CIL X 1403: The album from herculaneum and the nomenclature of Latini Iuniani

Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik

Volumn 161, Issue , 2007, Pages 288-290

  Mouritsen, Henrik ^a  

^a KING'S COLLEGE LONDON   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 65849084582     PISSN: 00845388     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (21)

1. G. Guadagno, Frammenti inediti di albi degli Augustali, Cron. Erc. 7 (1977) 114-23. A detailed analysis of these important fragments, reconstructing their provenance and original composition, remains a desideratum, but a full study of these aspects falls outside the scope of this note
2. E.g. T. Najbjerg, The so-called Basilica in Herculaneum, in Pompeian Brothels, Pompeii's Ancient History, Mirrors and Mysteries, Art and Nature at Oplontis, & the Herculaneum 'Basilica', JRA Suppl. 47 (2002) 122-65, 159-61 and fig. 39, with previous literature
3. R. Duthoy, Latomus 54 (1995) 441
4. G. Camodeca, La società ercolanese, in Gli antichi ercolanesi, ed. M. Pagano (Napoli 2000) 67-70, 67
5. id., Per una riedizione dell'archivio ercolanese di L. Venidius Ennychus, Cron. Erc. 32 (2002) 257-80, 263 n. 25
6. A. Wallace-Hadrill, Imaginary feasts: pictures of success on the Bay of Naples, in Ostia, Cicero, Gamala, Feasts, and the Economy. Papers in Memory of John H. D'Arms, eds. A. Gallina Zevi and J. H. Humphrey, JRA Suppl. 57 (2004) 109-26, 121-26. The counter arguments adduced by Najbjerg (2002) 161, fail to convince
7. The institutions of the Seviri and Augustales in Italy generally showed great diversity on a local as well as a regional level, cf. my Honores libertini: Augustales and Seviri in Italy, in Zwischen Kult und Gesellschaft, ed. I. Nielsen (Hamburg 2007) 237-48. Still, an organisation on the scale implied by the Herculaneum inscription would have been completely anomalous for a town of this size
8. V. Arangio Ruiz, Lo 'status' di L. Venidio Ennico, in Mélanges H. Lévy-Bruhl (Paris 1959) 9-24
9. For a full list of epigraphic references see Guadagno (1977) 120 n. 14
10. These discussions have now been superseded by G. Camodeca's reedition of the tablets, Per una riedizione dell'archivio ercolanese di L. Venidius Ennychus. II, Cron. Erc. 36 (2006) 189-211
11. J. Gardner, Being a Roman Citizen (London/New York 1993) 18, who credited P. Weaver with the idea, cf. P. Weaver, Children of Junian Latins, in The Roman Family in Italy. Status, Sentiment, Space, eds. B. Rawson and P. Weaver (Oxford 1997) 55-72, esp. 71f.
12. A. Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton 1994) 182. At that point Wallace-Hadrill still accepted the identification of the list as the album Augustalium, which he later rejected (cf. n. 3). Presumably that also means that he no longer accepts Venidius' appearance on the list as proof of his citizen status at that moment. Gardner, Wallace-Hadrill, and Weaver all focus on the more recently discovered fragments which showed a direct juxtaposition of liberti and incerti, and ignore the longer fragment X 1403d, which also contains incerti without any indication of tribus, filiation or pseudo-filiation
13. The position of P. Weaver, Where have all the Junian Latins gone? Nomenclature and status in the Early Empire, Chiron 20 (1990) 275-305, is not entirely clear on this point. On the one hand, he states that: 'As liberti of their patrons, Latini Iuniani could use the freed-indication if they wished', 280. On the other hand, he also argues that they used tria nomina without status indication, thereby swelling the ranks of the incerti who came to dominate the urban funerary record, 300, 303
14. H. Solin, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der griechischen Personennamen in Rom, Commentationes humanarum litterarum 48 (1971)
15. id., Die Namen der orientalischen Sklaven in Rom, in L'Onomastique Latine (1977), 205-20
16. id., Griechische und römische Sklavennamen. Eine vergleichende Untersuchung, in H. Bellen and H. Heinen (eds.), Fünfzig Jahre Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverei an der Mainzer Akademie 1950-2000 (2001), 307-30
17. nd ed. (2003)
18. This calculation is based on the list of individually documented Seviri Augustales in J. H. D'Arms, Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome (Cambridge Ma. 1981) 176-9
19. and in the Fasti Augustalium, CIL XIV 4560-3, which gives a total of 336 individuals? 186 carrying Greek names. Interestingly, if we leave out one particular section of the Fasti Augustalium, XIV 4563, 5, the proportion rises to 65%
20. CIL VI 6213-6640
21. On the date and context of this material see M. Letizia Caldelli and C. Ricci, Monumentum familiae Statiliorum. Un riesame (Rome 1999). This calculation only includes members of the Statilian household and does not take into account outsiders who had been admitted to their burial ground