Breaking the cup of kingship an Elamite coup in Nineveh?

Iranica Antiqua

Volumn 34, Issue , 1999, Pages 71-83

  Nylander, Carl ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 65849085422     PISSN: 00210870     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2143/IA.34.0.519107     Document Type: Review

References (84)

1. This note owes very much indeed to David Stronach's important lecture manuscript from the International Conference on Origins and History of Wine (Napa Valley, Calif., May 1991), "The Imagery of the Wine Bowl: Wine in Assyria in the Early First Millennium B.C.", which he, with customary kindness, put at my disposal during the work on the joint British-American- Italian-Swedish symposium In vino veritas in Rome in 1991. I have had much kind help from Julian E. Reade of the British Museum and have gratefully profitted from our stimulating discussions. I am also grateful to the Trustees of the British Museum for the permission to publish the photograph of the Nineveh slab BM. 124920 (Fig. 1), and to Dr. Prudence O. Harper of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, for the permission to illustrate the Old Elamite seal 1987.343 (Fig. 2)
2. R.D. Barnett, "Assurbanipal's Feast", ErIsr 18, 1985, 1
3. Cf. also R.D. Barnett, Sculptures from the North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, London, 1976, 19f., 56ff., pls. LXIII-LXV
4. and R.D. Barnett & A. Lorenzini, Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum, Toronto, 1975
5. B. Fehr, Orientalische und griechische Gelage, Marburg/Lahn, 1971, 7-18
6. P. Albenda, "Grapevines in Ashurbanipal's Garden", BASOR 215, 1974, 5-17
7. "Landscape Bas-Reliefs in the Bit-Hilani of Ashurbanipal", BASOR 224, 1976, 49-72, & 225, 1977, 29-48
8. e Siècle avant J.-C., Rome, 1982, esp. pp. 58-69
9. R.D. Barnett, op.cit. (supra fn. 2) 1985
10. K.H. Deller, "Assurbanipal in der Gartenlaube", BaM 18, 1987, 229-238
11. D. Stronach, op.cit. (supra fn. 1)
12. A. Rathje, "Banquet and Ideology. Some new Considerations about Banqueting at Poggio Civitate". in R.D. De Puma and J.P. Small, eds., Murlo and the Etruscans. Art and Society in Ancient Etruria, Madison 1994, 95-99
13. J.E. Reade, "The Symposion in Ancient Mesopotamia: Archaeological Evidence", in O. Murray & M. Tecusan, Eds, In Vino Veritas, Rome, 1995, 35-56, esp. pp. 49-55
14. J.E. Reade, "Narrative composition in Assyrian sculpture", BaM 10, 1979, 52-110. esp. 108f
15. A ceremonial or cultic dimension may be hinted at also by the presence of a priest and the incense burners flanking the king's bed. One should also note the presence of quite an orchestra, or even two: musicians with 4 harps, a lute, a double flute and a drum to the left in the relief, while a group of musicians with 2 harps, a lyre and 2 short double flutes seem to be playing far to the right; cf. B. Lawergren, "Mesopotamien (Musikinstrumente)", Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Zweite, neubearb. Ausgabe, Sachteil 6, 1997, 164, Fig. 26a. R.D. Barnett's suggestion (supra fn. 2) of a marzeah-ritual does not convince
16. Esp. P. Albenda, op.cit. (supra fn. 3), 1977, 29ff
17. Cf. also B. Hrouda, Kulturgeschichte des assyrischen Flachbildes, 1965
18. and U. Magen, Assyrische Königsdarstellungen - Aspekte der Herrschaft. Eine Typologie, Mainz, 1986
19. For the bed, cf. also H. Kyrieleis, Throne und Klinen. Studien zur Formgeschichte altorientalischer und griechischer Sitz- und Liegemöbel vorhellenistischer Zeit, Berlin, 1969, esp. 15-23
20. Cf. K.H. Deller, op.cit. (supra fn. 3). I am grateful to J.R. Reade for this reference and for a copy of his manuscript on Ninevite topography in this volume
21. Such a possibility has been hinted at also by other scholars, e.g. recently by P. Albenda (op.cit. supra fn. 3), 1974,14
22. and more explicitly so by J.-M. Dentzer (op.cit. supra fn. 3), p. 68f., who has been inspired, not least, by A. Alföldi's important, wide-ranging article "Die Geschichte des Throntabernakels", La Nouvelle Clio 10, 1950, 537-566
23. J.E. Reade, "Elam and Elamites in Assyrian Sculpture", AMI 9, 1976, 97-105
24. C. Nylander, "Earless in Nineveh: Who Mutilated "Sargon's" Head", AJA 84, 1980, 329-333
25. J.E.R.'s observations were one of many results of his long-time, productive study of Assyrian art in the British Museum and elsewhere (cf. now also J.E. Curtis & J.E. Reade (eds.), Art and Empire: Treasures from Assyria in the British Museum, London, 1995, 36f. (non vidi)
