The formation of ottoman house types: A comparative study in interaction with neighboring cultures

Muqarnas

Volumn 15, Issue , 1998, Pages

  Cerasi, Maurice ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 65849251251     PISSN: 07322992     EISSN: 09210326     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/1523280     Document Type: Article

References (104)

1. For example, in nineteenth-century Sarajevo most lots were no larger than 10 by 15 meters, and houses rarely covered more than 150 square meters (my measurements are from the 1882 town map by the Königlische-Kaiserlische Militār- Geographischen Institut zu Wien). In Afyon, Tokat, and Ankara, plots had a mean area of 90-120 square meters. See Sevgi Aktüre, 19. yüzyil sonunda Anadolu kenti mekänsal yapi çözü mlenmesi (Ankara, 1978)
2. Suraiya Faroqhi, Men of Modest Substance: House Owners and House Property in Seventeenth-Century Anatolia (Cambridge, 1990), admirable in its treatment of patrons and social residential patterns - its main theme - is not as convincing when it tries to establish causal relationships between social facts and physical space organization to house types and forms. As in other cultures, the causal link does not exist, or at least is almost always indirect. It also has to be borne in mind that the period Faroqhi examines leaves off at the very beginning of the period analyzed here. Some assumptions coincide with mine, as, for example, the absence of strong differentiation between the housing preferences of Muslims and Christians even earlier than typological studies would suggest. It is also sensible that the differentiation should be noticeable when non-Muslims, patently more open to Western contacts, imported models strongly contrasting with the Ottoman one. But this came very late. Very important are the quantitative aspects of Faroqhi's work on costs, number of rooms and stories, etc. A less haphazard understanding of the housing structure of the Ottoman town can be built up from it as well as from that of Todorov and Stoianovich for the Balkan towns (see, for a reasonable compendium of their very considerable work, Traian Stoianovich, "Model and Mirror of the Premodern Balkan City," Studia Balcanica 3 (1970), and Nikolai Todorov, The Balkan City, 1400-1900 (Seattle and London, 1983)
3. This is an issue I have dealt with in detail in other articles and books, e.g., Maurice Cerasi, La Città del Levante: Civiltà urbana e architeltura sollo gli Ottomani nel secoli XVIII-XIX (Milan, 1988), chap. 8, and "II tessuto residenziale della citta ottomana (secc. XVII-XIX)," Sloria della Città 31-32 (1984)
4. Ruhi Kafesçioǧlu, Orta Anadolu köy evlerinin yapisi (Istanbul, 1949)
5. Rudolf Naumann, Architektur Kleinasiens, 2. Aufl. (Tübingen, 1971)
6. For the Caucasus, I have drawn on plans and surveys in G. M. Alizade, Narodnoe Zodchestvo Azerbaidzhana i ego Progressivnye traditsii (Baku, 1963)
7. Arthur Byhan, La Civilisation caucasienne (Paris, 1936)
8. Arkadii Fedorovich Gol'dshtein, Bashni v gorakh (Moscow, 1977)
9. O. Kh. Khalpakhchian, Grazhdanskoe zodchestvo Armenii (Moscow, 1971)
10. Sargis Ghukasi Matevosyan, Gyumrii zhoghovrdakan chartarapetutyune (Erevan, 1985)
11. Azerbaitschan S.S.R. Arkhitektura Ishleri Idarysy, Azǎrbayjanyn me'marlygabidǎlǎn - materiallar mǎjmuǎsy (Moscow, 1946)
12. Azǎrbayjanyn Arkhitektura abidalari - Materiallar kïilliati (Baku, 1946)
13. Vakhtang Tsintsazde, Tblisi: arkhitektura starogo goroda i zhilye doma pervoi poloviny XIX stoletiia (Tbilisi, 1958)
14. Erzurum is a town on the border of the area of transition between the core and the central Anatolian typological areas and the Caucasian types. See Akin Gunkut, "Laternendeckenhäuser in Ostanatolien," Archilectura 19 (1989), which, however, extends the area in which lanterndomed central rooms can be found surprisingly, and perhaps incautiously, far into central Anatolia to the Kayseri- Corum line
15. For Central Asia and the Turkic regions I have drawn on V. M. Dmitriev, Voprosy ispol'zovaniia arhitektury uzbekskogo narodnogo zhilishcha v sovremennoi praktike (Tashkent, 1980)
16. Vladimir Alekseevich Lavrov, Gradostroilel'naia kullura Srednei Azii: s drevnikh vremen do vtoroi poloviny XIX veka (Moscow, 1950)
17. S. Mamadzhanova and R. Mukimov, Entsiklopediia pamiatnikov srednevekovogo zodchestvo Tadzhikistana (Dushanbe, 1993)
