The pontiff and the tribune: The death of Tiberius Gracchus

Athenaeum

Volumn 2002, Issue 2, 2002, Pages 339-366

  Linderski, J ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 62749109728     PISSN: 00046574     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (173)

1. R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (Oxford 1939), pp. 1, 8
2. But cf. p. 16: «With the Gracchi all the consequences of empire - social, economic and political - broke loose in the Roman State, inaugurating a century of revolution». L. Piotrowicz, Plutarch a Appjan [Plutarch and Appian] (Poznan 1921)
3. He was of course not writing a Symean history of revolution but a study of the sources, always a necessary first step, too often omitted. And see now E. Badian, Tiberius Gracchus and the Beginning of the Roman Revolution, «ANRW« I, 1 (1972), pp. 668-731
4. an excellent study (although he seems to underestimate the ever present weight of the sacral foundations of the tribunate of the plebs); Idem, Tribuni Plebis and Res Publica, in: J. Linderski (ed.), Imperium Sine Fine: T. Robert S. Broughton and the Roman Republic («Historia Einzelschriften» 105 [Stuttgart 1996]), pp. 187-213, with a trenchant discussion of sacrosanctitas and auspicia
5. Cf. J. Béranger, Les jugements de Cicéron sur les Gracques», «ANRW» I, 1 (1972), pp. 733-763
6. H. Rieger, Das Nachleben des Tiberius Gracchus in der lateinischen Literatur (Bonn 1991), esp. pp. 117-143
7. For an analysis of their reports, see Piotrowicz, Plutarch a Appjan (n. 1), pp. 37-40
8. B. Scardigli, Die Römerbiographien Plutarchs (München 1979), pp. 61-73, esp. 69-71, and nn. 376-397
9. and the commentary by E. Gabba, Appiani Bellorum Civilium Liber Primus (Firenze 1958), pp. 43-49
10. The paper by H.G. Ingekamp, Plutarchs «Leben der Gracchen», «ANRW» II, 33, 6 (1992), pp. 4298-4346, is, to a historian, of little use
11. Appian and Plutarch on Tiberius Gracchus' Last Assembly, Ibidem 44 (1966), pp. 238-250
12. But our sources forcefully stress that Tiberius stood for re-election. The simplest way out of this quandary is to assume that the simultaneous voting in elections was introduced after 133; so U. Hall, Voting Procedure in Roman Assemblies, «Historia» 13 (1964), p. 293. If this had been the legislative concilium, it is hardly likely that Tiberius would have selected Rubrius as the lator of the law
13. On the form of his name (Mucius, Mummius or Minucius) and his identity, see T.R.S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic I (New York 1951), pp. 493, 497 n. 2
14. D.C. Earl, M. Octavius, trib. pleb. 133 B.C., and his successor, «Latomus» 19 (1960), pp. 666-669
15. As Tiberius recited the precatio, he must have been in charge of the meeting. This presupposes the dismissal by Mucius of the original concilium. Cf. L.R. Taylor, Roman Voting Assemblies (Ann Arbor 1966), p. 20
16. See also a good study by F. Pina Polo, Las condones civiles y militares en Roma (Zaragoza 1989), pp. 92-164, 277 (no. 185)
17. On the possible symbolic meaning of the senatorial meeting in the temple dedicated to Fides, cf. G. Freyburger, Fides. Étude sémantique et religieuse depuis les origines jusqu'à l'époque augustéenne (Paris 1986), pp. 125-132 (esp. 129-130), 311-312. On the location of the temple, see below, n. 107
18. See on him F. Münzer, Cornelius 354, «RE» 4 (1901), pp. 1501-1504, and on his agnomen Serapio, see below, n. 38