26. and J.E. Reade, "Restructuring the Assyrian Sculptures" in the forthcoming volume in Memory of Peter Calmeyer, 1998), while C.N.'s were the outcome of a long interest in political and propagandistic iconoclasm in the ancient Near East and the Classical World
27. (cf. also C.N., "Imago mutilata: Iconoclasm as a Counter-language" in National Gallery of Art, Washington D. C. Center for Advanced Study of the Visual Arts, Research Reports and Record of Activities, 8, 1988, 73-74
28. and "The Mutilated Image: "We" and "they" in History - and Prehistory(?)", Acta of the Symposium "World-View of Prehistoric Man", organized by the Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities, Lund, May 1997), Kungl. Vitterghets Historie och Antikuitets Akademien, Konferenser, 40, Stockholm 1998, 235-251
29. In recent years such damage to ancient Near Eastern sculpture has been touched upon by a number of scholars, e.g. M.A. Brandes, "Destruction et mutilation de statues en Méso-potamie", Akkadica 16, 1980, 28-41
30. Th. Beran, "Leben und Tod der Bilder", in G. Mauer & U. Magen (eds.), Festgabe für Karlheinz Deller, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1988, 55-60
31. P. Matthiae, Il sovrano e l'opera. Arte e potere della Mesopotamia antica, Roma, 1994, 64ff
32. and, most recently, Z. Bahrani, "Assault and Abduction: the Fate of the Royal Image in the Ancient Near East", Art History, 18, 1995, 363-382
33. and A. Robaert, "A Neo-Assyrian Statue from Til Barsip", Iraq 58, 1996, 79-87
34. For a broader perspective on iconoclasm, cf. M. Warnke (ed.), Bildersturm. Die Zerstörung des Kunstwerks, München 1973, 1977
35. H. Bredekamp, Kunst als Medium Sozialer Konflikte. Bilderkämpfe von der Spätantike bis zur Hussitenrevolution, Frankfurt a.M., 1975
36. D. Freedberg, Iconoclasts and their motives (2nd Gerson Lecture), Maarsen, 1985
37. and The Power of Images, Studies in the History and Theory of Response, Chicago & London, 1989, esp. 379-428
38. BM 128801/802 and BM 124802. Cf. J. Reade, op.cit. (supra fn. 9) 1976, Taf. 21:2 & 22:1
39. and E. Strommenger, Fünf Jahrtausende Mesopotamien, Munchen 1962, Taf. 239 & 240
40. Cf. M. Cogan, "A Plaidoyer on behalf of the Royal Scribes", in AH, ASSYRIA... Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography presented to Hayim Tadmor (Scripta Hierosolymitana, XXXIII), Jerusalem, 1991, 124ff
41. and P. Gerardi, "Epigraphs and Assyrian Palace reliefs: The Development of the Epigraphic Text", JCS 40, 1988, 1-35, esp. 32
42. BM. 124911. Cf. W. Mayer, "Sanherib und Babylonien. Der Staatsmann und Feldherr im Spiegel seiner Babylonienpolitik" in Vom Alten Orient zum Alten Testament. Festschrift für Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993. Herausgegeben von M. Fietrich und O. Lorenz, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1995, 305-332
43. For the iconoclasm, cf. J. Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art", in M. Trolle Larsen (Ed.), Power and Propaganda - A Symposium on Ancient Empires, Copenhagen 1979, Fig. 1, and Z. Bahrani, op.cit. (supra fn. 9) 1995, Figs. 19 & 19a
44. BM. 124858
45. C. Nylander, op.cit. (supra fn. 9) 1980, 331f
46. C. Nylander, op.cit. (supra fn. 9) 1980, 329ff
47. For the following, cf. C. Nylander, op.cit. (supra fn. 9) 1988 and 1998. When discussing iconoclasm it is important to distinguish between, on one hand, a total destruction/annihilation of a sculpture and/or its inscription aiming at a complete damnatio memoriae and, on the other, a partial, selective mutilation that wants to demonstrate a political or other mutatio rerum, a new order set against the old, defeated one. This does not preclude the possibility, as maintained by Beran and Bahrani (opp.citt., supra fn. 9), that destruction/mutilation may have had also a magical background, to kill in effigie or to make the represented person, as Assurbanipal puts it, "more dead than before". This is not the appropriate context for a discussion of the points raised by the vigorous and provocative article by Z. Bahrani on "Assault and Abduction... (supra fn. 9), which is also an "assault" on previous scholarship on iconoclasm. Be it enough to stress that, here as well as in previous writings, I do indeed share her "desire to see reason instead of chaotic barbarism in the destruction of images" (op.cit. 365)