18. D. B. Piurveev, Arhiteklura Kalmzhkii (Moscow, 1975)
19. G. A. Pugachenkova, "Baktriiskii pridoi dom," Istorii i kullura narodov Srednei Azii (Moscow, 1976)
20. V. L. Voronina, Narodnye traditsii arkhitektury Uzbekistana (Moscow, 1951), and the section on domestic architecture in Arkhitektura respublik Srednei Azii (Moscow, 1951). For all these areas, very useful documentation is contained in various publications of the regional branches of the USSR Academy of Science
21. For Daghestan I have drawn on S. O. Khan-Magomedov, Lezginskoe narodnoe zodchestvo (Moscow, 1969)
22. Daghestanskii filial Ak. nauk. SSSR, Institut Istorii, Zodchestvo Daghestana (Makhachkala, 1974). For the timber-building area from northern Iran to Nepal through Afghanistan, see Catherine D. Blair, Four Villages: Architecture in Nepal: Studies in Village Life (Los Angeles, 1983)
23. Paul Bücherer-Dietschi, ed., Bauen und Wohnen am Hindukush (Liestal, 1988): Lennart Edelberg, Nuristani Buildings (Aarhus, 1984)
24. Dieter Walter Illi, Das Hindukush-Haus: Zum symbolischen Prinzip der Sonderstellung von Raummitte und Raumhintergrund (Stuttgart, 1991)
25. Interesting as a compendium of all types and structural techniques extant east of Europe and north and west of China and India is Albert Szabo and Thomas J. Barfield, Afghanistan: An Atlas of Indigenous Architecture (Austin, Texas, 1991)
26. It is also useful to compare the use of timber in Turkic Central Asia with other Asiatic regions using timber construction but with a different typological tradition: Christian Bromberger, Habitat, Architecture and Rural Society in the Gilan Plain (Northern Iran) (Bonn, 1989)
27. Niels Gutschow, Newar Towns and Buildings (Sankt Augustin, 1987)
28. Dogan Erginbas, Diyarbahr ervleri (Istanbul, 1954)
29. Vacit imamoǧlu, Geleneksel Kayseri evleri (Ankara, 1992)
30. Metin Sözen, Diyarbakir'da Turk mimarisi (Istanbul, 1971)
31. For Syria and the Arab regions, see Suad Amir)', The Palestinian Village Home (London, 1989): Fouad El-Khoury, Domestic Architecture in the Lebanon (London, 1975)
32. Jean-Claude Garcin et al., Palais et maisons du Caire, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982-83)
33. Heinz Gaube and Eugen Wirth, Aleppo: historische und geographische Beiträge zur baulichen Gestaltung, zursozialen Organisation und zur wirtschaftlichen Dynamik einer vorderasiatischen Femhandelsmetropole (Wiesbaden, 1984)
34. Lucien Golvin, Palais et demeures d'Alger à la période oltomane (Aix-en-Provence, 1988)
35. Nelly Hanna, Habiter au Caire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Cairo, 1991)
36. Haroutune Y. Kalayan and Jacques Liger-Belair, L'Habitation au Liban (Beirut, 1966)
37. Friedrich Ragette, Architecture in Lebanon: The Lebanese House during the 18th and 19th Centuries (Beirut, 1974)
38. Oscar Reuther, Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad und anderen Städten des Irak (Berlin, 1910)
39. Jean Sauvaget, Alep: Essai sur le developpement d'une grande ville syrienne des origines au milieu du XIXe siècle (Paris, 1941)
40. Hazem I. Sayed, "The Development of the Cairene Qa'a: Some Considerations," Annates Islamologiques 23 (1987)
41. Kamil Sinjab, "Das Arabische Wohnhaus des 17. bis 19. Jahrhunderts in Syrien," Ph.D. diss., Rheinisch-Westfalische Technische Hochschule, Aachen, 1965
42. Groupe de recherches et d'etudes sur le Proche-Orient, Université de Provence, L'Habitat traditionnel dans les pays musulmans autour de la Meditetranee, 3 vols. (Cairo, 1988-91)
43. No economic explanation of this attitude is convincing: many a patron had spent as much on the ornaments and interior woodwork of a less costly wooden structure as he would have spent on the entire structure of a more austere stone building. It was very rare for stone-masonry dwellings or annexes to be ornate. The Ottoman mentality, it would seem, associated stone work with grandeur and austerity (see also n. 4, above). Serim Denel, Batdilasma sürecinde Istanbul'da tasanm ve dis mekd̂nlarda deǧisim ve nedenleri (Ankara, 1982), reports that timber construction was cheaper and faster but that the wages of carpenters and bricklayers in 1812 were exactly the same! Filiz Yenisehirlioǧlu, "L'Architecture domestique ottomane: evolution historique et étude de deux exemples situes a Istanbul," in L'Habitat traditionnel dans les pays musulmans autour de la Mé dilerranée (Cairo, 1988), vol. 3, mentions various fermans ordering the use of masonry in houses and shops "as is done in Damasco, Aleppo and Anatolia," but never obeyed
