A newly discovered keyboard source (Gonzalo de Baena's Arte nouamente inuentada pera aprender a tanger, Lisbon, 1540): A preliminary report

Plainsong and Medieval Music

Volumn 5, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 81-112

  Knighton, Tess ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LONDON   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 63849098298     PISSN: 09611371     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s096113710000108x     Document Type: Review

References (76)

1. M. C. de Brito, 'As relaçōes musicais portuguesas com a Itália e os Países Baixos durante a Renascença Espanha, a Itália e os Países Baixos durante a Renascença', in Estudos de História da Música em Portugal (Lisbon, 1989), 43-4
2. V. Deslandes, Documentas para a historia da typographia Portugueza nos XVII seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1888), 19. On Galharde, see below
3. The reference for this document is given by Deslandes as Chancellaria de D. Joãorivilegios, liv.xxii, f. 43 (text from Deslandes; translation my own)
4. E. Vieira, Diccionario biográfico de musicos Portugueses, historia bibliografia da musica em Portugal e bibliografia da musica em Portugal, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1900), I, 82-3
5. Francisco, Marqués de Sousa Viterbo, Subsidios para a historia da completamente ignorado a todos os nossos bibliographos que d'elle nem do autor fizeram mençao'. musica em Portugal (Coimbra, 1932), 82: 'O livro, ou não chegou a publicar-se, ou passou completamente ignorado a todos os nossos bibliographos que d'elle nem do autor fizeram mençao'
6. It is not referred to in bibliographical information relating to the printer Germão Galharde; for example, no mention of the book is found in A. J. Anselmo, Bibliografia das obras impresas em Portugal no século XVI (Lisbon, 1926)
7. M. de Sampaio Ribeiro, Livraria de música de El-rei D. João 488, 454, 447 and 453. The 1649 Index of this library also lists Mateo de Aranda's two treatises under the entry no. 530 in 'Caixão 18. Theoricos'; these are the only other music books to have been printed in Portugal before 1540. IV. Estudo musical, histórico e bibliográfico, facs. edn of 1649 edition (Lisbon, 1967), 106-13; these items are numbered 442, 441, 488, 454, 447 and 453. The 1649 Index of this library also lists Mateo de Aranda's two treatises under the entry no. 530 in 'Caixão 18. Theoricos'; these are the only other music books to have been printed in Portugal before 1540
8. M. Santiago Kastner, 'Relations entre la musique instrumentale XVI siècle française et espagnole au XVI siècle', Anuario musical, 10 (1955), 96-7
9. Manuel Rodrigues de Coelho, Flores de Musica pera o instrumento de tecla III, I, xl: '... mas totalmente mouido do zelo do bem commum, que por ser parto de tal animo nascido, & o primeiro de Musica pera Tecla & Harpa, que nestes nossos Reynos lem saido, conilo, que não sera mal recebido'. There is an interesting parallel here with the publication of keyboard music in France: in 1623 Titelouze also claimed that 'hors de souvenance des hommes' organ music had never previously been printed in France, despite the fact that in 1531 Pierre Attaingnant had produced seven of keyboard music under royal licence: Titelouze's preface to Hymnes de l'Eglise (repr. Paris, 1897), I, 1, 5; & harpa, ed. M. Santiago Kastner, 2 vols.ortugaliae Musica, serie A, I & III, I, xl: '... mas totalmente mouido do zelo do bem commum, que por ser parto de tal animo nascido, & o primeiro de Musica pera Tecla & Harpa, que nestes nossos Reynos lem saido, conilo, que não sera mal recebido'. There is an interesting parallel here with the publication of keyboard music in France: in 1623 Titelouze also claimed that 'hors de souvenance des hommes' organ music had never previously been printed in France, despite the fact that in 1531 Pierre Attaingnant had produced seven volumes of keyboard music under royal licence: see Titelouze's preface to Hymnes de l'Eglise (repr. Paris, 1897), I, 1, 5
10. cited in ed. Y. Rokseth, Deux livres d'orgue pants chez Pierre Attaingnant en 1531 (Paris, 1925), v
11. W. Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music 900-1600 (Cambridge, Mass. 1953), 47
