A diplomacy of gender: Rituals of first contact in the "land of the Tejas"

William and Mary Quarterly

Volumn 61, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 393-434

  Barr, Juliana ^a  

^a RUTGERS UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 65849185265     PISSN: 00435597     EISSN: 1933-769     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3491803     Document Type: Review

References (177)

1. Alonso de Benavides, Benavides' Memorial of 1630, ed. Cyprian J. Lynch, trans. Peter P. Forrestal (Washington, D.C., 1954)
2. Benavides, The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630, ed. Frederick Webb Hodge and Charles Fletcher Lummis
3. The Hainai, Neches, Nacogdoche, Nacono (Nacao, Naconish), Namidish (Nabiti, Nawidish), Nasoni, Anadarko, and Nabedache Indians loosely made up what has become known as the Hasinai confederacy. The Hasinai confederacy was one of three chiefdoms among Caddoan peoples whose settlement areas spread over a region that included parts of present-day Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and Oklahoma (the other two were the Kadohadacho and the Natchitoches confederacies). See David La Vere, The Caddo Chiefdoms: Caddo Economics and Politics, 700-1835 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1998)
4. Fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy Conde de Galve, September 1690, in Diana Hadley, Thomas H. Naylor, and Mardith K. Schuetz-Miller, eds., The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain: A Documentary History, II, pt. 2, The Central Corridor and the Texas Corridor, 1700-1965 (Tucson, Ariz., 1997), 332, 334
5. Lilia M. Casís, trans., "Carta de Don Damian Manzanet [sic] á Don Carlos de Siguenza sobre el Descubrimiento de la Bahía del Espíritu Santa," Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association (TSHA), II (1899), 253-312 (esp. 282, 312)
6. Alonso de León, "Testimonio de autos de las diligencias para la segunda entrada que se ha de ejecutar a la provincia de los Tejas y recorrer los parajes inmediatos a la bahía del Espíritu Santo," A.G.I. Mexico, cited in Carlos Seco Serrano, ed., Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV, Biblioteca de autores españoles, CVIII, epistolario español, IV (Madrid, 1958), xxxix n. 77
7. Clark Colahan, The Visions of Sor María de Agreda: Writing, Knowledge, and Power (Tucson, Ariz., 1994)
8. Fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, in Mattie Austin Hatcher, trans.," Descriptions of the Tejas or Asinai Indians, 1691-1722," Southwestern Historical Quarterly (SHQ), XXX (1927), 296-297
9. Vynola Beaver Newkumet and Howard L. Meredith, Hasinai: A Traditional History of the Caddo Confederacy (College Station, Tex., 1988)
10. Cecile Elkins Carter, Caddo Indians: Where We Come From (Norman, Okla., 1995)
11. The influence of María de Ágreda did not end with Spanish entry into Texas; it continued to shape Spanish missionary work among the Indians. María de Ágreda's life of the Virgin Mary, entitled Mystical City of God (1670), appeared regularly in inventories of Texas missions - clearly a work widely consulted by missionaries for teachings and devotions about the Virgin. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana, a Texas missionary, asserted that the Franciscans working in the missionary fields of New Spain's northern frontiers decided upon their method "in the enlightened and exalted spirit of Venerable María de Jesús de Ágreda." See Benedict Leutenegger, trans., "Memorial of Father Benito Fernández concerning the Canary Islanders, 1741," SHQ, LXXXII (1979), 295
12. For sample inventories, see The San José Papers: The Primary Sources for the History of Mission San José y San Miguel de Aguayo from Its Founding in 1720 to the Present, 3 vols., ed. Marian A. Habig, trans. Benedict Leutenegger (San Antonio, Tex., 1978)
13. Stafford Poole, "Some Observations on Mission Methods and Native Reactions in Sixteenth-Century New Spain," The Americas, L (January 1994), 339
14. Poole discusses the problems confronting Spanish missionaries' efforts to communicate religious concepts and meanings. For another discussion of communication across cultural boundaries, see James A. Boon, Other Tribes, Other Scribes: Symbolic Anthropology in the Comparative Study of Cultures, Histories, Religions, and Texts (New York, 1982), 154-177
15. Donna J. Haraway's definition of gender as "a system of social, symbolic, and psychic relations, in which men and women are differentially positioned" is particularly useful. Because such positioning was often perceived to be intrinsically linked to biological or natural differences between men and women in the early modern period, gender systems could be assumed to be the same across human societies no matter their cultural differences. See Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York, 1991), 143