44. G. A. Olivier, Voyage dans I'Empire Othoman, l'Egypte et la Perse, fait par ordre du gouvernement pendant les six premières années de la République, 6 vols. (Paris, 1801-1807), 1: 230-33, insists on the Ottoman preference in house building for ample windows, shallow foundations, and timber construction despite the abundance of stone and bricks in the region. Pietro della Valle, Viaggi di Pietro della Valle il pellegrino, discrilti da lui medesimo (Rome, 1650), p. 12, describes Constantinople in 1614 as a magnificent vision from the sea, with its houses "tetto ornati di gronde assai belle, grandi e capricciose... dipinti di vari colori in foggie vaghe e strane... veroni spaziosi, cinti d'ogni intorno di gelosie variamente dipinti..."; but close up he was shocked byits "very ugly houses" "gran parte di legno, le migliori sono di legno e terra... costruzione simile a quelle delle navi in ossatura di legno, tra pezzo e pezzo pezzi di mura di terra...."
45. For southern and insular Greece, see Angelikē Chatzemichalē, La maison grècque (Athens, 1949), in which the southern Mediterranean types, mostly rural, are compared with northern "bourgeois" housing!); National Technical University, Selected Specimens of Greek Domestic Architecture during the Ottoman Period (Athens, 1986)
46. see also Georgios A. Megas, The Greek House: Its Evolution and Its Relation to the Houses of the Other Balkan Peoples (Athens, 1951)
47. "Überlieferung und Erneuerung in der Volksarchitektur Sudost-Europas," Zeitschrift für Balkanologie 6 (1968)
48. "La funzione del vestibolo nella composizione della casa rustica greca e la sua relazione con la casa greca antica," Annali del Museo Pitré 14-15 (1963-64), where the author suggests that the covered entrance of the Greek house (emprosthion or brusti) derives, both in the south and the north, from the classical prostoon. In the northern examples discussed, it takes the form of the typical Ottoman hayat gallery
49. Fanny Aneroussi and Leonidas Mylonadis, Tlie Kampos of Chios in Its Heyday: Houses and Surroundings (Nea Smyrni, 1992)
50. Arnold C. Smith, The Architecture of Chios: Subsidiary Buildings, Implements and Crafts (London, 1962)
51. See Emin Riza, Qyteti-muze i Gjirokastres (Tirana, 1981) and "Traits de la création populaire dans l'habitation urbaine albanaise," Monumentet 1 (1982)
52. Baron Ferencz Nopcsa, Albanien - Bauten, Trachten und Gerate Nordalbaniens (Berlin and Leipzig, 1925)
53. See Muhamed Kadic, Starinska seoska kuc'a u Bosni i Hercegovini (Sarajevo, 1967)
54. Dušan Grabrijan, The Bosnian Oriental Architecture in Sarajevo, with Special Reference to the Contemporary One (Ljubljana, 1984)
55. Kurt Hielscher, Yugoslavien - Landschaft, Baukunst, Volksleben (Berlin, 1926)
56. I have argued the reasons for this survival in M. Cerasi, "Late Ottoman Architects and Master Builders," Muqamas 5 (1988): 87-102
57. The stylistic changes of a house in Divriǧi, described in Necdet Sakaoglu, Divrigi'de ev mimarisi (Istanbul, 1978), is a good example of such gradual transformations of taste and modes (see fig. 11)
58. The core area can be roughly defined by drawing a line from Sivas to Konya, to Antalya, and then to the western boundaries of Bosnia and Albania to include northern Greece, the northern Aegean islands, and the Bulgarian plain. This is a very large region (larger than France), but only a very small part of the Ottoman Empire. But it is also the only region that was wholly conquered before the end of the fifteenth century and which was maintained up to the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Cf. Klaus Kreiser, "Über den Kernraum des Osmanischen Reiches," in Die Tūrkei in Europa, proceedings of the fourth congress of A.I.S.E.E., Göttingen, 1979. Peter F. Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule 1354-1804 (Seattle and London, 1977), takes up the notion of core provinces
