Ambiguous traces and the politics of sameness: Placing Okinawa in Meiji Japan

Japanese Studies

Volumn 20, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 15-31

  Yonetani, Julia ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 62149113819     PISSN: 10371397     EISSN: 14699338     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10371390050009048     Document Type: Article

References (71)

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10. Allison, Anne. 1996. Permitted and Prohibited Desires: Mothers, Comics, and Censorship in Japan, Boulder, CO: Westview Press. The fundamental point that identity formation and modes of difference may operate differently in different cultural spheres is also made by
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14. Winichakul, Thongchai. 1994. Siam Mapped: A History of Ae Geo-Body of a Nation, 15Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
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22. Kikõ, Nishizato. “ 'Ryukyu shobun to Karafuto, Chishima kõkan jõyaku' ”. In Ajia no naka no Nihonski Edited by: Arano. 167
23. Ryukyu shozoku mondai kankei shayõ Vol. 6, 4 emphasis added
24. Doak, Kevin M., 1997. 'What Is a Nation and Who Belongs? National Narratives and the Ethnic Imagination in Twentieth-Century Japan'. American Historical Review, April: 282–309. For an engaging discussion on the dilemma of how to envision a modern Japanese nation and conflicting conceptions of identity in early Meiji, see, For a questioning of historical assumptions regarding the Meiji Restoration from a more theoretical perspective, see
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27. Leung, Edwin Pak-Wah. 1983. The Quasi-War in East Asia: Japan's Expedition to Taiwan and the Ryukyu Controversy'. Modern Asian Studies, 17 (2): 257–281. For a critique of the Japanese position, see
28. According to Kinjo, Okubo together with Inoue Kowashi and other members of the Japanese party involved in negotiations with China in 1874 were 'almost everyday attending to the study of international law under the direction of Doctor Boissonade'; see his ' "Ryukyu shobun" no minzoku tõitsu no mondai', p. 46.
29. 'Shina seifu no tairon ni taishite no waga Nihon no Ryukyuõ no kenri wa said no riyu oyobi shõkõ ni motozuku'. Ryukyu shozoku mondai kankei shiryõ, 120–52.
30. Masao, Gabe. 1992. 'Nihon no kindaika to Okinawa' in KindaiNihon to shokuminchi (1)-shokuminckiteikoku Nihon, Tokyo: Iwanami shoten. The importance of this connection has been pointed out by
31. Osamu, Yakabi. 1998. ' "Okinawa" to iu tõjishasei no tenkai---"Ryukyu minzoku" e no shiten tõshite'. Rekishigaku Kenkyu, 716 October: 117–118.
32. Toshio, Mogi. 1996. “ 'Chuka teikoku no "kuidai" teki saihen to Nihon' ”. In Borders of Chinese Civilization: Geography and History at Empire's End, Edited by: Nihon, Kindai, and Rowland, D. R., Durham and London: Duke University Press. The initial invasion of Taiwan by Japan, as well as negotiations (and their subsequent breakdown) over Ryukyu between Japan and China were instrumental in inducing reforms in Chinese diplomacy, transforming both Chinese views of Japan and policies towards peripheral states as well as the conceptualization of civilization itself in China. See, to shokuminchi (1)
33. Gyonsu, Mun. 1995. “ 'Kindai Nihon no kokumin kokka keisei to Chõsen' ”. In Bakumatsu, Megi shoki no kokumin kokka keisei to bunka hen'yõ, Edited by: Nagao, Nishikawa, and Hideharu, Matsumiya. 650Tokyo: Shin'yõsha.
34. Duara. Rescuing History from the Nation 29
35. Christy. “ The Making of Imperial Subjects' ”. 165 Territorial consolidation was not accompanied by immediate political integration. As Christy has pointed out, 25 years were to pass before the introduction of conscription, 29 years before the first prefecture! elections, and there was a 22-year gap in introduction of elections to the national assembly between Okinawa and the rest ofnaichi