19. On his career, see F. Münzer, Mucius 17, «RE» 16 (1933), pp. 425-428
20. Around his person, and his political and legal views, a vigorous polemic has swirled in recent years: see esp. E.S. Gruen, The Political Allegiance of P. Mucius Scaevola, «Athenaeum» N. S. 44 (1965), pp. 321-332
21. G. Grosso, P. Mucio Scaevola tra il diritto e la politica, «Archivio Giuridico» 175 (1968), pp. 204-211
22. T.P. Wiseman, A Note on P. Mucius Scaevola, «Athenaeum» N. S. 48 (1970), pp. 152-153
23. A.H. Bernstein, Prosopography and the Career of P. Mu cius Scaevola, «CP» 67 (1972), pp. 42-46
24. R.A. Bauman, Five Pronouncements by P. Mucius Scaevola, «RIDA» 25 (1978), pp. 223-245, esp. 227-238
25. Idem, Lawyers in Roman Republican Politics. A study of Roman jurists in their political setting («Münchener Beiträge zur Papyrusforschung und antiker Rechtsgeschichte», Heft 75 [München 1983]), pp. 230-302, esp. 272-275
26. A. Guarino, La coerenza di Publio Mucio (Napoli 1981), passim
27. O. Behrends, Staatsrecht und Philosophie in der ausgehenden Republik«, «ZRG» 100 (1983), pp. 458-484
28. Cf. J. Ungern-Sternberg von Pürkel, Untersuchungen zum spätrepublikanischen Notstandsrecht. Senatusconsultum ultimum und hostis-Erklärung («Vestigia» 11 [München 1970]), pp. 7-25
29. Appian, Bell. civ. 1.(16).68
30. Cic. Tusc. 4 (cf. below, nn. 51, 106)
31. On the modalities of that kind of proclamation (evocatio), and its place in Roman public law, see J. Linderski, Rome, Aphrodisias and the Res Gestae: the Genera Militiae and the Status of Octavian, «JRS» 74 (1984), pp. 74-80 (with further literature)
32. reprinted in: Idem, Roman Questions («Heidelberger Althistorische Beiträge und Epigraphische Studien» 20 [Heidelberg 1995]), pp. 147-153
33. App. Bell. civ. 1.(16).69-70. The attendants of the senators were armed with clubs and sticks; the senators armed themselves on the spot with pieces of broken furniture and they also «wrested staves out of the hands of the Gracchans», which shows that the partisans of Tiberius were also armed
34. The passage concerning Nasica is adduced as an example of the rhetorical figure of demonstratio (εcombining comma aboveνάρ γεια, υcombining reversed comma aboveπο τύποσις). Cf. the commentary by G. Calboli, Cornifici Rhetorica ad Herennium (Bologna 1969), pp. 435-437
35. E. Meyer, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Gracchen (Halle 1894), pp. 19 n. 2: «Appian zerbricht sich unnötig den Kopf, um diesen sehr natürlichen Vorgang zu erklären. Um das Kapitol hinaufzustürmen zu können, muss man die Beine frei haben; zugleich dient die um die Kopf geschlagene Toga zum Schutz». Cf. below, nn. 19, 108
36. E. Kornemann, Zur Geschichte der Gracchenzeit («Klio Beiheft» 1 [Leipzig 1903]), p. 5: the gesture of Nasica «ist nichts anderes als die Herstellung der Priestertracht»
37. E. Meyer in the second edition of his Untersuchungen (Kleine Schriften [Halle 1910], p. 412 n. 1
38. repeated in the second edition of Kleine Schriften [Halle 1924], p. 394 n. 1) dropped his criticism of Appian, and praised Kornemann's acumen
39. Cf. also P. Fraccaro, Studi sull'età dei Gracchi (Città di Castello 1914), p. 167 n. 1
40. For a dissenting voice, see S. Eitrem, G. Gracchus und die Furien, «Philologus» 78 (1922-23), pp. 183-186
