Towards a data base of dreams: Assembling an archive of elusive materials, c. 1947-61

History Workshop Journal

Volumn 67, Issue 1, 2009, Pages 44-68

  Lemov, Rebecca ^a  

^a HARVARD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 64849117716     PISSN: 13633554     EISSN: 14774569     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbn065     Document Type: Article

References (106)

1. Vannevar Bush, 'As We May Think', The Atlantic Monthly, July 1945.
2. Organizers called it 'the largest cooperative research enterprise in the history of anthropology': Bulletin re Coordinated Investigation of Micronesian Anthropology Project (CIMA), May 13, 1947, National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council (NAS-NRC) Archives, ADM: EX Bd.: Pacific Science Board: CIMA. Originally, the project was to involve 'all the sciences' but its initiators changed the focus to 'primarily the geographical and human sciences (including public health)' because this would aid in problems of 'practical administration': Letter of George Peter Murdock to Dr Walter Miles, 5 Feb. 1946, NAS-NRC Archives, Division of Anthropology and Psychology: DNRC: A&P: Committee on Anthropology of Oceania: General, 1942-43. Other contemporary projects shared this aim and language of completeness: For example, the Indian Personality Research project of the University of Chicago between 1942 and 1947 amassed 'deep, all-inclusive case-studies' of a representative sample of American Indian groups by means of scientist-technician expertise drawn from anthropology, ecology, psychiatry, medicine, sociology, and other fields. See Laura Thompson, Personality and Government: Findings and Recommendations of the Indian Administration Research, Ediciones Del Institute Indigenista Interamericano, Mexico, 1951.
3. The Navy's press release spoke of the investigation's intention to 'fill the gaps in scientific knowledge' of this area closed to Western scientists until recently: Naval Press Release, 20 May 1947, 'Scientists from Twenty-One Institutions Will Soon Begin Extensive Research in Former Japanese Mandated Islands', in NAS-NRC Archives, Administration: EX Bd.: Pacific Science Board: CIMA: General 1947. The search for totality in knowledge-collecting projects has a long if under-studied history. Peter Galison, in 'Ten Problems in History and Philosophy of Science', Isis 99, 2008, employs the phrase 'superlunary science' to characterize efforts to embody Enlightenment reason in unifying scientific projects in the twentieth century, peaking at mid century. Mary Poovey's essay, 'The Limits of the Universal Knowledge Project: British India and the East Indiamen', Critical Inquiry 31, 2004, provides a historical and epistemological analysis of the roots of projects that paralleled CIMA.
4. The closer and closer linkage of representation with intervention is considered by some to be the very instantiation of modern rationality. See, for example, Paul Rabinow, 'Artificiality and Enlightenment: From Sociobiology to Biosociality', in Incorporations, ed. Jonathan Crary and Sanford Kwinter, New York, 1991;
5. Ian Hacking, Representing and Intervening, Cambridge, 1983;
6. and Peter Galison and Lorraine Daston's discussion of evolving forms of scientific representation in Objectivity, New York, 2007.
7. In the case of Micronesia, some of the fortyone scientists originally dispatched by CIMA ended up writing American colonial policy for these territories: See 'Anthropology's Laboratory', in Rebecca Lemov, World as Laboratory: Experiments with Mice, Mazes and Men, New York, 2006.
8. This was not the first attempt to collect dreams in a systematic manner: precursors include a sixteenth-century Chinese encyclopedia of dreams, and parts of the British Mass-Observation project, besides, of course, Freud's Interpretation of Dreams. The Chinese encyclopedia as well as Freud's dream-book coalesced around theories of dream interpretation, without which the data of the 'dreams themselves' would have counted for little. (The Chinese dreams were drawn exclusively from literary sources, and were employed by Chen Shiyuan to illustrate various principles of dream formation and elicitation of meaning.) Mass-Observation was much closer in spirit to CIMA's total accounting and to neo-encyclopaedic endeavours. In other words, these mid twentieth-century projects aimed to use dreams to excavate the relatively unlooked-at subjective states of 'ordinary' people. See Wandering Spirits: Chen Shiyuan's Encyclopedia of Dreams, transl. and intro. Richard Strassberg, Berkeley, 2008;
9. and Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams, New York, 1980. Cf. the decision to initiate 'an archives project for dream materials': Minutes of Meeting of Committee on Primary Records in Culture and Personality, 9 Nov. 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: Committee on Primary Records (CPR): Meetings: 1956;
10. and 'Notice' [undated, c. 1956] of Formation of Committee on Primary Records in Anthropology and Psychology, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956. On the Mass-Observation project, see Nick Hubble, Mass-Observation and Everyday Life: Culture, History, Theory, Basingstoke and New York, 2006; some M-O data may be accessed at http://www.massobs.org.uk/ index.htm.
