Venice between East and West: Marc'Antonio Barbaro and Palladio's church of the Redentore

Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians

Volumn 62, Issue 3, 2003, Pages

  Howard, Deborah ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 65849375576     PISSN: 00379808     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3592517     Document Type: Review

References (103)

1. The most useful accounts of the building of the church of the Redentore are those of Giangiorgio Zorzi, Le chiese e i ponti di Andrea Palladio (Vicenza, 1966)
2. Wladimir Timofiewitsch, The Chiesa del Redentore (University Park, Pa., and London, 1971)
3. Lionello Puppi, Andrea Palladio, 2 vols. (Milan, 1973), 1: 210-17, 2: 419-23
4. Howard Burns et al., Andrea Palladio 1508-1580: The Portico and the Farmyard (London, 1975), 143-49
5. A letter on the symbolism of the cruciform plan, supposedly written by Palladio to Count Giulio Capra, cited in Antonio Magrini, Memorie intorno la vita e le opere di Andrea Palladio (Padua, 1845), 213-14, and in full in the appendix, 45-47, is now considered to be a fake
6. for further details, see Puppi, Andrea Palladio, 2: 423. This letter formed the basis of the interpretation by Bianca Betto, "L'iconografia della chiesa dell SS. Redentore in Venezia," Ateneo Veneto, annata 134, vol. 130 (1943), 85-98
7. Staale Sinding-Larsen, "Palladio's Redentore: A Compromise in Composition," Art Bulletin 47 (1965), 419-37, suggested that an overt reference to the Holy Sepulchre was also intended
8. See also Antonio Niero, "I templi del Redentore e della Salute. Motivazioni teologiche," in Paolo Peruzza et al., Venezia e la peste (Venice, 1979), 294-98, where the devotion to the Tau symbol as a protection against the plague is also invoked on p. 295
9. See, for example, Zorzi, Le chiese, 124 (although he quotes the rejection of the motion to make two models on p. 133)
10. James Ackerman, Palladio (Harmondsworth, England, 1966), 127, stated that the round model was at first "selected and then abandoned, after a vigorous dispute. "
11. See Cicogna, Iscrizioni veneziane, 2: 364 (see n. 11)
12. Anthony Blunt's brief introduction to the architectural reforms of the Counter-Reformation is still useful; Artistic Theory in Italy 1450-1600 (Oxford, 1962), 127-32
13. See Charles Yriarte, La Vie d'un patricien de Venise au seizième siècle (Paris, 1874)
14. Bruno Simon, "I rappresentanti diplomatici veneziani a Costantinopoli," in Alberto Tenenti et al., Venezia e i Turchi (Milan, 1985), 56-69
15. Jadran Ferluga, "Veneziani fuori Venezia," in Lellia Cracco Ruggini et al., eds., Storia di Venezia. Origini-Età Ducale (Rome, 1992), 693
16. Donald Nicol, Byzantium and Venice (Cambridge, England, 1988), 58-63, examines the complex background to this treaty in more detail
17. See, for instance, the remarks of William H. McNeill, Venice: The Hinge of Europe 1081-1797 (Chicago and London, 1974), 135-41
18. Kenneth Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), 4 vols., 1976-84, vol. 3
19. The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III (Philadelphia, 1984), 422-49
20. For a narrative of these events, see ibid., vol. 4, The Sixteenth Century from Julius III to Pius IV (1984), 934-1094
21. On the Barbaro family, see Michela Marangoni and Manlio Pastore Stocchi, eds., Una famiglia veneziana nella storia. I Barbaro (Venice, 1996)
22. On Marc'Antonio in particular, see Emmanuele A. Cicogna, Delle iscrizioni veneziane raccolte ed illustrate, vol. 2 (Venice, 1827), 363-67
23. Yriarte, La Vie d'un patricien
24. Franco Gaeta, "Barbaro, Marc'Antonio," Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 6 (Rome, 1964), 110-12
25. Daniele Barbaro, I dieci libri dell'architettura di M. Vitrucio tradotti et commentati da Monsigior Barbaro eletto patriarca d'Aquileggia (Venice, 1556)
26. M. Vitruvii Pollionis de Architectura libri decem, cum commentariis Danielis Barbari, electi Patriarchae Aquileiensis (Venice, 1567)