41. whose criticism of Kornemann has recently been approvingly noted by M.G. Morgan, Cornelius and the Pannonians, «Historia» 23 (1974), p. 215 n. 152. Eitrem points out that C. and Ti. Gracchus were presented in the optimate tradition not only as violators of laws but also as miscreants pursued by the wrath of the gods, but nevertheless he maintains that «es scheint geradezu burlesker Gedanke zu sein, dass der wütende Optimat die Rolle eines gewöhnlichen Opferpriesters spielen wollte - denn den Oberpontifex konnte man so wie so nicht an dieser sonderbaren Vermummung erkennen» (p. 185). He brushes aside any idea of a symbolic meaning of Nasica's gesture, and seems to think that Nasica merely intended to protect his head. Needless to say this interpretation is open to the same criticism as E. Meyer's original opinion. Of course we cannot tell which role Nasica would have played and which he would not - but neither can Eitrem, and so his first objection to Kornemann's theory appears more imaginary than real. On the other hand Eitrem is undoubtedly right when he says that Nasica's velatio could not have pointed specifically to his office of pontifex maximus, for this could have been the attire of any priest at a sacrifice. At the same time, however, he has missed a most obvious point, namely that it was in fact the chief pontiff who covered his head with his toga, whereas none of the senators who followed him assumed this posture
42. G.G.C. Bijvanck, Studia in Ti. Gracchi historiam (Diss. Leiden 1879), p. 39
43. Bijvanck's excellent but modest dissertation has been unduly overshadowed by Kornemann's Scharfsinnigkeit. More recent students of Tiberius do not seem to know it, although it was quoted by some earlier scholars, cf. T. Greve, Kritik der Quellen zum Leben des älteren Gracchus (Progr. Aachen 1883), p. 21 n. 79
44. L. Piotrowicz, Plutarch a Appjan (n. 1), p. 40
45. K.W. Nitzsch, Die Gracchen und ihre nächsten Vorgänger (Berlin 1847), p. 326
46. M.N. Tod, Three Notes on Appian, «CQ» 18 (1924), pp. 99-102
47. I. Schweighäuser, Appiani Romanarum Historiarum quae supersunt II (Lipsiae 1785), p. 24
48. H. White, Appian's Roman History III (Loeb Class. Library, London 1913), p. 33 (originally published in 1889)
49. Cf. J.L. Strachan-Davidson, Appian, Civil Wars: Book I (Oxford 1902), pp. 17-18
50. Cf. Gabba, Appiani Liber Primus (n. 3), pp. 51-52. Gabba follows in his translation (p. 361) the interpretation of Tod: «sia ... ricordando con quell' impiego della veste la sua carica»
51. E. Badian, Three Fragments, in: «Pro Munere Grates. Studies Presented to H.L. Gonin» (Pretoria 1971), p. 4
52. Certainly dramatic, but not quite novel, cf. Nitzsch, Die Gracchen (n. 21), p. 326: Nasica «schlug seine Toga über den Kopf; man hat ihm Schuld gegeben, dass er sich dadurch den Schein geben wollte, als ginge er als Priester dem Juppiter zu opfern»
53. So also Bijvanck, Studia (n. 20), pp. 39-40. Vetera sunt, non leguntur
54. D.C. Earl, Tiberius Gracchus. A Study in Politics («Collection Latomus» 66 [Bruxelles 1963]), pp. 118-119
55. Badian, Three Fragments (n. 25), pp. 3-5. All quotations in the text are taken from these pages
56. Charisius, Artis Grammaticae Libri V, ed. C. Barwick (Lipsiae 1925 [1964]), pp. 255-256
57. 2 (Augustae Taurinorum 1955), p. 179, frg. 18, prints two cruces: † cum faciet and pro † sylla