12. For an example of Italian keyboard score as it might have been known in the Iberian peninsula before 1540, the facsimile edition of Marcantonio Cavazzoni, Recerchari/motetti/canzoni Libro primo (Venice, 1523, New York: Broude Bros the Iberian peninsula before 1540, see the facsimile edition of Marcantonio Cavazzoni, Recerchari/motetti/canzoni Libro primo (Venice, 1523), in Monuments of Music and Music Literature in Facsimile: First Series-Music XII (New York: Broude Bros., 1974)
13. M. Santiago Kastner, 'Los manuscritos musicales nos. 48 y 242 de la Universidad de Coimbra Biblioteca General de la Universidad de Coimbra', Anuario musical, 5 (1950), 78-96
14. Fray Juan Bermudo, Declaración de instrumentos musicales (1555) tañer el organo facs. edn. Documenta Musicologica I: Erste Reihe: Druckschriften-Faksimiles, XI (Kassel and Basel: Bärenreiter, 1957), fols, cxiiii-cxxviii, 'De tañer el organo'
15. H. M. Brown, Instrumental Music Printed before 1600: A Bibliography (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 46
16. Brown also notes the loss of a Tablature d'Epinette printed in Lyons in 1536. 1536
17. It should be noted that the fact that only one copy has survived is quite typical of the period; for the situation as regards books printed in Italy see I. A. Fenlon, Musicrint and Culture in Early Sixteenth-Century Italy (London, 1995), 2-11
18. See below with regard to the music examples in the treatises of Mateo de Aranda Aranda
19. 4: see pp. 75-6. Columbus also had a copy of Schlick's collection of 1523, see ibid., 66-7, 71 and 82-3. Santiago Kastner ('Los manuscritos musicales', 80) comments on the transmission of Franco-Netherlandish repertory to the Iberian peninsula through printed collections
20. E. F. Hirsch, Damião de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Pourtuguese 1502-1574 Manoel I seek Flemish minstrels for his court; Brito, 'As relações musicais portuguesas', 48. Humanist, 1502-1574 (The Hague, 1967), 13; the factory was abolished in 1549. Gois is known to have recommended that Manoel I seek Flemish minstrels for his court; see Brito, 'As relações musicais portuguesas', 48
21. H. V. Livermore, A New History of Portugal, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1976) points to the presence of François I, albeit in captivity, in Spain in 1525-6 as a further impetus to cultural exchange. 148. Santiago Kastner ('Relations musicales', 87-92) points to the presence of François I, albeit in captivity, in Spain in 1525-6 as a further impetus to cultural exchange
22. Santiago Kastner, 'Relations', 97
23. Rokseth, Deux livres d'orgue, vi
24. Santiago Kastner, 'Relations', 96
25. C. Jacobs, 'Milan, Luis de', New Grove; J. B. Trend, Luis Milán travel to Portugal it would have been after the publication of El maestro, since no mention of a visit to Portugal is made in the dedication to João III. It may well have been that Milán was attempting to secure a position at the Portuguese court which had a good reputation for cultivation of the arts in the early part of the sixteenth century: for example, Hirsch, Damião de Gois, 5. Brito ('As relações musicais portuguesas', 46) assumes a Portuguese visit by Milán. and the Vihuelistas, Hispanic Notes and Monographs XI (Oxford, 1925), 17. Trend suggests that if Milán did travel to Portugal it would have been after the publication of El maestro, since no mention of a visit to Portugal is made in the dedication to João III. It may well have been that Milán was attempting to secure a position at the Portuguese court which had a good reputation for cultivation of the arts in the early part of the sixteenth century: see, for example, Hirsch, Damião de Gois, 5. Brito ('As relações musicais portuguesas', 46) assumes a Portuguese visit by Milán
26. See C. Jacobs (ed.), Luis de Milán: El Maestro (University Park Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 9
27. Bermudo also dedicated a work, El arte tripharia (1549), the first part of his Declaración, to João IIIerhaps with the precedents of Milán and Baena in mind. Bermudo clearly had high expectations for the king's support, and his Prologue acknowledges that the king's renown as a munificent patron had spread throughout Spain and praises the Portuguese nation for its musicality. However, it is clear from the Introduction to the 1555 edition of the Declaración that João III had not given the volume his support, because, according to Bermudoeople had spoken III of him to the king. See R. Stevenson, Juan Bermudo (The Hague, 1960), 10-11