27. The Italian edition was published as a facsimile edited by Manfredo Tafuri, Vitruvio. I dieci libri dell'architettura tradotti e commentati da Daniele Barbaro 1567 (Milan, 1987)
28. See also Margaret Muther D'Evelyn, "Word and Image in Architectural Treatises of the Italian Renaissance," 4 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1994)
29. and Louis Cellauro, "Daniele Barbaro and His Venetian Editions of Vitruvius of 1556 and 1567," Studi Veneziani, n.s., 40 (2000), 87-134
30. See Carolyn Kolb, "The Sculptures on the Nymphaeum Hemicycle of the Villa Barbaro at Maser," Artibus et Historiae 35 (1997), 15-33. In her doctoral dissertation on Alessandro Vittoria, Vicky Avery concurred with this attribution but suggested that he must have had assistance, possibly from Marc'Antonio Palladio
31. See Victoria Jane Avery, "The Early Works of Alessandro Vittoria c. 1540-c. 1570," 4 vols. (Ph.D. diss., St. John's College, University of Cambridge, 1996), 1: 176-79; 2: cat. no. 97, pp. 1-5. The late-eighteenth- century attribution to Vittoria is not sustainable, although Avery believes he may have supplied some designs
32. See especially Donata Battilotti, "Villa Barbaro a Maser. Un difficile cantiere," Storia dell'arte 53 (1985), 33-50
33. Andrea Palladio, I quattro libri dell'architettura (Venice, 1570), book 1: 61-62
34. Gaeta, "Barbaro, Marc'Antonio," 110-12
35. Manfredo Tafuri, Venice and the Renaissance, trans. Jessica Lewine (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1989), 129-30, 137, 141, 162-72, 177, 179, 181, 187
36. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), 4: 935-36
37. Coco and Manzonetto, Baili veneziani, 74-76
38. Eugenio Alberì, Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, ser. III, vol. I (Florence, 1840), 341: "il negoziato con li Turchi era simile a chi giocava con una palla di vetro."
39. Quoted from the relazione of Giovanni Moro: "dall'estraordinario modo di procedere ... col turco, dove tutto è incerto ... In che è difficile narrare quanta pazienza si convenga esercitare." Eugenio Alberì, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. III, vol. III (Florence, 1855), 325-26
40. "Seconda relazione di Marc'Antonio Barbaro tornato da Constantinopoli nel 1573," in Eugenio Alberì, Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, Appendice (Florence, 1863), 387-415
41. Deborah Howard, Venice & the East: The Impart of the Islamic World on Venetian Architecture 1100-1500 (New Haven and London, 2000), 18, based on the sixteenth-century manuscript of instructions to Venetian ambassadors preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, Ricordi per Ambasciatori, MS. Marc. It. VI, cod. 187 (= 6039)
42. Stefano Carboni, "Oggetti decorati a smalto di influsso islamico nella vetrarie muranese. Tecnica e forma," in Ernst J. Grube et al., Venezia e l'oriente vicino. Arte veneziana e arte islamica (Venice, 1989), 147-66, esp. 151 and fig. 7
43. For a summary of Selim's reign, see John Freely, Istanbul: The Imperial City (London, 1996), 206-8
44. See also Bon, The Sultan's Seraglio, 43
45. Gülru Necipoǧlu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixtenth Centuries (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1991), 155-56
46. Alberì, Le relazioni, ser. III, vol. I, 320 (see n. 25)
47. Pedani-Fabris, ed., Relazioni, 14: 182
48. am grateful to Dr. Sylvia Ferini Pagden for her assistance regarding the attribution of this portrait. In the catalogue of the exhibition held at the Palazzo Ducale, Venice, in 1980, Paola Rossi attributed the picture to Lamberto Sustris. Lionello Puppi, ed., Architettura e utopia (Milan, 1980), 244-45, cat. no. 394
49. Compare the Turkish bird's-eye view of Lepanto in the Topkapi Palace Museum, illustrated in John Michael Rogers and Rachel Mary Ward, Suleyman the Magnificent (London, 1988), 113