58. Badian here follows the emendation of E. Wölfflin, suilla. Sulla, «Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik» 9 (1896), p. 354, who, however, took suilla to mean «Schweine(fleisch)» and not simply «a pig», and consequently interpreted the whole passage in a rather peculiar way: pro suilla humanam (sc. carnem) trucidet
59. Badian may well be right (see below), but still it is worth mentioning that long before Wölfflin the same emendation and the same interpretation of suilla (sc. caro) had been proposed by H. Jordan, Zu den Reden des C. Gracchus, «Hermes» 6 (l872), pp. 494-495
60. duly noted by N. Häpke, C. Semproni Gracchi oratoris Romani fragmenta collecta et illustrata (Diss. München 1915), pp. 44-45
61. F. Marx, Animadversiones criticae in Scipionis Aemiliani historiam et C. Gracchi orationem aduersus Scipionem, «RhM» 39 (1884), p. 72, was not convinced by this argument: succidias humanas facere is according to him a very different expression from humanam carnem trucidare
62. 3 [Paris, 1951], p. 180
63. 3 [Heidelberg 1938], p. 170), we would rather expect a parallel expression to succidias facere to be carnem facere, especially as that latter phrase is at the root of the compound carnifex («Stückmacher», as the dictionary of Walde-Hofmann renders it)
64. cf. E.D. Francis, Particularum quarundam varietas: prae and pro, «YCS» 23 [1973], pp. 45-46) the inviolable precinct of the asylum Romuli, which certainly was not the case
65. On the place of Tiberius' death, see B. Biliński, Fornix Calpurnius e la morte di Tiberio Gracco, «Helikon» 1 (1961), pp. 264-282: clivus Capitolinus, and contra
66. and better F. Coarelli, Le tyrannoctone du Capitole et la mort de Tiberius Gracchus, «MEFR» 81 (1969), pp. 137-160, esp. 154-159: centum gradus
67. Hostia is a much better supplement than victima, not only because of palaeographical reasons (so Badian, Three Fragments [n. 25], p. 6 n. 5)
68. E. Malcovati, Tre frammenti di oratori Romani, «Athenaeum» 53 (1975), p. 367
69. 3 18, «Athenaeum» 54 (1976), pp. 173-175, has presented a simpler and hence more attractive solution: non qui pro suilla humanum trucidet. He notes that in poetic or solemn language humanus frequently appears as a noun; in our passage both suilla and humanum would function as substantivized adjectives. Alfonsi stresses the affinity between Gaius' way of expression and the style of Cato, but he and A. Roncoroni, who communicated to him this observation, seem unaware that Jordan noticed this more than one hundred years ago (see above, n. 30)
70. On this bill (it did not pass), see the sources in G. Niccolini, I Fasti dei tribuni della plebe (Milano 1934), pp. 153-154
71. Already Nitzsch, Die Gracchen (n. 21), p. 342, interpreted Gaius' text in this sense, but he did not propose any textual emendation
72. Cf. A. Otto, Die Sprichwörter und die sprichwörtlichen Redensarten der Römer (Leipzig 1890), p. 336
73. M.G. Morgan, «Cornelius and the Pannonians» (n. 19), p. 215 n. 151
74. discussed by G. Ship, Notes on Plautine and Other Latin, «Antichthon» 4 [1970], p. 27)
75. Morgan, Cornelius and the Pannonians (n. 19), pp. 214-215
76. See the exemplary discussion of this cognomen by F. Münzer, Zu den Fragmenten des Valerius Antias, «Hermes» 32 (1897), pp. 470-471
77. H. Freier, Caput velare (Diss. Tübingen 1963), pp. 107-108
78. It is probable that there existed some difference in shape between the cap of the pontifex maximus and the caps of other pontiffs; at any rate it seems certain that there existed some differentiation between the caps worn by the different flamines, see K.A. Esdaile, The Apex or Tutulus in Roman Art, «JRS» 1 (1911), pp. 212-226