11. According to Weber, the 'rise of the exact sciences' was occasioned by a quest to rediscover a hidden God by physically grasping His traces in the natural world, and the sciences were essentially ontological pursuits, seeking after true art, true being, true nature, true happiness. However, a mature science (Wissenschaft) worthy of the name could no longer answer these primary questions. The quest to approach ultimate truth through numbers brought about its opposite. Max Weber, 'Science as a Vocation', in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, transl. and ed. Hans Heinrich Gerth and C. Wright Mills, New York, 1946, pp. 142-3.
12. On the history of nineteenth-century fact-collecting innovations, see Nathan Glazer, 'The Rise of Social Research in Europe', in The Human Meaning of the Social Sciences: Original Essays on the History and Application of the Social Sciences, ed. Daniel Lerner, New York, 1959.
13. Glazer's essay focuses on the perfection of fact-gathering methods as the root of social science in its modern form; in this he was thirty or forty years before his time. Recent histories of social science have begun to address fact-collection techniques, as in Ian Hacking's work (see n. 3 above) and Ruth Leys, 'Types of One: Adolf Meyer's Life Chart and the Representation of Individuality', Representations 34, spring 1991, but most other histories have tended to focus on guiding intellectual theories and concepts.
14. For much-needed scholarly attention to the history of quantitative methods and the positivistic pursuit of exactitude, see Mary Poovey, A History of the Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge in the Sciences of Wealth and Society, Chicago, 1998;
15. Theodore Porter, Trust in Numbers: The Pursuit of Objectivity in Science and Public Life, Princeton, 1996;
16. Paul Rabinow, French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment, Cambridge MA, 1989,
17. and 'Ordonnance, Discipline, Regulation: Some Reflections on Urbanism', Humanities in Society 5, 1982.
18. The last describes the growing need among urban planners for 'a precise knowledge...of such matters as the geology, geography, demography, the market, the dispositions and possibilities of the inhabitants' trades, the conditions of hygiene, dangers of infection from abroad, and so on' (p. 276). On the American context, a more traditional intellectualist approach is Dorothy Ross, The Origins of American Social Science, Cambridge, 1991.
19. Gregory Bateson, 'Social Planning and the Concept of Deutero-Learning' (1942), in Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution and Epistemology, New York, 1973, p. 161.
20. Borges's account of the discovery by archivists of the obscure land of Tlön reads like a parable of mid-century social science: 'At first it was believed that Tlön was a mere chaos, an irresponsible incense of the imagination; now it is known that it is a cosmos and that the intimate laws which govern it have been formulated, at least provisionally': Jorge Luis Borges, 'Tlön, Uqbar, Orbius Tertius', in Labyrinths, New York, 1964, pp. 7-8.
21. George G. Spindler, Review of Gardner Lindzey, Projective Techniques and Cross-Cultural Research, in American Anthropologist 64, 1962, p. 1,327.
22. Peter Galison, 'Image of Self', in Things That Talk, ed. Lorraine Daston, New York, 2004, p. 274.
23. Invented in 1921, Hermann Rorschach's test consists of a series of ten officially designated inkblots: Five are black on a white background, two black and red on white paper, and three multi-coloured. When the test-taker sees a card - and it is very important that the subject has never seen it before - s/he is asked to describe the picture. S/he will receive an evaluation on the basis of her response: What s/he sees in the image (in whole or in part), time taken to respond, whether s/he rotated the card, or turned it over, or rejected the card as abnormal, or whether she refused to answer for some other reason. The goal was to gain insight into an individual's 'experience type' or Erlebnistyp as Rorschach called it (Galison, p. 266).
24. 'Secret instructions' for printing the ten cards under proper conditions of humidity and temperature have been 'passed down over generations' according to Galison (p. 257). The test has been reinterpreted many times, and the methods used to evaluate responses have also changed.