50. Benjamin Arbel, "Medicine, Diplomacy and Trade: Solomon Ashkenazi and Venetian-Ottoman Relations, c. 1564-1573," in Arbel, Trading Nations: Jews and Venetians in the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean (Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1995), 77-86
51. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 4: 1092 (see n. 9)
52. See also Cecil Roth, History of the Jews in Venice (New York, 1958), 88-91
53. Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice (Oxford, 1971), 535-40
54. Benjamin Ravid, "The Venetian Government and the Jews," in Robert C. David and Benjamin Ravid, eds., The Jews of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore and London, 2001), 3-30, esp. 12-13
55. On the perceived role of the Jews in the broader spiritual crisis in Venice, see especially Brian Pullan, The Jews of Europe and the Inquisition of Venice 1550-1670 (Oxford, 1983), 3-25
56. See also Giambattista Galliciolli, Delle memorie venete antiche profane ed ecclesiastiche, libri tre, vol. 8 (Venice, 1795), 200
57. Galliciolli, Delle memorie, 234
58. On the pope's angry reaction, when informed of the treaty by the Venetian envoy Paolo Tiepolo, see Paola Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro. Libri tre (Siena, 1827), 413
59. Alberì, Le relazioni, ser. II, vol. IV (Florence 1857), 163. Despite his warlike policies at the start of the war, Doge Alvise Mocenigo had eventually supported Venice's independent stance in abandoning the Holy League and making peace with the Ottomans
60. Paruta, Storia della guerra, 63-64, 196-201, 401-9
61. Giuseppe Gullino, ed., La chiesa di Venezia tra riforma protestante e riforma cattolica (Venice, 1990), 33
62. See Gaetano Cozzi, "Leonardo Donà," in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 40 (Rome, 1991), 757-71
63. Paolo Preto, Peste e società a Venezia nel 1576 (Vicenza, 1978)
64. Paolo Preto, "Le grandi pesti dell'étà moderna 1576-77 e 1630-31," in Peruzza et al., Venezia e la peste, 123-24 (see n. 2)
65. McNeill, Venice, 134-35
66. For a narrative of these events by Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), the Venetian appointed to the post of public historian in 1587, see Paruta, Storia della guerra
67. For a more recent interpretation, see Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 3: 934-1094 (see n. 9)
68. For a thoughtful discussion of the different concepts of peace negotiations in East and West, see Maria Pia Pedani-Fabris, La dimora della pace. Quaderni di Studi Arabi. Studi e testi 2 (Venice, 1996)
69. Valerio, Dell'utilità, 392-95
70. See Angelo Ventura, "Agostino Barbarigo," in Dizionario biografico degli italiani 6 (Rome, 1964), 49-50
71. and Ugo Tucci, "Antonio Bragadin," in Dizionario biografico degli italiani 8 (Rome, 1971), 663-64
72. ASV, Senato Terra, reg. 51, f. 133 verso. The papers supporting the choice of the Santa Croce site recommended changing the dedication of the new church to the Holy Cross; ASV, Senato Terra, filza 70, 17 Nov. 1576. The nunnery was, however, rebuilt soon afterward, for the doge attended the laying of the foundation stone on 31 May 1583; ASV, Collegio, Cerimoniali, reg. 1, f. 96. On the church of Santa Croce, see Alvise Zorzi, Venezia scomparsa, 2 vols. (Milan, 1977), 2: 324-25
73. See also the extract from the same speech in Latin in Corner, Ecclesiae venetae, 11: 15
74. ASV, Senato Terra, filza 70, 17 Nov. 1576. On the early history of the Jesuits in Venice, see Silvio Tramontin, "Le nuove congregazioni religiose," in Gullino, La chiesa di Venezia, 113-30, esp. 100-1 (see n. 52)
75. Valerio, Dell'utilità, 394: "Marc'Antonio Barbaro procuratore di S. Marco egli ancora diffusamente procurò di persuadere il Senato, che questo Tempio fosse fatto in forma rotonda, dovendo le fabbriche decretate dall'amplissimo Senato essere magnifiche, e farvi risplendere la dignità della Repubblica; ed a lui pure, come a molti altri, piaceva il luogo vicino a S. Vitale, purchè non si differisca, e sia in nobile rotonda forma."