28. See Jacobs, Luis de Milán, 10-13; and Appendix 1
29. Jacobs, Luis de Milán, 12
30. The repertory of El maestro consists primarily of free fantasias for vihuela and vihuela-accompanied songs in Castilianortuguese and Italian. vihuela and vihuela-accompanied songs in Castilianortuguese and Italian
31. See T. Knighton, 'Los de Baena: tres generaciones de músicos- Renacimiento compositores del Renacimiento', forthcoming in Anuario musical
32. T. Knighton, 'Baena' in the forthcoming Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana (Madrid, 1996)
33. Simancas, Archivo General, Casa y Sitios Reales, legajo 5, f. 438
34. Simancas, Archivo General, Cámara de Castilla, legajo VIII, fols 83-85, dated 15 November 1511
35. I am grateful to Emilio Ros-Fábregas for drawing my attention to portuguesas, 48 this roster which is published in A. Gaetano de Sousarovas de Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portuguesa, VI (Lisbon, 1748), 622, and cited in Brito ('As relações musicais portuguesas', 48)
36. and in J. V. Serrão, História de Portugal III: O chamber musicians: João de Badajos, Gonçalo, Francisco and Antonio de Baena and Antonio de Madrid, for none of whom an instrument is specified; the Flemish João de Bergomão 'tangedor da capella'; Nicolao de Escovar 'tangedor de harpa'; and Mestre João 'organista'. século de euro (1495-1580), 2nd edn (Lisbon, 1978), 417. This roster includes fifty-two singers and eight chamber musicians: João de Badajos, Gonçalo, Francisco and Antonio de Baena and Antonio de Madrid, for none of whom an instrument is specified; the Flemish João de Bergomão 'tangedor da capella'; Nicolao de Escovar 'tangedor de harpa'; and Mestre João 'organista'
37. Serrao, História de Portugal, 418
38. Garcia de Resende, Miscellania e variedade de historias, costumes, casos seu tempo aconteceram perfeiçam, Sarzedo, Fonte, cantar, Francisquilho assi juntar, tanger, cantar, sem razam: Arriaga que tanger!, ho cego que gram saber, nos orgãos! & ho Vaena!, Badajoz! outros que a pena, deixa agora descreuer, The 'Vaena' mentioned here has been taken to refer to Lope de Baena, singer, organist and composer from Segovia who served the Catholic Monarchs between 1478 and 1506, but the Portuguese court context described by Garcia de Resende makes it much more likely to be a reference to Gonzalo or, just possibly, one of his brothers. Vieira (Diccionario biográfico) confirms the presence of Fonte and Badajoz at the Portuguese court. Several were also, or had been, connected to the Ca e cousas que em seu tempo aconteceram, ed. Mendes dos Remedios (Coimbra, 1917) [Subsidios para o estudo da História da Literatura Portuguesa], 65: 'Musica vijmos chegar / aa mais alta perfeiçam, / Sarzedo, Fonte, cantar / Francisquilho assi juntar / tanger, cantar, sem razam: Arriaga que tanger! / ho cego que gram saber / nos orgãos! & ho Vaena! / Badajoz! outros que a pena / deixa agora descreuer.' The 'Vaena' mentioned here has been taken to refer to Lope de Baena, singer, organist and composer from Segovia who served the Catholic Monarchs between 1478 and 1506, but the Portuguese court context described by Garcia de Resende makes it much more likely to be a reference to Gonzalo or, just possibly, one of his brothers. Vieira (Diccionario biográfico) confirms the presence of Fonte and Badajoz at the Portuguese court. Several were also, or had been, connected to the Castilian royal household: Mateo Fonte served as a singer in the royal Castilian chapel between January 1493 and 1501, and was subsequently mestre de capella to Manoel I; and Sarzedo is probably Martín de Salzedo, organist at the court of Charles V from 1518 to 1525. On Arriaga, one of three organists in the household of Manoel I, see Santiago Kastner, 'Relations', 94
39. H. Anglés, La música en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de Española II la Música Española II (Barcelona, 1965), 27ss
40. Serrao, História de Portugal, III, 417-20 'A música na era the known facts largely drawn from the research of Sousa Viterbo at the beginning of this century de Quinhentos', supplies a brief resumé of the known facts largely drawn from the research of Sousa Viterbo at the beginning of this century