79. R. von Schaewen, Römische Opfergeräte, ihre Verwendung im Kultus und in der Kunst (Berlin 1940), pp. 59-65
80. Freier, Caput velare (n. 39), pp. 39-53
81. Apul. Apol. 22.7 (p. 26.16 Helm)
82. M.H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge 1974), p. 461, no. 443
83. Varro, de ling. Lat. 6.21
84. 2 (München 1912), p. 203
85. Cf. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus (n. 42), pp. 504-507
86. See Ryberg, Rites (n. 40), pp. 44-45, plate 12
87. Plut. Quaest. Rom. 10-11
88. see for this interpretation A. Alföldi, Early Rome and the Latins (Ann Abor 1963), pp. 45 n. 2
89. Idem, Die Penaten, Aeneas und Latinus, «MDAI Röm. Abt» 78 (1971), p. 22
90. L. Bonfante Warren, A Latin Triumph on a Praenestine Cista, «AJA» 68 (1964), pp. 35-42, esp. 38
91. K. Galinsky, Aeneas, Sicily and Rome (Princeton 1969), p. 34, and fig. 34
92. Cf. Ryberg, Rites (n. 40) 20-22, fig. 13
93. G. Foerst, Die Gravierungen der pränestinischen Cisten (Roma 1978), pp. 59-61, interprets the scene as a sacrifice performed by an imperator from Praeneste
94. Cf. Liddell-Scott-Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon, s.vv
95. On the laena, see W. Helbig, Toga und trabea, «Hermes» 39 (1904), pp. 165-166
96. Bonfante Warren, Roman Costumes (n. 40), pp. 594-595, 608-609
97. See also the commentary by J. Scheid, Romulus et ses Frères. Le collège des Frères Arvales, modèle du culte public dans la Rome des Empereurs («BEFAR» 275 [Rome, 1990]), pp. 492-493, 519-520, 527-528, 564-567, 572, 631
98. On Nasica's θυμὸς, passion, see also Diod. 34/35.7.2
99. and the comments by P. Botteri, Les fragments de l'histoire des Gracques dans la Bibliothèque de Diodore de Sicile (Genève 1992), pp. 59-60
100. Cf. A.R. Dyck, A Commentary on Cicero's De Officiis (Ann Arbor 1996), pp. 278-279
101. Cf. J. Le Gall, Recherches sur le culte du Tibre (Paris 1953), pp. 88-96
102. The same confusion in E. Rawson, Religion and Politics in the Late Second Century BC at Rome, «Phoenix» 28 (1974), pp. 194-195
103. (reprinted in: Eadem, Roman Culture and Society [Oxford 1991], pp. 150-151)
104. and in Bauman, «Five Pronouncements» (n. 9), p. 237
105. And finally D. Stockton, The Gracchi (Oxford, 1979), p. 76 n. 43, in a frightening display of sober-mindedness proclaims himself impervious to any fancy theories of a symbolic significance of Nasica's gesture
106. and see now H. S. Versnel, Two Types of Roman Devotio, «Mnemosyne» 29 (1976), pp. 365-410
107. C. Guittard, Tite Live, Accius, et le rituel de la deuotio, «CRAI» (1984), pp. 581-600
108. F. Fless, Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadrömischen historischen Reliefs (Mainz 1995), pp. 77-78
109. On the other hand, A. Dubourdieu, Deux définitions du cinctus Gabinus, in: D. Porte and J.-P. Néraudau (eds.), Hommages à Henri Le Bonniec: Res sacrae («Collection Latomus» 201 [Bruxelles 1988]), pp. 163-170, decided to refrain from any definition
110. On this ritual, see e.g. G. Crifo, «Exilica causa, quae adversus exulem agitur», in: Du châtiment dans la cité. Supplices corporels et peine de mort dans le monde antique («Collection de l'École Française de Rome»79 [Rome, 1984]), pp. 456-480
111. with ample literature, and for still ampler literature, see J. Linderski in the review of this volume, «CP» 82 (1987), p. 379, n. 7