76. See also the Latin rendering in Corner, Ecclesiae venetae, 11: 16
77. James S. Ackerman, "The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design," in Irma B. Jaffé and Rudolf Wittkower, eds., Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution (New York, 1972), 15-28
78. See especially Pirri, Giovanni Tristano
79. Richard Boesel, Jesuitenarchitektur in Italien (1540-1773), 2 vols. (Vienna, 1985)
80. "Senza che in alcuna parte pregiudicato alia forma del presente tempio." ASV, Senato Terra, reg. 51, 17 Nov. 1576, f. 133 verso
81. For a history of the Capuchins on the Giudecca, see Padre Davide M. da Portogruaro, "Il tempio del Redentore e il convento dei cappuccini de Venezia," Rivista di Venezia 8 (Apr.-May 1930), 1-84
82. See also Gullino, La chiesa di Venezia, 92-96
83. ASV, Senato Terra, reg. 51, f. 134. Zorzi, Le chiese, 133, doc. 6
84. Alberì, Le relazioni, ser. II, vol. IV, 163 (see n. 51)
85. On the influence of Palladio's studies of Roman baths, see Ackerman, Palladio, 132, 172-74 (see n. 2)
86. Timofiewitsch, The Chiesa, 43-44
87. and by Douglas Lewis, The Drawings of Andrea Palladio (Washington, D.C., 1981-82), 192-98
88. On the relationship between the design and its ceremonial function, see Peter Murray, "Palladio's Churches," in Arte in Europa. Scritti in onore di E. Arslan (Milan, 1966), 597-608
89. Christian A. Isermeyer, "Le chiese del Palladio in rapporto al culto," Bollettino del Centro di Studi di Architettura "Andrea Palladio" 10 (1968), 42-58
90. Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton, 1981), 214-16
91. Andrew Hopkins, "The Influence of Ducal Ceremony on Church Design in Venice," Architectural Histoiy 41 (1998), 30-48
92. See Antonio Pinelli and Orietta Rossi, Genga architetto. Aspetti della cultura urbinate del primo 500 (Rome, 1971), 260-64 and figs. 85-115
93. See also Boucher, Andrea Palladio: The Architect in His Time (New York, 1994), 199
94. Ackerman, Palladio, 129-30
95. Carlo Borromeo, Instructionum fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae. Libri II, trans, and ed. Massimo Marinelli (Vatican City, 2000)
96. Palladio, I quattro libri, 2: 47 (see n. 15)
97. Concina, Il doge e il sultano, 71
98. Alistair Hamilton, Arab Culture and Ottoman Magnificence in Antwerp's Golden Age (Oxford, 2001), 118
99. See Hamilton, Arab Culture, 26, 28-33, and 118
100. On the work of Sinan, see John Freely, Sinan: Architect of Süleyman the Magnificent and the Ottoman Golden Age (London, 1992)
101. Godfrey Goodwin, Sinan: Ottoman Architecture and Its Values Today (London, 1993). I am grateful to Prof. Necipoǧlu for valuable discussions of the Ottoman parallels
102. This dating was kindly communicated by Prof. Necipoǧlu from her current research
103. Tod Marder suggested that the plan was consciously based on the rejected centralized designs for the Redentore, because the dedication of the altar of the church as Maser was once again to Christ the Redeemer. See Tod A. Marder, "La dedica e la funzione del Tempietto di Palladio a Maser," Bollettino del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio 23 (1981), 241-46, esp. 243