Mapping Phleious: Politics and myth-making in Bacchylides 9

Classical Quarterly

Volumn 53, Issue 2, 2003, Pages 347-367

  Fearn, David ^a  

^a University of Cambridge   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 62949174562     PISSN: 00098388     EISSN: 14716844     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/cq/53.2.347     Document Type: Article

References (74)

1. 1) = Blass
2. G. W. Bond, Euripides Hypsipyle (Oxford, 1969) = Bond
3. J. B. Bury, The Nemean Odes of Pindar (London, 1890) = Bury
4. W. E. H. Cockle, Euripides Hypsipyle (Rome, 1987) = Cockle
5. R. L. Fowler, Early Greek Mythography I: Texts (Oxford, 2000) = EGM I
6. A. Griffin, Sikyon (Oxford, 1982) = Griffin
7. J. M. Hall, Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity (Cambridge, 1997) = Hall, Ethnic Identity
8. G. O. Hutchinson, Greek Lyric Poetry. A Commentary on Selected Larger Pieces (Oxford, 2001) = Hutchinson
9. G. Italie, Euripidis Hypsipyla. cum notis criticis et exegeticis (Berlin, 1923) = Italie
10. R. C. Jebb, Bacchylides, The Poems and Fragments (Cambridge, 1905) = Jebb
11. F. G. Kenyon, The Poems of Bacchylides (London, 1897) = Kenyon
12. L. Kurke, The Traffic in Praise Pindar and the Poetics of Social Economy (Ithaca, NY, 1991) = Kurke, Traffic
13. H. Maehler, Die Lieder des Bakchylides, I. Die Siegeslieder (1: Text and Translation; 2: Commentary), Mnemos. Suppl. 62 (Leiden, 1982) = Maehler I.1 and I.2
14. W. J. Slater, Lexicon to Pindar (Berlin, 1969) = Slater, Lexicon
15. M. L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (Oxford, 1985) = West, Catalogue
16. Ignored even by S. E. Alcock, 'Urban survey and the polis of Phlius', Hesp. 60 (1991), 462 in a comment on the scarcity of links between Phleious and the Nemean games
17. Partly, perhaps, because G. M. Kirkwood, 'The narrative art of Bacchylides', in L. Wallach (ed.), The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan (Ithaca, NY, 1966), 105 damns the work as an example of 'Bacchylides at his pedestrian pace'!
18. Cleisthenes' undermining of the cult of Adrastus and the banning of all Homeric material at Sicyon as pro-Argive. For Cleisthenes, Sicyon, and Argos, see Griffin, 58-9
19. cf. T. K. Hubbard, 'Remaking myth and rewriting history: cult tradition in Pindar's Ninth Nemean, HSCP 94 (1992), 84, 85-6
20. But it could be read the other way, marking a change of tack in Sicyonian anti-Argive policy: Adrastus is made the founder of the games, but in so doing is drawn into close proximity with non-Argive Asopid mythology; this could have been done at the same time as the renaming of the tribes to include the Argive-sounding Aegialeus. Although Griffin supposes these factors to be evidence of Sicyonian Argivizing (under Spartan influence), we should harbour the suspicion that the change in policy to reintroduce the cult of Adrastus was a political appropriation of an enemy hero (for which see M. Visser, 'Worship your enemy: aspects of the cult of heroes in ancient Greece', HTR 75.4 [1982], 403-28). Argive-Sicyonian relations in the archaic and early classical periods were at best unsteady, if not outrightly hostile
21. T. Kelly, A History of Argos to 500 B.C. (Minneapolis, 1976), 127 with n. 47
22. they were certainly conspicuous competitors in the early years: see S. G. Miller, Nemea. A Guide to the Site and Museum (Berkeley, 1990), 37-8 with fig. 11 for four early pancration victories
23. Paus. 1.29.7-9: Athenian monument to Cleonaeans; Thuc. 5.67.2: S. G. Miller, 'Kleonai, the Nemean Games and the Lamian War', in Studies in Athenian Architecture Sculpture and Topography presented to Homer A. Thompson, Hesp. Suppl. 20 (1982), 105, n. 39