59. As no town housing has survived that can be dated earlier than the seventeenth century, scholars refer instead to palatial kiosks and to two well-known hünkár kasn, those of the Yeni Valide and Sultan Ahmet mosques. In Lucienne Thys- Şenocak, "The Yeni Valide Mosque Complex in Eminönü, Istanbul (1597-1665)," Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1994, the weight of the innovative role of female royal patrons in determining typological specificity seems overemphasized, but the linkage to domestic or kiosk architecture is certainly well demonstrated
60. See also Zeynep Nayir, "Osmanli mimarhginda Sultan Ahmet Külliyesi ve sonrasi, 1609-1690," Ph.D. diss., Istanbul Technical University, 1975. Eldem has repeatedly inserted and analyzed the elements of hünkär kasn, kasr, and kiosks in all his work on residential architecture
61. François, baron de Tott, Mémoires du Baron de Toll sur les Turcs el les Tartares (Amsterdam, 1785)
62. Even the stone masonry houses of Erzurum and Diyarbekir (see nn. 9 and 38) had little cellar space. Up to the last decades of the nineteenth century, kitchens were usually in outbuildings. The lantern-dome covered space in the houses of Erzurum were called tandir rooms because of their central hearth, an exception clearly derived from Armenian and Central Asian models. See Hajim Karpuz, Türk islâm mimarisinde Erzurum evleri (Ankara, 1993) and Günkut "Lanternendeckenhäuser in Ostanatolien." Can there be a correlation between the psychological "lack of heaviness" and absence of symbolism in the Ottoman house and the size of the average Turkish family which to European observers of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century seemed much smaller than in the Slavic areas of the empire and even in most European countries? Curiously, until the seventeenth century in the Janissary regiments, kitchens and the word kazan (cauldron) had a symbolic meaning that did not exist in the terminology of the Ottoman house. The word ocak (hearth) referred more often to associations, groups, and Janissary regiments than to a homestead
63. Paradoxically, we do not find symmetrical plans with a central hall in Chios-Kampos where the settlement pattern is almost identical to that of the Albaro and Sampierdarena upperclass suburbs of Genoa. The Genoese influence could have easily adapted the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Genoese villa plan type so similar to the more conventional Palladian central plans introduced by Palladio's contemporary Alessi. Quite the contrary, the articulate plans as well as some aspects of the stylistic elements of the Kampos villas partake more of the ancient pre-Renaissance Genoese, and of the more recent Cappadocian and Syrian models, curiously intermingled with residual Latin-Genoese memories, than they do of contemporary Western models. See A. Arel, "Gothic Towers and Baroque Mihrabs: The Post- Classical Architecture of Aegean Anatolia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Muqamas 10 (1993): 213-18. My view, considering the specific language of the architectural elements we observe, is that the flow of architectural and typological ideas ran in both directions: from and to southwestern Anatolia and Cappadocia, on one hand, and Chios, on the other, with perhaps also the southeastern Adriatic region (Epirus, Albania, Dalmatia) involved in the exchange of models and motifs
64. See Cerasi, "Late Ottoman Architects," p. 91
65. The phenomenon was complex and ran both eastward and westward and was very early. Even though limited to the Balkan region, see Verena Han, "Les courants de styles dans les métiers d'art des artisans Chretiens au XVI' et durant les premières décennies du XVII' siècle dans les régions centrales des Balkans," Balcanica 1 (1970): 239-74
66. Michaila Stainova, "Le commencement de l'Européanisation de l'architecture de la Turquie ottomane et certains aspects de son influence sur l'architecture des Balkans," Revue des Etudes Sud-est européennes 3 (1979)
67. For the Marmara-Black Sea and Istanbul model in general, the work of Sedad Hakki Eldem, Köşk ve kasirlar (Istanbul, 1969) is exhaustive. For Istanbul
68. see also Johannes Cramer, "Vornehme Stadthauser derJahrhundertwende in Istanbul," Architectura 1, no. 1 (1983): 64-77
69. W. E. Müller-Wiener and J. Cramer, "Istanbul-Zeyrek - Studien zur Erhaltung eines traditionellen W'ohngebietes," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Orient Instituts 17 (1982)