16. See also Teresa de Lauretis, Technologies of Gender: Essays on Theory, Film, and Fiction (Bloomington, Ind., 1987), 2-3
17. Although the practice of gender symbolism often has little to do overtly with biological sex, gender explicitly relates to sexuality as a system of meaning based in perceptions of male and female sexual difference. Normative ideas of female and male gender represent men and women who have reached sexual and social maturity (the elderly and children are excluded by their age, which puts them outside normative definitions of male and female sexuality and productive activity). See Cheryl Claassen and Rosemary A. Joyce, eds., Women in Prehistory: North America and Mesoamerica (Philadelphia, 1997), 2-5
18. Jane Miller, Seductions: Studies in Reading and Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 114
19. For scholars who have found colonialist discourses of discovery, exploration, conquest, and settlement to be gendered and sexualized with the projection into the New World of European Old World representations of masculinity and femininity, see Louis Montrose, "The Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery," Representations, XXXIII (1991), 1-41
20. Margarita Zamora, "Gender and Discovery," in Zamora, Reading Columbus (Berkeley, Calif., 1993)
21. Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest: A Structural Analysis of the Illustrations of de Bry's Great Voyages (Chicago, 1981)
22. In seeking to understand the different consequences of colonial expansion for indigenous men and women, scholars have studied changes in gendered valuations of labor, control of resources, political participation, and domains of status and authority. See, for example, Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (New York, 1991)
23. Antonia I. Castañeda, "Sexual Violence in the Politics and Policies of Conquest: Amerindian Women and the Spanish Conquest of Alta California," in Adela de la Torre and Beatríz M. Pesquera, eds., Building with Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies (Berkeley, Calif., 1993)
24. Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women and Great Lakes Missions, 1630-1900 (Berkeley, Calif., 1992)
25. Eleanor Leacock and Mona Etienne, ed., Women and Colonization: Anthropological Perspectives (New York, 1980)
26. Diane Rothenberg, "Erosion of Power: An Economic Basis for the Selective Conservativism of Seneca Women in the Nineteenth Century," Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology, VI, no. 3 (1976), 106-122
27. Susan Schroeder, Stephanie Wood, and Robert Haskett, eds., Indian Women of Early Mexico (Norman, Okla., 1997)
28. Nancy Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspectives on Native American Women (New York, !995)
29. Irene Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton, N.J., 1987)
30. Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), 28-52
31. Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, Mass., 1990)
32. Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere, eds., Woman, Culture, and Society (Stanford, Calif., 1974)
33. Rayna R. Reiter, ed., Toward an Anthropology of Women (New York, 1975)
34. Sabine MacCormack, "Limits of Understanding: Perceptions of Greco-Roman and Amerindian Paganism in Early Modern Europe," in Karen Ordahl Kupperman, ed., America in European Consciousness, 1493-1750 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1995), 79-129 (esp. 79)
35. Anthony Grafton, with April Shelford and Nancy Siraisi, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: The Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery (Cambridge, Mass., 1992)
36. Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Oxford, 1991)
37. Greenblatt, ed., New World Encounters (Berkeley, Calif., 1993)
38. Katen Ordahl Kupperman, "Presentment of Civility: English Reading of American Self-Presentation in the Early Years of Colonization," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., LIV (1997), 193-228
39. For analyses of Spanish categorizations of Indians and of race in Spanish America, see Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology, 2d ed. (Cambridge, 1986)
40. Magnus Mörner, La Corona española y los foráneos en los pueblos de indios de América, Institute of Ibero-American Studies, Publication Series A, no. 1 (Stockholm, 1970)
41. James Lockhart, Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology (Stanford, Calif., 1991)