41. Cited in J. de Vasconcellos, Os musicos portuguezes, 2 vols. (Oporto Gois, below 1870), I, 222-3. On the court-based Moorish musicians described by Gois, see below
42. Sousa Viterbo, Subsidios para a historia, 81
43. On these dynastic links between Spain and Portugal, see Brito, 'As relações musicais portuguesas', 45-6
44. A. de la Torre and L. Suárez Fernández (eds.), Documentos Católicos referentes a las relaciones con Portugal de los Reyes Católicos, 3 vols. (Valladolid, 1958-63), III, 7
45. H. Anglés, La música en la corte de los Reyes la Música Española I Católicos, Monumentos de la Música Española I (2nd edn, Barcelona, 1960)
46. and T. Knighton, Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon 1474-1516h.D. diss., University of Cambridge (1984)
47. This likely reason for Escobar's return to his native Portugal has not University of Minnesota Press , and 352-4. Mateo Fonte may also have travelled to Portugal at the time of Maria's marriage previously been noted. On Escobar's career and sojourn in Spain, see R. Stevenson, 'Portuguese Music and Musicians Abroad, to 1650', in R. S. Sayers (ed.)ortugal and Brazil in Transition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1968), 310-13 and 352-4. Mateo Fonte may also have travelled to Portugal at the time of Maria's marriage
48. See O. Reesolyphony in Portugal c.1530-c.1620: Sources from the Cruz, Coimbra London: Garland Monastery of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, Outstanding Dissertations in Music from British Universities (New York and London: Garland, 1995), 49-85
49. On the transmission of Franco-Netherlandish polyphony to Spain see T during the Fifteenth Century Knighton, 'Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century', Renaissance Studies, I (1987), 221-37
50. On the other main Iberian sources of this period, see E Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions Ros-Fàbregas, The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M.454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditionsh.D. diss., The City University of New York (1992)
51. On Galharde, see Anselmo, Bibliografia, 160
52. and F. J. Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal 1501-1520 (Cambridge, 1978), 500-1
53. For a list of Galharde's publications, see Anselmo, Bibliografía Anselmo does not include Baena's 160-92 - a total of 677 works are listed, but Anselmo does not include Baena's Arte
54. See Norton (A Descriptive Catalogue, 500) for the disputed dates of the erroneously, as early as 1509 Evora Missal which has been datedrobably erroneously, as early as 1509
55. Anselmo, Bibliografía, 171
56. A. J. Anselmo, Origens da imprensa em Portugal (Lisbon, 1981), 75
57. Anselmo, Bibliografía, 171-3 (nos. 599 and 606). Copies of both The royal privileges (reproduced at the beginning of each granted to Aranda are very similar to Baena's although they are valid only for three years. facs. edn Mateus de Aranda: Tractado de cāto Llano (1533), J. A. Alegría, Rei Musicae Portugaliae Monumenta II (Lisbon, 1962). volumes are preserved in the British Library. The royal privileges (reproduced at the beginning of each volume) granted to Aranda are very similar to Baena's although they are valid only for three years. See facs. edn Mateus de Aranda: Tractado de cāto Llano (1533), J. A. Alegría, Rei Musicae Portugaliae Monumenta II (Lisbon, 1962)
58. Stevenson, Spanish Music, 97; the original reads: 'que ninguno que sea em puede mostrar ni enseñar enteramente: si no escriue: e haze muestra de aquello que en su facultad alcança'. qualquier arte o sciencia: puede mostrar ni enseñar enteramente: si no escriue: e haze muestra de aquello que en su facultad alcança'
59. Alegría, Mateus de Aranda, 47
60. T. de Noronha, A imprensa portugueza durante o seculo XVI (Porto, 1874) 14
61. cited in Manuel II, Livros antiguos portuguesas, 3 vols. (London, 1929) appear to have been made in blocks according to ligature patterns. I (1489-1539), 482. The chant examples in the Tractado de canto llano appear to have been made in blocks according to ligature patterns
62. Organs, as well as keyboards marked up with letters (following the German Virdung system of letter tablature), are found in Virdung's Musica gelutscht (Basel, 1511) (see R. Bullard (ed. and trans.), Musica getutscht: A Treatise on Musical Instruments (1511) by Sebastian Virdung (Cambridge, 1993), 109