70. Yenişehirlioǧlu, "L'Architecture domestique ottomane."
71. Ivan Ivanchev, Nesebǔr i negovite küshti (Sofia, 1957), reports typically Black Sea coast housing very similar to some Istanbul models. For the coastal and inland Bulgarian plain
72. see Rashel Angelova, Shumenski vǔzrozhdenski kǔshti = Houses of the Time of Bulgaria's National Revival in the Town of Shoumen (Sofia, 1965)
73. Bulgarian Academy of Science, Arkhitekturata na bülgarskoto vüzrozhdane - materiali (Sofia, 1975)
74. G. Kozhukharov, Bǔlgarski kǔshti ot epokhata na vuzrazhdaneto (Sofia, 1953)
75. Kh. D. Peev, Studii vürkhu vüzrozhdenska arkhitektura (Sofia, 1956)
76. Stefan Stamov, Bulgarskata zhilishtna arkhitektura: XV-XIXvek (Sofia, 1989)
77. T. Zlatev, Balgarskata kasta prez epokhata na vazrazhdaneto (Sofia, 1955)
78. For the Anatolian extension of this type, see Reha Günay, Geleneksel Safranbolu evleri ve olusumu (Ankara, 1981)
79. For other Balkan regions (ex-Yugoslav regions), see Aleksandar Deroko, Folklorna arhitektura u fugoslavji (Belgrade, 1964) and Narodno neimarslvo = Architecturefolklorique, 2 vols. (Belgrade, 1968)
80. Kadić, Starinska seoska kuća; Grabrijan, Bosnian Architecture in Sarajevo; Hielscher, Jugoslavien, Henry Minetti, Osmanische provinziale Baukunst aufdem Balkan: ein Beitrag zur Baugeschichte des Balkans (Hannover, 1923)
81. For a better understanding of the structural elements of the northern Ottoman house, it is useful to consider its rural counterpart; see, for example, Orhan Özgüner, Köyde mimari - Doǧu Karadeniz = Village Architecture - Eastern Black Sea (Ankara, 1970)
82. Leman Tomsu, Bursa evleri (Istanbul, 1950)
83. Albert Gabriel, Une capitale turque - Brousse-Bursa (Paris, 1958)
84. Alain Borie and Pierre Pinon, "Maisons ottomanes a Bursa," L'habitat traditionnel dans les pays musulmans autour de la Mé diterranée (Cairo, 1988), vol. 3
85. G. Kozhukharov, and R. Angelova, Plovdivskata simetrichna Kǔshta (Sofia, 1971)
86. The Edirne single-floor house type (Gündüz Özdeş, Edirne [Istanbul, 1950] and Süheyl Ünver, Dr. Rifal Osman'a göre Edirne evleri ve konaklari [Istanbul, 1983]) is clearly affiliated to sultan yapiya types in the Bulgarian plain (Zlatev, Bülgarskata küshta prez epokhata na Vüzrazhdaneto [Sofia, 1955]) and to the kiosks of the imperial palace of Edirne (Eldem, Köşk ve kasirlar)
87. For the Aegean area and the southwestern coast of Anatolia, see Eldem, Köşk ve kasirlar and Türk evi, which survey many buildings of that region or their single elements. For Macedonia proper, see Boris Čipan, Stara gradska arhitektura vo Ohrid (Skopje, 1982)
88. Dušan Grabrijan, Makedonska kuka, Hi preod od stara orientalska vo sovremena evropska kuka (Ljubljana, 1955)
89. Leonhard Schulzejena, Makedonien: Landschafts- und Kulturbilder (Jena, 1927)
90. Krum Tomovski, "Architecture in Ochrid and the Ochrid Region," Macedonian Review 3 (1980)
91. Tomovski, Tokorev Volinjec, and Hadžieva-Aleksevska, Kralovo-Old Architectural and Urbanistic Contents (Skopje, 1980)
92. For northern G̀reece: Agis Anastasiadës, Thessaloniki, Old Town (Athens, 1990)
93. N. K. Moutsopoulos, Hē laikē arhitektonikē tēs Veroias (Athens, 1967), and Contribution to the Typology
94. National Technical University, Selected Specimens of Greek Domestic Architecture during the Ottoman Period (Athens, 1986)
95. For the central Anatolian plateau, see M. Akok, Ankara'nin eski evleri (Ankara, 1950-51)
96. Celal Berk, Konya evleri (Istanbul, 1951): N. Burhan Bilget, Sivas evleri (Ankara, 1993)