48. While the Assyrian rulers are easily recognizable in the bas reliefs, other crucial individuals are not rarely identified by inscriptions, e.g. Teumman, Tammaritu and Ummanigash; cf. P. Gerardi, op.cit. (supra fn. 10), Appendix B: Assurbanipal's Epigraphs
49. 2
50. and The Babylonian Laws, I, II, Oxford 1952, 1955, index "mutilation"
51. and Cl. Saporetti, "Leggi Assire; Due Punti Controversi", Egitto e Vicono Oriente 5, 1982, 63-66
52. It is worth noting that the fine fluted drinking bowl of the queen has been left intact. Yet the elegant golden drinking bowls, inscribed with several queens' names, from the regal Tomb 2 in Nimrud bear witness to the importance, ceremonial and hereditary, of such objects. D. Stronach (op.cit. supra fn. 1) points out that these bowls differ from the one held by queen Libbali-sharrat, which is an "almost flat-based bowl with large, more or less circular gadroons on the body ... only likely to have emerged as one of the preferred Assyrian bowl shapes during the course of the 7th century". Yet, the ceremonial (?) function of the "Queen's cup" will have remained the same
53. Cf. J.J. Glassner, "Les dieux et les hommes. Le vin et la bière en Mésopotamie ancienne", in Le Ferment Divin (Collection Ethnologie de la France), Paris, 1991, 134: "La consommation en commun de boissons alcoolisées est l'activité autour de laquelle se structure le concile divin, cette assemblée suprême où se prennent toutes les grandes résolutions, où sont rendus tous les verdicts qui engagent l'univers entier."
54. Cf. also P.R.S. Moorey, "Metal Wine-Sets in the Ancient Near East", Iranica Antiqua, XV, 1980, 181-199
55. G. Selz, Die Bankettszene. Entwicklung eines 'überzeitlichen' Bildmotifs in Mesopotamien von der frühdynastischen bis zur Akkad-Zeit, Wiesbaden, 1983
56. I.J. Winter, "The King and the Cup: Iconography of the Royal Presentation Scene on UR III Seals", in M. Kelley-Buccellati (ed.), Insight Through Images: Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, Malibu, 1986, 253-268
57. F. Pinnock, "Considerations on the 'Banquet Theme' in the Figurative Art of Mesopotamia and Syria"
58. and P. Michalowski, "The Drinking Gods: Alcohol in Mesopotamian Ritual and Mythology"", both in L. Milano (ed.) Drinking in Ancient Societies. History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East. Padova, 1994
59. Cf. also M. Haran, "The Bas-Reliefs on the Sarcophagus of Ahiram King of Byblos in the Light of Archaeological and Literary Parallels from the Ancient Near East", IEJ 8, 1958, 15-27
60. From a very rich material e.g. Sasanian silver, Islamic painting and the numerous references to Jamshid's throne and cup by Persian poets like Ferdowsi (Shah-Nama, Jamshid, 62), Hafiz, Khayyam etc., and, on the other side of the spectrum, much material in Greek, Etruscan and later art up to the court paintings of banqueteers in the Cappella Palatina, Palermo of the twelfth cent
61. e.g. F. Gabrieli & U. Scerrato, Gli Arabi in Italia. Cultura, contatti e tradizioni, Milano, 1979, Figs. 44 & 45
62. U. Magen enumerates some 10 monumental Assyrian drinking scenes ("Gastmahl") showing the enthroned ruler with the lifted wine cup, op.cit. (supra fn. 6), 132. Excellent illustrations in S.M. Paley, King of the World. Ashur-nasir-pal II of Assyria 883-859 B.C., New York, 1976
63. U. Magen, op.cit. (supra fn. 6) 65. One may, however, have some doubts as to an exclusively priestly dimension of scenes (e.g. the Black Obelisk) where the king receives, cup in hand, a defeated ruler or a procession of prisoners; in a well-known ivory panel from Megiddo (cf. Barnett, ErIsr 18, 1985, fig. 3) there is a conflation of the two motifs: enthroned king + cup receiving prisoners (unless we have to do with two separate scenes figuring the ruler in different activities); cf. also Stronach, op.cit. (supra fn. 1)
64. It is true that the majority of the king+cup-scenes are found in Nimrud and Khorsabad, not in Nineveh, and that, so far, little or no iconoclasm has been documented there
65. Op.cit. (supra fn. 1)
66. Cf. Alföldi, op.cit. (supra fn. 8) and G. Widengren, The King and the Tree of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion (King and Saviour IV), Uppsala, 1951