112. Badian, Tiberius Gracchus (n. 1), p. 725
113. More recently B. Stanley Spaeth, The Goddess Ceres and the Death of Tiberius Gracchus, «Historia» 39 (1990), pp. 192-193
114. R. Fiori, Homo sacer (Napoli 1996), p. 421, also speaks of sacratio, but refuses to assign any ritual significance in this respect to the «misterioso gesto di Nasica»
115. Cf. R.G. Nisbet, M. Tulli Ciceronis De Domo Sua ad Pontifices Oratio (Oxfotd 1939), pp. 210-211
116. F. Salerno, Dalla «consecratio» alla «publicatio bonorum» (Napoli 1990), esp. pp. 9-30
117. L.M. Wilson, The Roman Toga (Baltimore 1924), pp. 35-36, 55-56
118. Fr. W. Goethert, Toga, «RE» 6A (1937), pp. 1654-1655
119. L. Heuzey, Histoire du costume antique (Paris 1922), pp. 245-252 (the chapter on the toga goes back to his articles published still in 1897)
120. Cf. E.H. Richardson and L. Richardson, Ad Cohibendum Bracchium Toga: An Archaeological Examination of Cicero, Pro Caelio 5.11, «YCS» 19 (1966), p. 260
121. K. Fittschen, Der 'Arringatore', ein römischer Bürger?, «MDAI Röm. Abt.» 77 (1970), p. 179 n. 17
122. Heuzey, Histoire du costume (n. 66), p. 252
123. L. Bonfante, Etruscan Dress (Baltimore 1975), pp. 190-191
124. but a recent autopsy attests indeed to this location of the clavus: see H. Gabelmann, Römische Kinder in toga praetexta, «JDAI» 100 (1985), p. 526, n. 134
125. and above all P. Reuterswärd, Studien zur Polychromie der Plastik. Griechenland und Rom (Stockholm 1960), esp. pp. 188-189, 211
126. M. Bulard, Description des revêtements paints à sujets religieux («Exploration archéologique de Délos» 9 [Paris 1926], pp. 46, 82-83, 141-142; plates VII 2, XXI and esp. XIX
127. F. Messerschmidt, Nekropolen von Vulci («JDAI Ergä nzungsheft» 12 [Berlin 1930]), pp. 137-153, esp. 141-142, plates 18, 21
128. Alföldi, Early Rome (n. 46), pp. 221-231, plates 9 and 10, offers a fascinating historical interpretation of the paintings. See now a different
129. but equally fascinating interpretation by F. Coarelli, Le pitture della tomba François a Vulci. Una proposta di lettura, «Dialoghi di Acheologia» 2 (1983), pp. 43-69
130. Cf. H. Gabelmann, Die ritterliche trabea, «JDAI» 92 (1977), pp. 322-372, esp. 324-330, 365-367. Unfortunately Gabelmann's reconstruction of the historical development of the trabea and toga praetexta as symbols of rank is marred by serious misconceptions. He confuses the patriciate and the nobility, and speaks of the «separation at the time of the Gracchi of the knights from the patriciate» (p. 369)
131. G.K. Boyce, Corpus of the Lararia of Pompeii, «MAAR» 14 (1937), p. 54, plate 30,2 (no. 211)
132. Wilson, The Roman Toga (n. 64), p. 54
133. H. Gabelmann, Ein Eques Romanus auf einem afrikanischen Grabmosaik, «JDAI» 94 (1979), pp. 596-598
134. S. Stone, The Toga: From National to Ceremonial Costume, in: The World of Roman Costume, ed. by J. L. Sebesta and L. Bonfante (Madison 1994), pp. 13-45, does not offer any discussion of the problem
135. E.H. Richardson and L. Richardson, Ad Cohibendum Bracchium Toga (n. 67), p. 261
136. Cf. S. Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Kristiania 1915), p. 356
137. E. Wunderlich, Die Bedeutung der roten Farbe im Kultus der Griechen und Römer («Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten» 20 [Giessen 1925]), pp. 83-84