97. See, for example, for the relationship between provincial semi-rural models and the Ottoman urban model: Borislav I. Stoianov, Starata rodopska arkhitektura (Sofia, 1964)
98. Gerhardt Bartsch, "Stadtgeographische Probleme in Anatolien," Deutscher Geographentag (Frankfurt-Remagen, 1952)
99. Richard Busch-Zantner, "Zur Kenntniss der osmanischen Stadt," in Geographische Zeitschrift 1/38 (1932)
100. Faroqhi, Men of Modest Substance, pp. 214-15; also 75-76, 88-89, 102-3
101. Megas, The Greek House and "Überlieferung und Erneuerung in der Volksarchitektur," pp. 74-80, for the pastas and iliakos gallery types
102. See also above n. 21. Historians of architecture such as Gantner and Pevsner have used the concept of building types as a complex of formal, spatial, and linguistic attributes and not simply of plan organization as it had been previously used by their colleagues. The typological concepts developed in Europe in the fifties and sixties in the Field of architectural studies (Saverio Muratori, and later the Milanese-Venetian school with Aldo Rossi as its leading theoretician; in France, Bruno Fortier, etc.) have taken up nineteenth-century positivism in cultural geography with a new outlook more pertinent to the processes which make architecture: they dwell on the relationship of town structure to building types, underlining the emergence of architectural forms through long, slow processes of sedimentation, both cultural and physical. In some cases they have fallaciously established a relation of cause and effect between town structure and changes in single urban elements and undervalued the ease with which ancient leitmotivs have been revived in the architecture of all times and all civilizations For a current discussion, see the forthcoming proceedings of the "Typological Process and Design Theory" seminar, April 1995, held at the Department of Architecture, M.I.T., under the auspices of the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, and see there my "Type, Urban Context and Language in Conflict - Some Methodological Implications."
103. I am discussing the differences in Western and Ottoman town structure which would require a revision of the typo-morphological approach to analysis referred to in note 45 as it is applied to Western European towns; in Cerasi, "The Deeper Structures of the Ottoman Urban Housing Tissues: Conservation of Space and Form through Basic Parameters," in The Ottoman House, ed. Stanley Ireland and William Bechhoefer (London and Coventry: British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara and the University of Warwick, 1998)
104. Our insufficient knowledge of the stratification and frequency of use of different building materials and elements in each phase of the Ottoman town could be enlarged with a technique of layer perforation in strategic points which, determining the foundation and wall materials used in that phase - timber houses or other types - might lead to an idea of overall change and to a better grasp of the relation of house to monument. The findings (necessarily developed over a long period) might yield interesting interpretations if inserted in a computerized data map and checked against all other multi-disciplinary Findings and assumptions: the historian's image of evolution, the urban historian's interpretations of functions and distribution of parts and sites, the architect's and architectural historian's view of type and layout. I have suggested this method in Cerasi, "Three Questions Put to the Archaeologist for a Better Cognition of the Ottoman Town's Urban Texture," Actes du 1" Congrès International: Corpus d'Archéologie Ottomane (Zaghouan, 1997)