42. R. Douglas Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660-1720 (Madison, Wis., 1994)
43. Robert H. Jackson, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque, N.M., 1999)
44. This shift in the historical literature is most associated with Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region 1650-1815 (New York, 1991)
45. Some of the most prolific debates have focused on the ways in which colonizers viewed and judged indigenous "others" in gender-specific ways, constructing categories of "white," "black," "Indian," "savage," and "race" in terms of differences in gender and sex. Concepts such as "hybridity" and resultant categorizations of metís mestizo, and mestizaje further cast colonial relations as sexual exchange and mediation. For studies of these complicated distinctions of gender, sexuality, race, and culture, see Kathleen M. Brown, "The Anglo-Algonquian Gender Frontier," in Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change, 26-48
46. Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness: Economies of Race and Gender in Early Modern England (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995)
47. Margo Hendricks and Patricia A. Parker, Women, "Race," and Writing in the Early Modern Period (New York, 1994)
48. Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York, 1995)
49. Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses," Boundary 2: A Journal of Post-Modern Literature and Culture, XII-XIII (Spring-Fall 1984), 333-358
50. Jennifer L. Morgan, "'Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder': Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering of Racial Ideology, 1500-1700," WMQ, 3d Ser LIV (1997). 167-192
51. Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2002)
52. Krippner-Martínez, "The Politics of Conquest: An Interpretation of the Relaciön de Michoacán," The Americas, XLVII (1990), 177-197
53. Alonso, Thread of Blood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender on Mexico's Northern Frontier (Tucson, Ariz., 1995)
54. The fullest French description of first contact ceremonies in Texas during this period was offered by the French trader Jean Baptiste Bénard de La Harpe, who established trading relations with Caddo bands of Nasonis, Yatasis, and Nadacos and Wichita bands of Tawakonis and Taovayas in the 1710s. See La Harpe Account of the Journey of Bénard de La Harpe: Discovery Made by Him of Several Nations Situated in the West," trans. Ralph A. Smith, SHQ, LXII (1958-1959) 75-86, 246-259, 371-385, 525-541
55. La Harpe, The Historical Journal of the Establishment of the French in Louisiana, ed. Glenn R. Conrad, trans. Joan Cain and Virginia Koenig (Lafayette, La., 1971)
56. For descriptions of earlier French encounters with Hasinais in association with the La Salle expedition, see Ann Linda Bell, trans., "Voyage to the Mississippi through the Gulf of Mexico," in Robert S. Weddle Mary Christine Morkovsky, and Patricia Kay Galloway, eds., La Salle, the Mississippi and the Gulf: Three Primary Documents (College Station, Tex., 1987) 225-258
57. William C. Foster, ed., The La Salle Expedition to Texas: The Journal of Henri Joutel, 1684-1687, trans. Johanna S. Warren (Austin, Tex., 1998)
58. Anastasius Douay, "Narrative of La Salle's Attempt to Ascend the Mississippi in 1687," in Isaac Joslin Cox, ed., The Journeys of Réné Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle ..., 2 vols (1922; rpt. New York, 1973), I, 222-247
59. Jean Cavelier, The Journal of Jean Cavelier: The Account of a Survivor of La Salle's Texas Expedition, 1684-1688, trans. Jean Delanglez (Chicago, 1938): Henri de Tonti, "Memoir Sent in 1693, on the Discovery of the Mississippi and the Neighboring Nations by M. D. La Salle, from the Year 1678 to the Time of His Death, and by the Sieur de Tonty to the Year 1691," in Cox, ed., Journeys of Réné Robert Cavelier, I, 1-65
60. Alfred Barnaby Thomas, ed. and trans., Alonso de Posada Report, 1686: A Description of the Area of the Present Southern United States in the Seventeenth Century (Pensacola, Fla., 1982)
61. "Itinerary of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 1684," in Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706 (New York, 1916), 320-343
62. Charles Wilson Hackett, ed., Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773, 3 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1923-1937)
63. Herbert E. Bolton, "The Spanish Occupation of Texas, 1519-1690," SHQ, XVI (1912), 1-26
64. This composite sketch of contact rituals is drawn from the French accounts listed in note 15 and the following Spanish expedition records: Juan Bautista Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 1630-1690, ed. William C. Foster, trans. Ned F. Brierley (Austin, Tex., 1997)