138. See also W. W. Fowler, On the Toga Praetexta of Roman Children, «CR» 10 (1896), pp. 317-319
139. Fittschen, Arringatore (n. 68), pp. 178-184
140. So A. Grenier, Vicomagister, «Dict. des Ant.» 5, pp. 828-829
141. Bulard, La religion domestique (n. 73), p. 30
142. On suffibulum, cf. above, n. 42, and also H. Dragendorff, Die Amtstracht der Vestalinnen, «RhM» 51 (1896), pp. 291-294
143. L. La Follette, The Costume of the Roman Bride, in: The World of Roman Costume (n. 77), pp. 57-59
144. See J. Linderski, Der Staat und die Vereine, in: Gesellschaft und Recht im griechisch-römischen Altertum, vol. I («Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften. Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft» 52 [Berlin 1968]), pp. 108, 115-116
145. 3» (1996), pp. 911-912
146. Mommsen, Strafrecht (n. 58), p. 916 n. 1
147. 3 (n. 48), p. 419
148. Strafrecht (n. 58), p. 916
149. Mommsen's idea has recently been revived by B. Gladigow, Die sakralen Funktionen der Liktoren, «ANRW» I, 2 (1972), p. 307, n. 80
150. Cf. E. Klebs, Petroniana, «Philologus Suppl». 6 (1891-1893), pp. 663-665
151. 2 (Leipzig 1906), p. 306
152. Tac. Ann. 3.2.2
153. See J. Scheid, Contraria facere: renversements et déplacements dans les rites funéraires, «AION, Sezione di Acheologia e Storia Antica» 6 (1984), pp. 117-139, esp 119, 126-127, 137-138
154. See H. Kenner, Das Phänomen der verkehrten Welt in der griechisch-römischen Antike (Klagenfurt 1970), esp. pp. 95-102
155. and E. Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und Römer (Berlin 1901), pp. 52-57
156. Cf. also F. von Duhn, Rot und Tot, «Archiv für Religionswissenschaft» 9 (1906), pp. 1-24
157. Idem, Der Ursprung des Larenkultes, «Achiv für Religionswissenschaft» 10 (1907), pp. 368-392
158. G. Wissowa, Die Anfänge des römischen Larenkultes, Ibid. 7 (1904), pp. 42-57
159. Idem, Religion und Kultus (n. 42), pp. 166-175
160. It is, however, important to note that the discovery in ca. 1947 in Tor Tignosa, not far from Lavinium, of an archaic dedication to Lar Aineias or Aenias seems to have tilted the scales in favor of Samter's theory of a connection between the Lares and the cult of ancestors. See M. Guarducci, Cippo latino arcaico con dedica ad Enea, «BCAR» 76 (1956-8), pp. 1-13
161. Eadem, Enea e Vesta, «MDAI Röm. Abt.» 78 (1971), pp. 72-89
162. where she responded to the objections raised by H.-G. Kolbe, Lare Aineia?, «MDAI Röm. Abt.» 77 (1970), pp. 1-9
163. The dream of a veiled Genius portended death to emperor Julian, Amm. Marc. 25.2.3
164. cf. H. Freier, Caput velare (n. 39), pp. 150-153
165. For further discussion and further literature, see G. Dury-Moyaers, Enée et Lavinium («Coll. Latomus» 174 [Bruxelles 1981]), pp. 240-246
166. E. Herzog, Die lex sacrata und das sacrosanctum, «Jahrbücher für classische Philologie» 22 (1876), pp. 140-143
167. still the most convenient collection of all pertinent texts. See also R.M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy. Books 1-5 (Oxford 1965), pp. 252, 500-503
168. Cf. Ogilvie, Commentary (n. 103), pp. 494-495
169. Freyburger, Fides (n. 7), pp. 268-273
170. C. Reusser, Der Fidestempel auf dem Kapitol in Rom und seine Ausstattung (Roma 1993), pp. 61-62
171. Idem, Fides populi Romani / Publica, in: Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae II (Roma, 1995), pp. 249-252
172. See Gabba, Appiani liber primus (n. 3), p. 50
173. Coarelli, Le tyrannoctone (n. 30), p. 144, n. 1