25. Quoted by Milton Singer, 'Culture and Personality Theory and Research', in Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Bert Kaplan, Evanston, 1961, p. 11.
26. In contrast, nineteenth-century ethnographic surveys avoided subjective materials such as dreams and focused instead on 'facts' such as physical types of inhabitants; current traditions, dialects, remains of ancient culture, historical evidence of racial persistence: See James Urry, 'Englishmen, Celts, and Iberians: The Ethnographic Survey of the United Kingdom, 1892-99', in Functionalism Historicized: Essays on British Social Anthropology, ed. George Stocking, Madison, 1984, p. 88.
27. interview with Murray quoted by James William Anderson, 'Henry A. Murray and the Creation of the Thematic Apperception Test', in Evocative Images, the Thematic Apperception Test and the Art of Projection, ed. Lon Gieser and Morris Stein, Washington DC, 1999, p. 37.
28. Christiana D. Morgan and Henry A. Murray, 'A Method for Investigating Fantasies: The Thematic Apperception Test', Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry 34, 1935;
29. Henry A. Murray, Explorations in Personality, New York, 1938;
30. Henry A. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test: A Manual, Cambridge MA, 1943.
31. On authorship of the test see Anderson, 'Henry A. Murray and the Creation of the Thematic Apperception Test'. Christiana Morgan was first author in the initial publication, but by the third, the major and influential 1943 volume, which went on to become the second highest seller in the history of Harvard University Press, her name had somehow 'dropped off' the cover. According to Murray, in at least one account Morgan 'asked that her name be officially omitted', having received a vexing amount of mail with questions she felt unable to answer, and because, as Murray put it, she didn't really understand the test she had invented (Anderson, pp. 33-4).
32. John B. Watson, 'Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It', Psychological Review, March 1913, p. 171.
33. According to Dorothy Ross (Origins of American Social Science, p. 312), Watson advanced an 'extreme behaviorism that...taught that all mental action could be ultimately explained as reflex responses to the environment'.
34. Dewey's attitude is discussed in Kerry W. Buckley, Mechanical Man: John Broadus Watson and the Beginnings of Behaviorism, New York, 1989, pp. 78-80.
35. The language here comes directly from the titles of their early pioneering work: Morgan and Murray's 'A Method for Investigating Fantasies' and Murray's Explorations in Personality.
36. Murray quoted in Anderson, 'Henry A. Murray and the Creation of the Thematic Apperception Test', p. 25.
37. Cf. Henry Murray, The Thematic Apperception Test: A Manual.
38. A cardinal trait of a projective test, indeed, is its covert element: 'Finally, projective techniques are regarded by their exponents as especially effective in revealing covert, latent, or unconscious aspects of personality. Moreover, the more unstructured the test, it is argued, the more sensitive it is to such covert material. This follows from the assumption that the more unstructured or ambiguous the stimuli, the less likely they are to evoke defensive reactions on the part of the respondent': Anne Anastazi, Psychological Testing, 3rd edn, New York, 1968, p. 494. This common usage of projection among exponents of projective testing is almost the opposite of Freudian projection, itself a defensive mechanism used (by a subject undergoing psychoanalysis) to obscure not reveal the unconscious contents.
39. Morgan and Murray, 'A Method for Investigating Fantasies', pp. 115-43.
40. Some, as late as 1992, compare its wonders favourably with other projective tests, as if comparing new car models or beauty contestants: 'The TAT had all that the Rorschach had and more': Lon Gieser and Morris I. Stein, 'An Overview of the Thematic Apperception Test', in Evocative Images, ed. Gieser and Stein, p. 5.
41. Spindler, Review of Gardner Lindzey's Projective Techniques and Cross-Cultural Research, p. 1,326.
42. In some circles the test bore for years a taint of its origin: projective techniques, especially the Rorschach, 'originated with a highly specialized and somewhat esoteric group in psychology and psychiatry who were quite removed from the domain of "respectable" academic psychology'. Respectability was needed to proceed with the search for 'behavioral indices that would be operationally and conceptually equivalent cross-culturally' and to have regularized measurements for the 'depths of the self' via 'standard scoring systems for projective responses' (p. 1,327).