65. Casís, trans., "Carta de Don Damian Manzanet [sic] á Don Carlos de Siguenza," TSHA, II (1899), 253-312
66. Paul J. Foik, ed., "The Expedition of Don Domingo Terán de los Rios into Texas (1691-1692)," trans. Mattie Austin Hatcher, Preliminary Studies of the Texas Catholic Historical Society (TCHS), II, no. 1 (January 1932), 3-67
67. Foik, trans., "Captain Don Domingo Ramón's Diary of His Expedition into Texas in 1716," ibid., II, no. 5 (April 1933), 3-23
68. Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, and fray Francisco Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, trans., "Descriptions of the Tejas," SHQ, XXX (1927), 206-218, 283-304, XXXI (1927), 50-62, 150-180
69. Isidro Felix de Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de la Nueva España (1746), ed. Lino G. Canedo (Washington, D.C., 1964)
70. Francisco Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition into Texas, 1718-1719, trans. Fritz Leo Hoffmann (Los Angeles, 1935)
71. "The Marqués de Aguayo's Report to the King regarding His Expedition to Restore and Establish Missions and Presidios in Texas, 1720-1722," trans. David McDonald, Kay Hindes, and Kathleen Gilmore, Bulletin of the Texas Archeological Society, LXX (1999), 59-64
72. Foster, ed., The La Salle Expedition to Texas, trans. Warren, 162
73. Foik, ed., "Expedition of Terán de los Rios," trans. Hatcher, TCHS, II, no. 1 (January 1932), 18
74. Douay, "La Salle's Attempt to Ascend the Mississippi," in Cox, ed., The Journeys of Réné Robert Cavelier, I, 228
75. Paul J. Foik, ed., "The Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition of 1709: Espinosa's Diary," trans. Gabriel Tous, TCHS, I, no. 3 (March 1930), 9
76. see Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville (Princeton, N.J., 1990), 41
77. Foik, ed., "Expedition of Terán de los Rios," trans. Hatcher, TCHS, II, no. 1 (January 1932), 3-67
78. Foik, trans., "Ramón's Diary," ibid., II, no. 5 (April 1933), 3-67
79. Stafford Poole, Our Lady of Guadalupe: The Origins and Sources of a Mexican National Symbol, 1531-1797 (Tucson, Ariz., 1995)
80. D. A. Brading, Mexican Phoenix, Our Lady of Guadalupe: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries (New York, 2001)
81. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York, 1976)
82. John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, 2d ed., rev. (Berkeley, Calif., 1970)
83. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, trans. Hoffmann, 51
84. Foik, ed., "The Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition of 1709," trans. Tous, TCHS, I, no. 3 (March 1930), 10
85. Juan Antonio de la Peña, Aguayo Expedition into Texas, 1721: An Annotated Translation of the Five Versions of the Diary Kept by Br. Juan Antonio de la Peña, ed. Richard G. Santos (Austin, Tex., 1981), 81
86. Amy G. Remensnyder, "The Virgin Mary and the Conversion of Sacred Space on Spanish Frontiers (ca. 1000-ca. 1550)" (paper presented at the Latin American History Workshop, Princeton University, Princeton, N.J., 1998)
87. For a discussion of the rituals and symbols of possession among the different European groups in the New World, see Patricia Seed, "Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the Authority of Overseas Empires," in Jerry M. Williams and Robert E. Lewis, eds., Early Images of the Americas: Transfer and Invention (Tucson, Ariz., 1993), 111-148
88. Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640 (Cambridge, 1995)
89. Benedict Leutenegger, ed., Guidelines for a Texas Mission: Instructions for the Missionary of Mission Concepción in San Antonio (ca. 1760): Transcript of the Spanish Original and English Translation, with Notes (San Antonio, Tex., 1976)
90. Indians came to associate religious icons closely with Spaniards, though they just as quickly learned that it would be a mistake to associate Spaniards themselves with peace. As fray Juan Antonio de la Peña explained, at each campsite Spanish expeditions "had erected crosses to exalt it among so much idolatry and also to leave them as peace signs for the Apache Indians who hold them as so because they know that the Spaniards have been there." See Peña, Aguayo Expedition into Texas, ed. Santos, 58
91. For another citation of the same episode, see Hackett, ed. and trans., Pichardo's Treatise, I, 237
92. In another case, fray Gaspar José de Solís reported how one Indian rejected Spanish missionaries' overtures all the more powerfully by asserting to Solís that "he loved and appreciated Misurí (who is the Devil), more than he did the Most Blessed among all those created, the Holy Mother Mary, Our Lady"; see Solís, "Diary of a Visit of Inspection of the Texas Missions Made by Fray Gaspar José de Solís in the Year 1767-68," trans. Margaret Kenney Kress, SHQ, XXXV (1931), 67
93. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide, ed. Canedo, 685
94. Casís, trans., "Carta de Don Damian Manzanet [sic] á Don Carlos de Siguenza," TSHA, II (1899), 291, 305
95. That Christianity was not the interest of Hasinais is clearly borne out by succeeding records of Spanish missions among them; these missions were the greatest failures of all those established in the province of Texas. During the eighteenth century, none succeeded in converting any Hasinais or other Caddos, and the handful of baptisms that took place did so at death (in articulo mortis). See Carlos E. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519-1936, 7 vols. (Austin, Tex., 1936-1958)
96. For discussions of Hasinai ceremonies, see George Sabo III, "Reordering Their World: A Caddoan Ethnohistory," in Sabo and William M. Schneider, eds., Visions and Revisions: Ethnohistoric Perspectives on Southern Cultures (Athens, Ga., 1987), 25-47
97. Dorsey, Traditions of the Caddo; Newkumet and Meredith, Hasinai: A Traditional History; Carter, Caddo Indians, 162-163
98. William Joyce Griffith, The Hasinai Indians of East Texas as Seen by Europeans, 1687-1772, Middle American Research Institute, Philological and Documentary Studies, II (New Orleans, 1954), 97-98
99. John R. Swanton, Source Material on the History and Ethnology of the Caddo Indians (Washington, D.C., 1942)
100. Don G. Wyckoff and Timothy G. Baugh, "Early Historic Hasinai Elites: A Model for the Material Culture of Governing Elites," Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology, V (1980), 225-288
101. For discussions of European ritual and ceremony, see Edward Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1997)
102. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (1955; rpt. New York, 1988), 30-38
103. Barbara Wisch and Susan Scott Munshower, eds., "All the world's a stage ...": Art and Pageantry in the Renaissance and Baroque, pt. 1, Triumphal Celebrations and the Rituals of Statecraft, Papers in Art History from the Pennsylvania State University, VI (University Park, Pa., 1990)
104. Sean Wilentz, ed., Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, Pa., 1985)
105. Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison, Wis., 2000), 85-99, 161
106. La Harpe, "Account," trans. Smith, SHQ, LXII (1958-1959), 380
107. Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, ed Foster, trans. Brierley, 152-153
108. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, trans. Hoffmann, 76, 78
109. Mark A. Burkholder, "Honor and Honors in Colonial Spanish America," in Lyman L. Johnson and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera, eds., The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque, N.M., 1998), 18-44
110. Elena Lourie, "A Society Organized for War: Medieval Spain," Past and Present, no. 35 (December 1966), 54-76
111. L. N. McAlister, "Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain," Hispanic American Historical Review, XLIII (1963), 349-370
112. Alonso, Thread of Blood; La Vere, The Caddo Chiefdoms, 14-22
113. Carter, Caddo Indians
114. For theoretical discussions of honor, see Julian Pitt-Rivers, "Honour and Social Status," in J. G. Péristiany, ed., Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (Chicago, 1966)
115. William Ian Miller, Humiliation and Other Essays on Honor, Social Discomfort, and Violence (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993), 84
116. For discussions of Spanish honor, see Lyman L. Johnson and Sonya Lipsett-Rivera, eds., The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque, N.M., 1998)
117. Lourie, "A Society Organized for War," Past and Present, no. 35 (December 1966), 54-76
118. McAlister, "Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain," Hispanic American Historical Review, XLIII (1963), 349-370
119. Bartolomé Bennassar, The Spanish Character: Attitudes and Mentalities from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century, trans. Benjamin Keen (Los Angeles, 1979)
120. Alonso, Thread of Blood; Steve J. Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1995)
121. Ramón A. Gutiérrez, "Honor Ideology, Marriage Negotiation, and Class-Gender Domination in New Mexico, 1690-1846," Latin American Perspectives, XII (1985), 81-104
122. For sources regarding Caddo systems of status and honor, see La Vere, The Caddo Chiefdoms, 14-22
123. Sabo, "Reordering Their World," in Sabo and Schneider, eds., Visions and Revisions, 25-47