67. Widengren (op.cit. 20ff.) and Haran (IEJ 8, 1958, 16-20) discuss the flower or other object often held by the king/ruler in the left hand in king + cup-scenes and interpret it as a kind of scepter. Widengren points out that, in the West, this scepter/rod often is thought to be a branch of the Tree of Life and, sometime, made from the vine. And Ezekiel (17:3-10) likens the king to a vine and (19:11) calls the vine "fit to make sceptres for those who bear rule"
68. K. Stendahl, "Vinträdet", in Svenskt Bibliskt Uppslagsverk, II, Stockholm, 1963, 1405, and Psalms 80, 8ff., Ezekiel 19:10 and Hosea 10:1
69. E.g. J.M. Dentzer, op.cit. (supra fn. 3), fig. 98, with the Sasanian ruler banquetting under the vine, and the elaboration of vine imagery around the royal symbols in Sasanian Silver. Late Antique and Early Mediaeval Arts of Luxury From Iran, Univ. of Michigan Museum of Art, 1967
70. For Exekias, cf. P.E. Arias & M. Hirmer, Tausend Jahre Griechische Vasenkunst, München 1960, Pl. XVI
71. and A. Buttita, Préface in Le Ferment Divin, Paris, 1991, ix-x, who likens the ship's mast + vine to the axis mundi and dwells on the significant number of 7 (grape clusters and dolphins)
72. for the Andokides-Painter, cf. E. Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, III, München, 1923, Abb. 265 & 315
73. and A. Alföldi, op.cit. (supra fn. 8), Abb. 12a/b
74. E.g. Tarquinia: Tomba dei Tori, T. della Caccia e Pesca, T. Bartoccini, T. Querciola, T. Triclinio, T. dell'Orco I. Such imagery is generally seen as Dionysiac - and no doubt often is -, but the recurrent juxtapposition of a banquetting couple on a couch with a vine above probably has some distant debt also to the old Near Eastern emblem of the "Glücksseligkeit des Universalherrschers", possibly transmitted by Ionian artists and other refugees after the Persian conquest of Ionia. Cf. S. De Marinis, La tipologia del banchetto nell' arte etrusca arcaica, Roma, 1961
75. For the close relationship between wine and sovereignty in early Rome, cf. F. Coarelli, 'Vino e ideologia nella Roma Arcaica", in O. Murray & M. Tecusan (eds.) In Vino Veritas, Oxford, 1995, 196-213
76. For the following, cf. D. Stronach, op.cit. (supra fn. 1)
77. I am somewhat less convinced that the two Nimrud ivory plaque figures touching fruits hanging down from a winged sun (E. Strommenger, op.cit.supra fn.10, fig. 266 right) are indeed handling clusters of grapes and not the pine cone-like fruit of the Tree of Life so often found in the hands of genii and heroic figures
78. cf. M.E.L. Mallowan, Nimrud and its Remains, II, London, 1966, figs. 384, 385, 388, 390 & 405
79. P. Amiet, L'âge des échanges inter-iraniens 3500-1700 avant J.-C., Paris, 1986, 159, figs. 113 & 114
80. P.E. Pecorella, "Un gruppo di sigilli cilindrici del Vicino Oriente", in Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata, Pavia, 1979, 445-465, esp. 451-453
81. E. Porada, "More Seals of the Time of the Sukkalmah", RA 84, 1990, 171-177
82. and J. Aruz, "Seals of the Old Elamite Period", in The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre (Metropolitan Museum of Art), New York, 1992, 106-120, esp. 115-116, figs. 37 & 38
83. "I tore out the raging wild bull(-figures), the attachments of the gates, the temples of Elam I destroyed so that they ceased to exist. I counted their gods and goddesses as powerless ghosts. Into their hidden groves, into which no stranger goes, whose bounds he does not enter, my battle troops penetrated, beheld its hidden (place), burnt it with fire. The burial places of their early (and) later kings, who had not feared Ashur and Ishtar, my lords, (and) who had made my royal predecessors tremble, I devastated, I destroyed (and) let them see the sun; their bones I removed to Assyria. I laid restlessness on their spirits. Food-offerings and water-libations I denied them. For the distance of one month (and) 25 days, I devastated the region of Elam. Salt and cress I sowed over them" (quoted from A. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 BC, Vol. II, London/New York, 1995, 500)
84. e.g. "The statue of Hallusu king of Elam, the one who plotted evil against Assyria, and engaged in hostilities against Sennacherib..., his mouth, which had been slandering, I cut off; his lips which had spoken insolence, I pierced; his hands, which had grasped the bow to fight against Assyria, I chopped off (quoted from Bahrani, op.cit. supra fn. 9, 375)