24. Epigraphic evidence for a sanctuary to the Seven in Argos in the sixth century: A. Pariente, 'Le monument argien des "sept contre Thèbes"', in M. Piérart (ed.), Polydipsion Argos: Argos de la fin des palais mycéniens à la constitution de l'état classique, BCH Suppl. 22 (Paris 1992), 195-229
25. Hall, Ethnic Identity, 97
26. Σ Pind. Nem. hyp. d.16-19 (iii.4 Dr)
27. E. R. Gebhard, 'The early stadium at Isthmia and the founding of the Isthmian Games' in W. Coulson and H. Kyrieleis (edd.), Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games (Athens, 1992), 74
28. Leon, named a satyr-play by Steph. Byz. 699.10, (for which R. Krumeich et al., Das Griechische Satyrspiel [Darmstadt, 1999], 161-3)
29. and Euripides' Hypsipyle. The beginnings of this may be located within the politics of pro-Argive aetiologizing that we find in e.g. Aesch. Eum. (see n. 39 below)
30. with W. Burkert, 'Orpheus, Dionysos und die Euneiden in Athen' in A. Bierl and P. v. Möllendorff [edd.], Orchestra. Drama, Mythos, Bühne [Stuttgart, 1994], 46, n. 21
31. R. C. T. Parker, Athenian Religion: A History [Oxford, 1996], 297-8
32. A. C. Cassio, 'Esametri orfici, dialetto attico e musica dell'Asia Minore', in A. C. Cassio et al. [edd.], Synaulia. Cultura Musicale in Grecia e Contatti Mediterranei. A.I. O.N. 5 [Naples, 2000], 97-100)
33. The Nemean sanctuary's destruction by fire in the late fifth century should be associated with Spartan military incursions against Argive interests in the region: Cockle, 41 with S. G. Miller, 'Excavations at Nemea, 1976', Hesp. 46 (1977), 8-10 and n. 17; Thuc. 5.60.3 with Griffin, 64. All this adds to the strongly political nature of the deployments of the Nemean aetiology throughout the century
34. cf. Hall, Ethnic Identity, 64
35. fabrication: E. N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus. The Emergence of Macedon (Princeton, 1990), 113
36. See West, Catalogue, 148
37. For the importance of 'genealogical thinking', see R. L. Fowler, 'Genealogical thinking, Hesiod's Catalogue, and the creation of the Hellenes', PCPS 44 (1998), 1-19
38. and Hall, Ethnic Identity, passim
39. Hall, Ethnic Identity, 93-9, esp. 98 for a summing-up of the three-period process of Argolid myth-making
40. J. M. Hall, 'How Argive was the "Argive" Heraion? The political and cultic geography of the Argive Plain, 900-400 B.C.', AJA 99 (1995), 612 with Paus. 10.10.3-5 (with the notable addition of Perseus and Heracles as figures of Argive myth)
41. cf. W. G. Forrest, 'Themistokles and Argos', CQ 10 (1960), 228
42. Σ Pind. Nem. hyp. a.3-6 (iii. 1 Dr)
43. S. G. Miller, 'The stadium at Nemea and the Nemean Games', in W. Coulson and H. Kyrieleis (edd.), Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games (Athens, 1992), 81
44. in his evaluation of Servius' note on Verg. G. 3.19 and Callim. Aet. 3 he appears unaware of the allusion in the former to the latter, or to the possibility that Callimachus might be utilizing source material such as Bacchylides for his own purposes: cf. P. J. Parsons, 'Callimachus: Victoria Berenices', ZPE 25 (1977), 41 for the use of Bacchyl. 13 (aetion and structural device of Athena); perhaps Callimachus also took the double foundation version in the proem to Aetia 3 from Bacchylides, this time from Bacchyl. 9
45. Syncretism: M.-C. Doffey, 'Les mythes de fondation des concours néméens', in Piérart (n. 13), 185-93
46. C. M. Bowra, 'The daughters of Asopus', Hermes 73 (1938), 213-21. See further below for the evidence of Pausanias