124. Russell M. Magnaghi, "Changing Material Culture and the Hasinai of East Texas," Southern Studies, XX (1981), 412-426
125. Wyckoff and Baugh, "Early Historic Hasinai Elites," Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology, V (1980), 225-288
126. As don Domingo de Terán de los Rios reported, "I watched their actions, movements, and expressions closely, and I concluded that they were very brave, haughty, and numerous" (Foik, ed., "Expedition of Terán de los Rios," trans. Hatcher, TCHS, II, no. 1 [January 1932], 15)
127. For discussion and analysis of European readings of markers of Indian identity, such as dress, body decoration, and objects of ritual exchange, in the British and French regions of colonial America, see Gordon M. Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains: Representations of Native Americans in French and English Colonial Literature (Chapel Hill, N.C. 1007), 144-217
128. Henri Joutel, A Journal of La Salle's Last Voyage (1714), intro. Darrett B. Rutman (New York, 1962), 113-114
129. Peter P. Forrestal, trans., The Solís Diary of 1767," TCHS, I (March 1931), 13
130. Swanton, Source Material on the Caddo Indians, 140-144
131. Mardith K. Schuetz, "Commentaries on the Interrogations: Ethnological Data," in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, eds., La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 259-274
132. Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, trans., Descriptions of the Tejas," SHQ, XXXI (1927), 57
133. Although Spanish commanders clearly manipulated such displays to achieve certain effects before Indians, ritualized formations and processions were a regular part of daily military life for the Spanish militia. See Foik, trans., "Ramón's Diary," TCHS, II, no. 5 (April 1933), 7, 10
134. For a similar experience, see [Pierre Marie François] de Pagés, Travels Round the World, in the Years 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 2 vols. (London, 1791), 74-75
135. "Peña's Account of the 1720-1722 Entrada," in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, eds., The Presidio and Militia, II, pt. 2, 413-414, 447
136. Casís, trans., "Carta de Don Damian Manzanet [sic] á Don Carlos de Siguenza," TSHA, II (1899), 302, 304
137. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide, ed. Canedo, 685, 716
138. Foik, trans., "Ramón's Diary," JCHS, II, no. 5 (April 1933), 20
139. La Harpe, "Account," trans. Smith, SHQ, LXII (1958-1959), 255-256, 372-374, 377, 383, 385, 528-529
140. Pénicaut, Fleur de Lys and Calumet, trans. McWilliams, 150. When Spaniards met with groups of Indians away from Indian villages and took upon themselves the role of host, they were careful to imitate Indian custom in setting up housing and seating arrangements commensurate with the rank and status of the various members of the visiting group, particularly chiefs and leading warriors
141. Classic studies of the meanings of gift exchange in non-Western cultures include Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. W. D. Halls (1924; rpt. New York, 1954)
142. Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age Economics (Chicago, 1972)
143. Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures of Kinship, rev. ed., ed. Rodney Needham, trans. James Harle Bell and John Richard von Sturmer (1949; rpt. Boston, 1969)
144. "Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690," in Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 416
145. Foik, ed., "Expedition of Terán de los Rios," trans. Hatcher, TCHS, II, no. 1 (January 1932), 19, 34
146. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, trans. Hoffmann, 57-58, 86
147. Morfi, History of Texas, ed. and trans. Castañeda, I, 206
148. Foik, trans., "Ramón's Diary," TCHS, II, no. 5 (April 1933), 21
149. For further discussion of diplomatic gifts, see John C. Ewers, "Symbols of Chiefly Authority in Spanish Louisiana," in John Francis McDermott, ed., The Spanish in the Mississippi Valley, 1762-1804 (Urbana, Ill., 1974), 272-286
150. Cornelius J. Jaenen, "The Role of Presents in French-Amerindian Trade," in Duncan Cameron, ed., Explorations in Canadian Economic History: Essays in Honour of Irene M. Spry (Ottawa, 1985)
151. On conceptions of female honor in Spain and Spanish America, see Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville
152. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away; Asunción Lavrin, ed., Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln, Nebr., 1989)
153. Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford, Calif., 1988)
