannibal's Elephants" [above, n.11] 166) associates this beast with that ridden by Hannibal in 217 B.C.E.; see Livy 22.2.10: "the sole surviving elephant" (elephanto qui unus superfuerat)
23. Armed crewmen are attested for Porus' elephants at the Hydaspes (326 B.C.E.). These animals probably carried a mahout and one/?two javelin-wielding soldier(s) mounted on the beast's back; for a representation, see S. Reinach, "Elephas," in C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, eds., Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines d'après les textes et les monuments, vol. 2.1 (Paris 1892) 538, fig. 2621 (line drawing)
24. and J. Warry, Warfare in the Classical World (London 1980) 84 (photograph). It is generally believed that Pyrrhus introduced turrets. Zonaras, in his description of Heraclea (8.3), places "turrets" on Pyrrhus' animals
25. P. Sabin, "The Mechanics of Battle in the Second Punic War," in T. Cornell, B. Rankov, and P. Sabin, eds., The Second Punic War: A Reappraisal, BICS Supplement 67 (London 1996) 70 n.76
26. Indeed, Gowers (above, n.11) 43 has suggested that this particularly realistic coin shows one of the elephants that would soon be taken across the Alps
27. W. Gowers, "African Elephants and Ancient Authors," African Affairs 47 (1948) 174, with Gowers and Scullard (above, n.12) 276
28. Cosmas, writing in the sixth century C.E. (for text, see Dittenberger OGI I.54), tells us that Ptolemy III captured Indian elephants when he invaded Seleucid territory during the Third Syrian War of 246-241 B.C.E
29. Gowers (above, n.11) 44. Note Pliny, HN 8.9.27, 8.11.32; but see also HN 8.13.35
30. The beasts had been named "Lucan oxen" (boues Lucas) by the Romans (Plin. HN 8.6.16)
31. On this battle, see M. G. Morgan, "Polybius and the Date of Panormus," CQ n.s. 22 (1972) 121-29
32. R. F. Glover, "The Tactical Handling of the Elephant," G&R 17 (1948) 11
33. In addition, T. A. Dodge, Hannibal: A History of the Art of War among the Carthaginians and Romans down to the Battle of Pydna, 168 B.C., with a Detailed Account of the Second Punic War (New York 1891; fasc. ed. 1995) 25, 119
34. I. Archer, J. R. Ferris, J. R. Herwig, and T. H. E. Travers, World History of Warfare (Lincoln 2002) 81
35. For similar ancient thoughts, see App. Hisp. 9.46; Plin. HN 8.9.27
36. For a detailed account of the campaign, see B. W. Henderson, "The Campaign of Metaurus," EHR 13 (1898) 625-42. Frontinus (Strat. 2.3.8) also provides some detail, though he does not mention elephants
37. See J. F. Lazenby, Hannibal's War: A Military History of the Second Punic War (Warminster 1978) 189. Appian (Hann. 8.52) refers to fifteen elephants in Hasdrubal's possession
38. G. Daly, Cannae: The Experience of Battle in the Second Punic War (London and New York, 2002) 14: "late December 218 or perhaps early January 217."
39. Polybius (3.42.11) tells us that thirty-seven elephants were taken across the Rhone; see also App. Hann. 1.4; Eutr. Brev. 3.8.2
40. On Hannibal's journey, see D. Proctor, Hannibal's March in History (Oxford 1971). But we are not told how many elephants survived the Alpine crossing
41. B. O. Foster, Livy, vol. 5 (London and Cambridge, Mass., 1929) 163
42. M. S. Dimsdale (Livy: Book XXI [Cambridge 1914] 162), though he writes that ab cornibus "would generally mean 'on the wings'," believes that, on this occasion, "it must mean ... on the extreme left and right" (in order to accord better with 21.55.7)
43. A. de Sélincourt, tr., (Livy: The War with Hannibal [Harmondsworth 1972] 81) provides "with the elephants beyond them [i.e., the two cavalry wings]," which could mean either in front or outside
44. See also P. Jal, ed. and tr., Tite-Live: Histoire romaine, vol. 11, Collection Budé (Paris 1988) 68: "à côté des ailes, répartis de chaque côté, il disposa les éléphants" (see also 116-17 of the same volume, where greater credence is given to the Polybian version: "il faut admettre qu'en ce cas, la cavalerie n'était pas derrière eux")
45. Likewise, see J. Feix, tr., Livius: Römische Geschichte. Buch XXI-XXIII (Munich 1974) 121: "die Elefanten verteilte er an den Flügeln."