43. Quoted in Anderson, 'Henry A. Murray and the Creation of the Thematic Apperception Test', p. 35.
44. Stephen E. Toulmin and David Leary, 'The Cult of Empiricism in Psychology and Beyond', in A Century of Psychology as Science, ed. Sigmund Koch and David Leary, Washington DC, 1992, p. 606.
45. In fact, McClelland and Murray, unknown to themselves at the time, shared an ancestor of old New England stock named Babcock: See McClelland, 'How the Test Lives On: Extensions of the Thematic Apperception Test Approach', in Evocative Images, ed. Gieser and Stein, p. 164.
46. David G. Winter, 'Linking Personality and "Scientific' Psychology": the Development of Empirically Derived Thematic Apperception Test Measures', in Evocative Images, ed. Gieser and Stein, p. 108.
47. Feb. 1996 interview quoted in Winter, 'Linking Personality and "Scientific" Psychology', p. 108.
48. McClelland, 'How the Test Lives On', p. 163.
49. McClelland interview of 10 Feb. 1996, quoted by David Winter, '"Toward a Science of Personality Psychology": David McClelland's Development of Empirically Derived TAT Measures', History of Psychology 1: 2, 1998, p. 143.
50. Murray played around with this type of usage as well. See the 1948 Assessment of Men: Selection of Personnel for the Office of Strategic Services (Office of Strategic Services Staff, New York), which describes a battery of tests and experimental situations devised by Murray for the OSS, including the use of the TAT in stress tests to determine likely candidates for spy missions and infiltration of enemy institutions.
51. Winter, 'Toward a Science of Personality Psychology', p. 130.
52. That is, McClelland felt he 'tied the TAT-based motives much more closely to biological processes than more complexly determined motives such as conscious desires...': McClelland, 'How the Test Lives On', pp. 165-7 ff.
53. William A. Lessa and Marvin Spiegelman, 'Ulithian Personality as Seen Through Ethnological Materials and Thematic Test Analysis', University of California Publications in Culture and Society 2: 5, Berkeley, 1954.
54. The necessity for such adaptations is clear from the original TAT cards (made up of images from popular 1930s magazines redrawn in pen and ink by Christina Morgan), for example, a Fleischman's Yeast advertisement or a 'little boy leaning against a rail overlooking what appears to be a huge factory or smelting plant', taken from a photograph featured in the February 1932 McCall's. See Wesley G. Morgan, 'Origin and History of the Earliest TAT Pictures', Journal of Personality Assessment 79: 3, 2002.
55. The full Pacific-modified TAT set was published in Lessa and Spiegelman, 'Ulithian Personality'.
56. Peter W. Black, 'Psychological Anthropology and Its Discontents: Science and Rhetoric in Postwar Micronesia', in American Anthropology in Micronesia: An Assessment, ed. Robert C. Kiste and Mac Marshall, Honolulu, 1999, p. 232.
57. Robert Sears at Harvard's Laboratory of Social Development participated in the 'Five Cultures' or 'Values Project', which aimed to collect in a vast filing cabinet the elusive stuff of human decision-making and belief: People's values. They overhauled an earlier, more materialistic schema so as to 'nail down a very substantial body of facts and set of principles' on values. Robert Sears to Evon Vogt, Letter with Proposal, 12 March 1951, in Harvard Archives, UAV 801.2010.
58. study cited in Hallowell, 'The Rorschach Test in Personality and Culture Studies', Culture and Experience (Philadelphia), 1955, pp. 60, 61. An anthropologist (Kluckhohn) and psychoanalyst (Rosensweig) studied two Navaho children, following them from birth to age five, and gave Rorschach results to four interpreters, whose tabulated results showed 'a high degree of conformity'.
59. Melford E. Spiro, manuscript 'A Psychotic Personality in the South Seas', in NAS-NRC Archives, ADM, EX Bd.: Pacific Science Board, CIMA. Published as Melford E. Spiro, 'A Psychotic Personality in the South Seas', Psychiatry 13: 2, 1950 (pp. 189-204), p. 189 [page numbers from published article].
60. Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Kaplan, p. 1.
61. Several Five Cultures projects are described in Progress Report on Comparative Study of Values, 24 Nov. 1950, in Harvard Archives, UAV 801.2010.
62. George De Vos, 'Symbolic Analysis in the Cross-Cultural Study of Personality', in Studying Personality Cross-Culturally, ed. Kaplan, p. 598.