63. and Agricola's Musica Instrumentalis deudsch of 1529, ed. and trans. W E. Hettrick (Cambridge, 1994)
64. Bermudo, too, offers an illustration of a keyboard (of a monachord) with the keys both numbered and allotted letters, though he follows a different system with capital letters and double letters (rather than dots) to differentiate the octaves, and with no suggestion as to the letter designation of the black notes (see Declaración, f. lxii). the keys both numbered and allotted letters, though he follows a different system with capital letters and double letters (rather than dots) to differentiate the octaves, and with no suggestion as to the letter designation of the black notes (see Declaración, f. lxii)
65. Bermudo does likewise in the section of the Declaración on 'De and twelve clavichord-makers active in Lisbon in the first half of the sixteenth century. tañer el organo' where he, too, refers to the 'monachordio' throughout (see Declaración, fols, lx-xci). It is clear from Baena and Bermudo that the monachord (or clavichord) was the instrument primarily associated with learning to play the keyboard. On the clavichord in Spain, see B. Kenyon de Pascual, 'Clavicordios and Clavichords in 16th-Century Spain', Early Music, 20/4 (Nov. 1992), 611-32. Santiago Kastner ('Relations', 94) refers to three organ-builders and twelve clavichord-makers active in Lisbon in the first half of the sixteenth century
66. Compare Table 1 and Appendix 3
67. On the presence of Moorish musicians at the Portuguese court, at least in at least in the time of Manoel I, the time of Manoel I, see Vasconcellos, Os músicos portugueses, I, 222-3, and below
68. Bermudo (Declaración, f. lxxxiii) also points out these advantages of using tablature, claiming that tablature saves as much as four times the space taken up by mensural notation: 'si alguno quisiere tener mucho canto de organo en poco papel: lo tenga puesto en cifras. Quatro vezes mas ocupa el canto de organo puntado: que cifrado'. of using tablature, claiming that tablature saves as much as four times the space taken up by mensural notation: 'si alguno quisiere tener mucho canto de organo en poco papel: lo tenga puesto en cifras. Quatro vezes mas ocupa el canto de organo puntado: que cifrado'
69. See H. G. Farmer, An Old Moorish Lute Tutor (Glasgow, 1933), 27-9
70. and Ma. C. Gómez, 'Some Precursors of the Spanish Lute School' Early Music, 20/4 (Nov. 1992), 592
71. The Portuguese court was noted for its religious and cultural tolerance in the reign of Manoel I and the early part of that of João III; the Inquisition was not established in Portugal until May 1536, and even then was more or less inactive for some years: see Livermore, A New History, 147
72. Bermudo, Declaración, f. lxxxiii: 'Aprouechan mas las cifras para enseña a tañer, tiene discipulos, que no saben cantar: Por cifras les puede enseñar los principiantes. Si vn maestro que enseña a tañer, tiene discipulos, que no saben cantar: por cifras les puede enseñar.'
73. Santiago Kastner ('Manuscritos musicales', 80) assigns a didactic purpose collections (MS 48) and comments on the unadorned character of the pieces it contains. to one of the later Portuguese keyboard collections (MS 48) and comments on the unadorned character of the pieces it contains
74. On the preservation of Josquin's music in Iberian sources, see R. M Festival-Conference ed, London, New York and Toronto Stevenson, 'Josquin in the Music of Spain and Portugal', in E. E. Lowinsky (ed.), Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference (London, New York and Toronto, 1976), 217-46
75. Portugal, on the fringe of the European continent, is usually assumed to mainstream repertory did reach Portugal and was known and admired there, at the very least as teaching material. Its contents would appear to confirm a time-lag, but this may be deceptive if Baena was deliberately drawing on 'old masters'. have been provincial in outlook (Brito, 'As relações musicais portuguais', 53) and generally behind the mainstream. Baena's Arte confirms that mainstream repertory did reach Portugal and was known and admired there, at the very least as teaching material. Its contents would appear to confirm a time-lag, but this may be deceptive if Baena was deliberately drawing on 'old masters'
76. See Ros-Fàbregas, The Manuscript