46. M. T. Tatham (Livy, Book XXI, with Introduction and Notes [Oxford 1899] 54) holds that the locus, with 21.55.7, means "away from the flanks," i.e., that the elephants were stationed "outside the two divisions of cavalry." Still, he prefers Polybius' arrangement
47. See also T. A. Dorey and D. R. Dudley, Rome against Carthage (London 1971) 50: "the cavalry, strengthened by elephants on either flank."
48. 2 VII.2 (1989) 468, who believes that Hannibal, at the Trebia, repeated Pyrrhus' disposition of his elephants at Heraclea, where they were stationed on the wings initially and served to frighten the Roman cavalry
49. J. de Foucault, ed., and E. Foulon, tr. and rev., Polybe: Histoires Livre III, Collection Budé (Paris 2004) 101: "il divisa les cavaliers et les plaça sur chacune des deux ailes - ils étaient plus de dix mille avec les alliés celtes; enfin il scinda ses éléphants et les rangea devant les ailes de sa phalange"
50. I. Scott-Kilvert, tr., Polybius: The Rise of the Roman Empire (Harmondsworth 1979) 242: "He also divided his force of elephants and stationed them in front of the wings of the infantry phalanx, so that his flanks were doubly protected." These interpretations are supported by Lazenby (above, n.42) 56
51. and F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 1 (Oxford 1957) 406. It is worth adducing Polyb. 11.24.2, where ... does refer to "the wings" of the Carthaginian infantry (introduced by), as opposed to the center of the formation
52. W. Sontheimer, "Der Feldzug Hannibals in Oberitalien," Klio 27 (1934) 112-21
53. Still, it could be argued that the Livian locus is simply a reprise of such descriptions. E. Mellor (The Roman Historians [London and New York 1999] 67-68) comments on Livy's uncritical nature with respect to his favoring of Roman annalistic tradition over Polybius' supposedly more reliable testimony, especially with respect to the Hannibalic war
54. As A. Erskine ("Hannibal and the Freedom of the Italians," Hermes 121 [1993] 62) points out, "it is generally agreed that in book 21 and 22 Polybius was at no point a main source [for Livy], although Livy or his source had most certainly consulted Polybius"
55. H. Tränkle (Livius und Polybius [Basel and Stuttgart, 1977] 193, 224-28) suggests that it was Livy's source Coelius, rather than Livy himself, who had consulted Polybius. This suggests, at the very least, that Livy believed that Polybius' version of the Trebia was a) not the most accurate, or b) not suitable for chauvinistic reasons
56. One might recall here the manner in which Antiochus I was able to terrify his Celtic opponents in Galatia with a similarly modest number of beasts (i.e., sixteen) (Lucian Zeux. 9-10)
57. An unwarranted amount of attention has perhaps been given to the elephant's effectiveness against cavalry, a view derived more from battles involving Hellenistic princes (where generals with elephants regularly fought against other generals with elephants) than the sort of engagements that interest us. Even B. Bar-Kochva (The Seleucid Army [London 1976] 77) perpetuates this: "the main value of elephants was as a 'screen' against cavalry." But, by the time of the Pyrrhic and the First and Second Punic Wars (which involved one opponent wont to use elephants and another which did not), this was not always so. Indeed, some of the more decisive engagements involving elephants in this period were characterized by the beasts charging heavy-infantry formations, e.g., Pyrrhus at Asculum (Plut. Pyrrh. 21) and Beneventum (Plut. Pyrrh. 25), where the elephant charge was deflected. In perhaps the most decisive instance, Xanthippus' animals routed Regulus' legionaries at the Bagradas valley in 255 B.C.E. (Polyb 1.33-34). Elephants were also used successfully by Hamilcar Barca against the Libyan and mercenary infantry in northern Africa (Polyb. 1.76.3-8, 1.85.6-7). Of note, too, is that Scipio's cavalry and uelites attacked the Carthaginian elephants at Ilipa with much success (Polyb. 11.24.1). Certainly, the Roman cavalry had no problem facing the elephants here and, if they did not destroy all the beasts, at least prevented them from being brought to bear in the main infantry fight