63. 'The concept of structure and even the word "structure" itself are as old as the episteme -that is to say, as old as western science and western philosophy', wrote Derrida, going on to proclaim that any solidity and centring thought normally to inhere in structures, whether social, humanistic or cultural, had already been dismantled. I am not arguing, however, that these culture-and-personality experts about whom I write were deconstructionists avant la lettre; rather, using Derrida's terminology, they still believed in 'presence', in the grounding of 'being' within a 'structuralizing structure'. Their sophisticated theorizing notwithstanding, they preceded, in other words, 'this moment...in which language invaded the universal problematic;...in which, in the absence of a center or origin, everything became discourse...': Jacques Derrida, 'Structure, Sign, and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences', in Textual Strategies: Perspectives in Post-Structuralist Criticism, ed. Josuée V. Harrari, London, 1980, pp. 35, 37.
64. Cf. Hallowell, Culture and Experience, p. 40. This theory, a kind of post-behaviourism, seemed to favour a neutral, rather mild form of social engineering: Understanding the mechanisms by which people become 'selves' with inner lives or emotional patterning was a way, potentially, of learning to use those mechanisms.
65. Hallowell, 'The Rorschach Test in Personality and Culture Studies', in Culture and Experience, p. 62
66. Characterization of Hallowell's work by Melford E. Spiro, 'Postmodernist Anthropology, Subjectivity, and Society: A Modernist Critique', Comparative Studies in Society and History 38: 4, 1996, p. 761;
67. Hallowell's Ojibwa studies from the 1930s and 1940s are collected and republished in his Culture and Experience, Part 2, 'World View, Personality Structure, and the Self: The Ojibwa Indians'.
68. Hallowell, Preface to Culture and Experience, 1954, pp. vii-viii.
69. Hallowell, 'The Self and Its Behavioral Environment', in Culture and Experience, p. 77.
70. The following sources referred to in this paragraph are cited by Hallowell (among others) in his essay: Clark Wissler, Man and Culture New York, 1923;
71. George P. Murdock, 'Common Denominators of Culture', in The Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. Ralph Linton, New York, 1945;
72. George P. Murdock, Clellan S. Ford, Alfred E. Hudson and others, Outline of Cultural Materials, Behavior Science Outlines, vol. 1 (3rd edn), New Haven, Human Relations Area Files, Inc., 1950. Finally, Hallowell cites the Géza Róheim essays on 'Das Selbst' as appearing in Imago in 1921, and receiving the Freud prize in that year.
73. According to a retrospective summary by Spiro, significant uses of such tests by anthropologists in the years from 1944-57 included George De Vos, 'A Comparison of Personality Differences in Two Generations of Japanese Americans by Means of the Rorschach Test', Ngoya Journal of Medical Science 17, 1954;
74. Cora Du Bois, The People of Alor: A Social-Psychological Study of an East Indian Island (with analyses by Abram Kardiner and Emil Oberholzer), Minneapolis, 1944;
75. Thomas Gladwin and Seymour B. Sarason, Truk: Man in Paradise, New York, 1953;
76. William Henry, 'The Thematic Apperception Technique in the Study of Culture-Personality Relations', Genetic Psychology Monographs 35, 1947;
77. George Spindler, Sociocultural and Psychological Processes in Menomini Acculturation, Berkeley, 1955;
78. and Anthony F. C. Wallace, The Modal Personality Structure of the Tuscarora Indians as Revealed by the Rorschach Test, Washington, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 150, 1952.
79. In this period, the Bureau of American Indian Affairs sponsored a programme for large-scale testing of different Indian groups, monitoring the sense of 'self' in response to pressures of acculturation - which relied on the TAT, Rorschach and other tests used as probes and X-rays for innerness. Cf. William Caudill, 'Psychological Characteristics of Acculturated Wisconsin Ojibwa', American Anthropologist 51, 1949;
80. Alice Joseph, Rosamond B. Spicer and Jane Chesky, The Desert People: a Study of the Papago Indians, Chicago, 1949;
81. Dorothea Leighton and Clyde Kluckhohn, The Children of the People: the Navaho Individual and his Development, Cambridge MA, 1947;
82. Gordon MacGregor, Warriors without Weapons: A study of the Society and Personality Development of the Pine Ridge Sioux, New York, 1946;
83. Laura Thompson and Alice Joseph, The Hopi Way, Chicago, 1944.
84. Evon Z. Vogt, Navaho Veterans: A Study of Changing Values, Cambridge MA, 1951, p. 3.
85. Dorothy Eggan, 'The Manifest Content of Dreams: A Challenge to Social Science', American Anthropologist 54: 4, 1952, p. 477.