154. On the fusion of political, social, and religious authority within Caddo society and an analysis of this rite in particular, see George Sabo III, "The Structure of Caddo Leadership in the Colonial Era," in Timothy K. Perttula and James E. Bruseth, eds., The Native History of the Caddo: Their Place in Southeastern Archeology and Ethnohistory (Austin, Tex., 1998), 171
155. For an anthropological discussion of the meanings of bride service for the power relations of men and women and for the argument that male prestige depended upon women's labor, see Jane Fishburne Collier, Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies (Stanford, Calif., 1988)
156. Body decoration held greater importance for women than men in signifying band affiliation, since it served to distinguish them from the female captives whom many groups held. Mardith K. Schuetz suggests that Hasinai body tattoos not only marked tribal identification but also reflected age, sex, and accomplishments. See Schuetz, "Commentaries," in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, eds., La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 259-274
157. Solís, "Diary," trans. Kress, SHQ, XXXV (1931), 13
158. Espinosa, "Ramón Expedition," trans. Tous, TCHS, I (April 1930), 18
159. see also "Espinosa's Diary of the 1716 Entrada," in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, eds., The Presidio and Militia, II, pt. 2, 379, 380, 393
160. Foik, trans., "Ramón's Diary," TCHS, II, no. 5 (April 1933), 18, 20
161. Foik, ed., "The Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition of 1709," trans. Tous, TCHS, I, no. 3 (March 1930), 8-10
162. Nor were Europeans above investing ceremonies with meanings that better served their own purposes. In a moment of wishful thinking in 1721, for instance, the marqués de Aguayo "placed his hands on the heads of all the [Caddo,] by this sign confirming that they - men, women and children - must render obedience." See "Peña's Account of the 1720-1722 Entrada," in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, eds., The Presidio and Militia, II, pt. 2, 413
163. Autos of Alonso de León, May 18, 1688, trans. Walter J. O'Donnell, in "La Salle's Occupation of Texas," TCHS, III (April 1936), 5-33 (esp. 7)
164. Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, ed. Foster, trans. Brierley, 117, 149
165. Douay, "La Salle's Attempt to Ascend the Mississippi," in Cox, ed., The Journeys of Réné Robert Cavelier, I, 225, 228
166. Hasinai welcoming rituals allotted to each person a role commensurate with his or her contribution to the society and presented to observers the social value and status of each person. See Sabo, "Reordering their World," in Sabo and Schneider, eds., Visions and Revisions, 26
167. For discussions of the association of food with sex and other European images of sexuality in the New World, see Bucher, Icon and Conquest; Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995)
168. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide, ed. Canedo, 698, 701
169. St. Denis's statement clearly indicates that Frenchmen recognized Hasinai distinctions between marital unions (which were monogamous and required fidelity) and premarital sexual relations (which were acceptable among Hasinais - and among most Frenchmen and Spaniards that were not of an elite class as well). See Charmion Clair Shelby, "St. Denis's Declarations concerning Texas in 1717," SHQ, XXVI (1923), 178-179
170. Casís, trans., "Carta de Don Damian Manzanet [sic] á Don Carlos Siguenza," TSHA, II (1899), 307-308
171. Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, trans., "Desciptions of the Tejas," SHQ, XXX (1927), 289
172. Cavelier, Journal, trans. Delanglez, 91
173. Bell, trans., "Voyage; to the Mississippi," in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, eds., La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 253
174. Daniel A. Hickerson, «Historical Processes, Epidemic Disease, and the Formation of the Hasinai Confederacy," Ethnohistory, XLIV (1997), 31-52
175. Daniel H. Usner, Jr., Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy: The Lower Mississippi Valley before 1783 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1992), 255
176. Joseph Zitomersky, "The Form and Function of French-Native American Relations in Early Eighteenth-Century French Colonial Louisiana," in Patricia Galloway and Philip P. Boucher, eds., Proceedings of the Fifteenth Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society, Martinique and Guadaloupe, May 1989 (Lanham, Md., 1992), 154-177
177. For further discussion of French-Caddo relations, see Juliana Barr, "The 'Seductions' of Texas: The Political Language of Gender in the Conquests of Texas, 1690-1803" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1999)