58. De Sélincourt (above, n.49) 189 n.1; F. Gardner Moore, tr., Livy, vol. 6 (London and Cambridge, Mass., 1990) 60 n.1
59. P. Jal, ed. and tr. (Tile-Live: Histoire romaine, vol. 13, Collection Budé [Paris 2001] 30 n."d"), writes that "Qu'Hannibal ait eu encore des éléphants ... à cette date est étonnant (version annalistique?); ceux envoyés par Carthage n'arrivèrent apparemment qu'en 215." Feix (above, n.49) 335 makes no comment. Gowers and Scullard (above, n.12) 280 hold that most of these elephants would have been African, although the possibility exists that "a few" may have been Indian and were obtained from Ptolemy IV
60. On this, see H. Mattingly and E. S. G. Robinson, "The Date of the Roman Denarius and other Landmarks in Early Roman Coinage," PBA 18 (1932) 220. In 214 B.C.E., twelve elephants were landed by Himilco in Sicily at a point near Heraclea Minoa, along with 25,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry (Livy 24.35.3)
61. P. Erdkamp, "Polybius, Livy and the 'Fabian Strategy,'" AncSoc 23 (1992) 127-47. Erdkamp focuses on discrepancies that exist between Livy's version and that of Polybius, in whose account "Fabian tactics" play a less significant role
62. Only Silius Italicus records elephants at Cannae (e.g., 9.239-240, 9.577-580, 9.599-604), but this "testimony" can be safely disregarded. J. Volpilhac-Lenthéric, M. Martin, P. Miniconi, and G. Devallet (Silius Italicus: La guerre punique, vol. 3, Collection Budé [Paris 1984] 177 n.22) suggest that the elephants were introduced "pour donner une couleur exceptionnelle au combat," while F. Spaltenstein (Commentaire des Punica du Silius Italicus, vol. 2 [Geneva 1990] 23-24) holds that elephants, in the Punica, form part of "l'image traditionnelle" of Hannibal's army
63. For an overview of the arguments relating to the battle site, see F. H. Russell, "The Battlefield of Zama," Archaeology 23 (1970) 120-29
64. This is supported inter alios by K. W. Meiklejohn, "Roman Strategies and Tactics from 509 to 202 B.C. (cont.)," G&R 8 (1938) 18
65. B. Caven, The Punic Wars (London 1980) 251
66. Caven fails to describe the type of elephants used; see also 253: "his elephants were not the noble beasts that had crossed the Pyrenees." Note, too, de Beer, Hannibal (above, n.12) 289
67. and H. H. Scullard, Scipio Africanus: Soldier and Politician (London 1970) 142-43. But see also Dorey and Dudley (above, n.50) 145, Mellor (above, n.60) 61 writes that the meeting "is fictitious, though it encapsulates the confrontation better than any description of battle tactics."
68. Likewise, B. H. Liddell Hart, A Greater than Napoleon: Scipio Africanus (New York 1976; repr. of 1927 ed.) 179-80: "How decisive might have been the charge ... is shown by the havoc they wrought at the outset among the velites"
69. P. Connolly, Greece and Rome at War (London 1981) 74
70. See Zonar. 8.13, where we read that the elephants routed the Roman cavalry, J. F. Lazenby (The First Punic War [London and New York, 2003] 105) describes this account as something that "we can ignore."
71. J. F. Lazenby, "Was Maharbal Right?" in Cornell, Rankov