47. A. Rengakos, 'Zu Bakchylides' Erzähltechnik', in A. Bagordo and B. Zimmermann (edd.), Bakchylides: 100 Jahre nach seiner Wiederentdeckung. Zetemata 106 (Munich, 2000), 107 notes the brevity of Bacchylides' allusion to the future disaster at Thebes in lines 18ff. This is interestingly different from the focus on ancestral passed on from generation to generation in the myth of Amphiaraus and Alcmaion in Pind. Pyth. 8, Pindar's latest epinician; its mythology suggests Athenian-Argive influence over Aegina subsequent to Argive dominance in the Peloponnese, and offers support to Argive hero-cult
48. Kurke, Traffic, esp. chs. 1 and 2
49. with A. H. Sommerstein, Aeschylus, Eumenides (Cambridge, 1989), 26 and 30
50. This one is a special case: see G. A. Privitera, 'Pindaro, Nem. III 1-5, e l'acqua di Egina', QUCC58 (1988), 63-70
51. J. L. Larson, Greek Nymphs: Myth, Cult. Lore (Oxford, 2001), 139-40
52. West, Catalogue, 7, 45-6
53. E. Stehle, Performance and Gender in Ancient Greece. Nondramatic Poetry in Its Setting (Princeton, 1997), 106
54. cf. T. Power, 'The Parthenoi of Bacchylides 13', HSCP 100 (2000), 67-81
55. Cf. D. Castriota, Myth, Ethos and Actuality. Official Art in Fifth-century B.C. Athens (Madison; 1992), 47-53, 77-86, and 150-1
56. Cf. Sim. PMG 553. Given mythical variation concerning Opheltes' mother, Bergk's supplement of printed by Campbell, is not guaranteed
57. M. S. Silk, Interaction in Poetic Imagery (Cambridge, 1974), 110; 111
58. Cf. A. Villarrubia, 'Los símiles en la poesía de Baquílides', Habis 22 (1991), 87-8
59. See also E. Stehle, 'Romantic sensuality, poetic sense: a response to Hallett on Sappho', in E. Greene (ed.), Reading Sappho: Contemporary Approaches (Berkeley, 1996), 148
60. R. Hague, 'Sappho's consolation for Atthis. fr. 96 LP', AJP 105 (1984), 34-5
61. T. McEvilley, 'Sappho, fragment ninety-four', Phoenix 25 (1971), 3, 10
62. cf. C. M. Bowra, Pindar (Oxford, 1964), 35-6
63. Cf. Stehle (n. 48), 302
64. C. Carey, 'Bacchylides experiments: Ode 11', Mnemos. 33 (1980), 227-8. Elsewhere at Bacchyl. 5.37-41; and esp. 10.21-6
65. For victors as objects of admiration and even heroization, see W J. Slater, 'Nemean One: the victor's return in poetry and polities', in D. E. Gerber (ed.), Greek Poetry and Philosophy. Studies in Honour of Leonard Woodbury (Chico, CA, 1983), 244
66. and T. K. Hubbard, 'Pindar, Theoxenus, and the homoerotic eye', Arethusa 35.2 (2002), 255-296 for a reading of Pind. fr. 123 contextualized within a sympotic and athletic homoerotic environment
67. The conclusion of D. Steiner, 'Moving images: fifth-century victory monuments and the athlete's allure', CA 17 (1998), 149 that 'the sexual allure adhering to the bodies on display already declares the powers latent in each and every victory monument' applies well to Automedes in Bacchyl. 9
68. For a famous parallel for the thought see Pind. Pyth. 8.95-7
69. See C. Brown, 'Anactoria and the Sappho fr. 16, 18 Voigt', QUCC 32.2 (1989), 9-10: frs. 43.4, 70.38, 73.3, 185.20, 196.6 M-W. Cf. Etym. Gen. 589 s.v
70. Imagery relating to brides may also appear in the simile: Cf. Ap. Rhod. Arg. 4.167-71, the image focalizing Medea's hopes of marriage: see J. M. Bremer, 'Full moon and marriage in Apollonius' Argonautica', CQ 37 (1987), 423-6
71. Quint. Smyrn. 1.33-41 on Penthesilea, viewed as an ideal wife at 666-74: see F. Vian, Recherches sur les Posthomerica de Quintus de Smyrne (Paris, 1959), 20
72. See Plut. Quaest. Rom. 112, 291a
73. See F. Bömer, P. Ovidius Naso. Metamorphosen. Kommentar Buck VI-VII (Heidelberg, 1976), 108 ad loc. Ov. Met. 6.382-400
74. This also involves Dionysiac music: note the reference to auloi at line 68: For Marsyas and the aulos at Athens, see P. Wilson, 'The aulos in Athens', in S. Goldhill and R. Osborne (edd.), Performance Culture and Athenian Democracy (Cambridge, 1999), 58-95