86. Researchers should aim for a situation where 'hypotheses can be formulated and progress made in the standardization of methods for the use of manifest level dream content': Eggan, 'Manifest Content', p. 477.
87. All are facets of a 'projective process in which the dreamer responds to his own mind's images of his culturally oriented world as it is, or as he wishes or fears it to be': Eggan, 'Manifest Content', p. 480.
88. Eggan, 'Manifest Content', p. 471.
89. Eggan, 'Manifest Content', p. 482.
90. Eggan, 'Manifest Content', p. 485.
91. Minutes of Meeting of the Committee on Primary Records, 19 Jan. 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956.
92. Other notable attempts at establishing a 'science of subjectivity' went forward c. 1955-64 via a CIA-funded research network - the Human Ecology Fund, the Geschickter Foundation and the Scientific Engineering Institute, among others - that identified and routed money to researchers working in the more experimental arms of psychology and anthropology. In these outsourced laboratories as well as its own, the CIA encouraged unorthodox research on topics such as how certain stratospheric drugs worked; whether hypnotized secret-agents could be programmed to carry out missions unaware; whether mind-control machines could be built; the possibilities of mass brainwashing, coercion or subtle attitude adjustment and behavioural modification; the use of electroshock, intensive drugging and lobotomy to 'drive' an individual; how extended sensory deprivation affected state of mind; and whether any or all of these might be effective interrogation tools or, then again, serve to mak someone forget having been interrogated at all. See for instance John Marks, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate: The CIA and Mind Control: The Secret History of the Behavioral Sciences, New York, 1991,
93. and Patricia Greenfield, 'CIA's Behavior Caper', APA Monitor, December 1977, p. 1.
94. See Minutes of Meeting of Committee on Primary Records (Philadelphia), 9 Nov. 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956.
95. (Cf. also Mortimer B. Smith, Jerome S. Bruner and Robert W. White, Opinions and Personality, New York, 1956;
96. Lewis M. Terman, Genetic Studies of Genius, vol. 1, Mental and Physical Traits of a Thousand Gifted Children, Stanford, 1926.) The intention was to invite all the indicated researchers to contribute their data sets; it is not clear whether any did so, but none was included in the two volumes of the Microcard publication that appeared.
97. The Barker, Sosin, Hall, and Becker data sets all receive mention in a letter dated 3 Dec. 1958, from Bert Kaplan of the University of Kansas to Glen Finch, Director of Anthropology and Psychology, National Academy of Science. Kaplan wonders whether the NAS would be interested in funding publication of a Primary Records in Psychology series. Nine days later, Finch said no. Both letters are in NAS-NRC Archives, Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Requests for Funds 1956-1958.
98. A. Irving Hallowell, General Introduction, Microcard Publications of Primary Records in Culture and Personality, vol. 1, 1956.
99. Data from test protocols quoted in this paragraph are found in 'Rorschachs of Sixty Navaho Adults and Children and Modified TATs, Murray TATs and Sentence Completion Tests of Fourteen Navaho Young Men', ed. Bert Kaplan, Microcard Publications of Primary Records in Culture and Personality 1: 20, 1956.
100. Minutes of Meeting of Committee on Primary Records (Philadelphia), 9 Nov. 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956.
101. Minutes of Meeting of the Committee on Primary Records, 3 May 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956.
102. Minutes of Department of Social Relations Meeting, 24 May 1949, in Harvard Archives, UAV 801.2010.
103. It was a vast scientific resource 'not only of the greatest potential usefulness to the research worker of the future but...relevant to many unsolved problems with which present day investigators are concerned'. Letter from Finch to National Science Foundation modifying request to $10,000 for one year, 11 April 1956, in NAS-NRC Archives, Div. of Anthropology and Psychology: CPR: Meetings: 1956.
104. Dream recorded in Eggan, 'The Manifest Content of Dreams', p. 475,
105. and included in 1961 Microcard Publications in Personality and Culture.
106. Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, Objectivity, p. 17, emphasis added.