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Volumn 28, Issue 3, 2009, Pages 497-505

Making management count: A case for theory- and evidence-based public management

(1)  Smith, Dennis C a  

a NONE

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EID: 67449094415     PISSN: 02768739     EISSN: 15206688     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1002/pam.20444     Document Type: Note
Times cited : (11)

References (63)
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    • See Weiss (1995).
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    • See
    • See Ostom (1999).
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    • See
    • See Thompson (1967).
    • (1967)
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    • 67449102331 scopus 로고
    • For, a major criterion for defining a bureau is the condition that a "major portion of its output is not evaluated by any markets external to the organization by means of voluntary quid pro quo transactions." Consequently, "there is no direct relationship between the services a bureau provides and the income it receives for providing them."
    • For Anthony Downs (1967), a major criterion for defining a bureau is the condition that a "major portion of its output is not evaluated by any markets external to the organization by means of voluntary quid pro quo transactions." Consequently, "there is no direct relationship between the services a bureau provides and the income it receives for providing them.".
    • (1967)
    • Downs, A.1
  • 6
    • 67449100722 scopus 로고
    • Of course, measuring per se in the public sector is not a new story."Performance" in the public sector was traditionally gauged by increases in budget, staffing, and acquisition of functions (and resources) from other agencies. A number of studies predicated on the assumption that public-sector organizations cannot measure results that matter theorized perverse measures such as ability to satisfy the demands of superiors, explaining the dysfunctions of bureaucracy. They range from the popular works such as Peter (1969) to more scholarly analysis epitomized by Downs (1967) and Tullock
    • Of course, measuring per se in the public sector is not a new story."Performance" in the public sector was traditionally gauged by increases in budget, staffing, and acquisition of functions (and resources) from other agencies. A number of studies predicated on the assumption that public-sector organizations cannot measure results that matter theorized perverse measures such as ability to satisfy the demands of superiors, explaining the dysfunctions of bureaucracy. They range from the popular works such as Peter (1969) to more scholarly analysis epitomized by Downs (1967) and Tullock (1965).
    • (1965)
  • 7
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    • See
    • See Auletta (1979).
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  • 8
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    • For a history of the creation of the MMPRS, see
    • For a history of the creation of the MMPRS, see Ukeles (1982).
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  • 9
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    • See
    • See Smith (1993).
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    • 67449106380 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Note
    • In 2008 the printed report has outcomes measures for almost all agencies, is far shorter, spells out the logic of the agency's mission explicitly, and refers readers to very extensive reports and data available on the Web, including performance data disaggregated to the neighborhood level, at nyc.gov. Examples are weekly precinct crime data, and school-by-school test and attendance data.
  • 11
    • 67449084296 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Note
    • The original blueprint for the Mayor's Planning, Management, and Reporting System provided for a system very similar to CitiStat, a performance management system modeled after CompStat but developed and used citywide by Mayor O'Malley in Baltimore (see Behn, 2007). At the time of the 1989 study of the MMPRS, a manual that mapped out all parts of the planning and management parts of the system, as well as the reporting, had become a forgotten document (Smith, 1993).
  • 12
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    • For an examination of the dearth of analysis in the Dinkins Administration, see
    • For an examination of the dearth of analysis in the Dinkins Administration, see Smith and Grinker (1993).
    • (1993)
    • Smith1    Grinker2
  • 13
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    • Note
    • An implicit outcome orientation had been introduced into policing in New York in the problem-solving community policing model of Commissioners Lee Brown and Raymond Kelly because problem solving, to communities, is not increased activity, but increased safety. While never acknowledged by Rudy Giuliani, the now widely known reversal of the long trend upward in crime began in New York City with community policing (1990-1993).
  • 14
    • 67449091273 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Note
    • A careful and insightful survey of the diffusion of CompStat to police agencies with more than 100 officers found that it "has in fact diffused widely across the landscape of American policing." Unfortunately, the study followed a longstanding tradition in public administration of more interest in the implementation of reforms but less in their results. The study does not report even asking, much less answering, whether CompStat has reduced crime in those cities.
  • 15
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    • See Crime has dramatically declined in Los Angeles, a city very different from New York, since William Bratton brought CompStat there when he became Chief of Police. L.A. is now the second safest big city in America, after New York
    • See Weisburd et al. (2004). Crime has dramatically declined in Los Angeles, a city very different from New York, since William Bratton brought CompStat there when he became Chief of Police. L.A. is now the second safest big city in America, after New York.
    • (2004)
    • Weisburd1
  • 16
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    • See
    • See Radin (2006).
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    • Rivlin. (1971).
    • Rivlin. (1971).
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    • Note
    • "Scorecard," the city's systematic observation-based street cleanliness rating system, was a path-breaking outcome measure (people care about the cleanliness of their street, not the tons of garbage collected, as reported before Scorecard) and have been fairly widely imitated (Smith, 1993). For a general work on performance measurement.
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    • see
    • see Hatry et al. (1990).
    • (1990)
    • Hatry1
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    • For a critical discussion of the issues confronted in implementing, GPRA, see
    • For a critical discussion of the issues confronted in implementing GPRA, see Radin (1997).
    • (1997)
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    • See also Roberts (1997).
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    • Note
    • This was Thorstein Veblen's argument: that developing countries did not have to start the industrial revolution where England did, but could all the lesson learned at start at the higher level. See Veblen (1898).
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    • See Benson (2006).
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    • See (n.d.)
    • See Safir (n.d.).
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    • Note
    • Frank Anechiarico and the author have criticized performance management practices for failing to include issues of ethics and integrity that are integral to public sector outcomes (see Anechiarico & Smith, 2006)
    • (2006)
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    • Weiss (1995).
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    • GAO
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    • (2004)
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    • See Radin (2006).
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    • This discussion draws on
    • This discussion draws on Weiss (1983).
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    • Note
    • Managers of some processes need weekly or even daily reporting, their bosses may find the monthly reports are sufficient to their needs, and twice a year to the public may be as much as citizens have need of or time for, as long as the performance data are indicators of conditions that affect them, reported on a scale that is relevant to them.
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    • Kovner, D'Aquila, and Fine (forthcoming).
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    • See http://www.innovations.harvard.edu/awards.html?id=3722. The author was the site visitor for this Innovation Award Finalist review.
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