36. Antei, Tashiro. 1977. Okinawa ketstgõkõ, Tokyo: Shigon shuppan. The details of Tashiro Antei's activities presented here are as recounted in Hasebe Kotondo's foreword in
37. Ken'ichirõ, Kondõ. 1993. 'Ryukyu shobun chokugo no Okinawa kyõiku-Yamagata Aritomo "fukumeisho" (1886) o chushin ni'. Nihon no kyõikushigaku, 36: 37–51. Tashiro Antei had recommended the government abolish the post-disposition policy of 'preservation of old customs' as a possible obstacle to the pressing strategic policies of establishing a garrison on Okinawa, guarding against invasion and quelling local unrest. Yamagata Aritomo favored instead a gradual lifting of preservation policies. Many of Tashiro's recommendations were nevertheless implemented before and after the Sino-Japanese War (1895). See
38. Antei, Tashiro. 1894. Yaeyama guntõ jumin no gengo oyobi shukyu'. Tokyo jinruigakkai zasshi, 9 (96) Match
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40. Bhabha, Homi K., 1994. The Location of Culture, London and New York: Routledge. This 'double-time' concept is formulated by, particularly Chapter 7
41. Duara, Prasenjit. 1996. “ 'Historicizing National Identity, or Who Imagines 'What and 'When' ”. In Becoming National: a reader, Edited by: Hey, Geoff, and Suny, Ronald Grigor. 157–161. New York: Oxford University Press.
42. Antei, Tashiro. 1891. Okinawa shotõ ketsujõ kihyõkõ'. Tokyo jimwgakki zasshi, 6 (61) April
43. 1998. 'Colonialism and Identity in Okinawa before 1945'. Japanese Studies, 18 (2): 128 Richard Siddle also notes this; see his
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45. Ichiro, Tomiyama. 1994. 'Kokumin no tanjo to "Nihon jinshu" '. Shisõ, 845 November: 43
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47. 1975. Torii Ryuzõ zenshu, Vol. 1, Tokyo: Asahi shunbunsha. For Torii's work on Okinawa, see ToriiRyuzõ, Okinawa shots ni kyoju seshi senjumin ni tsuite' and 'Yaeyama no kiseki ni tsuite', first published in Taiyõ and Tokyo Anthropological Society Journaal, respecuvety (1905), and reprinted in, and also Okinawajin no hifu no iro ni tsuite', first printed in Tokyo Anthropological Society Journal (1904) and reprinted in Torn Ryuzõ zenshu, Vol. 4
48. Torii. “ Okinawa shotõ ni kyoju seshi senjumin ni tsuite' ”. 246–247. Tomiyama also makes a similar point in regard to Torii's equation of the thick distribution of hair on Okinawans with possible relation to the
49. Ainu. “ 'Kokumin no tanjõ to "Nihon jinshu" ' ”. 44
50. Torii. Okinawa shots ni kyoju seshi senjumin ni tsuite' 246
51. Torii. “ 'Yaeyama no kiseki ni t suite' ”. 255
52. Wisnom, John, and Hatch, Walter. 1998. The Critical Limits of the National Community: The Ryukyuan Subject'. Social Science Japan Journal, 1 (2): 165–179. Tomryama Ichiro, ' "Ryukyujin" to iu shutai----Dia Fuyõ ni okeru bõryoku no yokan', and in English Tomiyama Ichiro (translated by
53. Masanao, Kano. 1993. Okinawa no fuchi---Iha to sono jidai, Tokyo: Iwanami shoten. There are numerous works on Ifa Fuyu in Japanese, the main sources used in the following analysis including
54. Teruo, Hiyane. 1993. Kindai Nihon to lha Fuyu, Tokyo: Iwanami shoten.
55. Teruo, Hiyane. 1996. Kindai Okinawa no seishinshi, Tokyo: Shakai hyõronsha.
56. Shuzen, Hokama. 1993. lha Fuyu ron, Tokyo: Heibonsha.
57. Siddle. “ 'Colonialism and Identity in Okinawa before 1945' ”. 125
58. Eiji, Oguma. 'Nihonjin' no kyõkai 290
59. Fuyü, Dia. 1964. Koryukyu, revised edn, 16Okinawa: Ryukyu shinpõsha.
60. Tomiyama, ' "Ryukyujin" to iu shutai". A revised version of this paper is published in Koryukyu.
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62. Shõgorõ, Tsuboi. 1902. 'Jinrui kenkyujo to shite no wagakoku'. Tokyo jinruigaku zasshi, 199 (20) October: 32–36.
63. As an example of the fallacy of biological determinism, Tsuboi cited the European theories on the shape and form of the tibia bone. According to Tsuboi, this theory purported that while uncivilized barbarians had oval shaped tibias, Europeans had rounded ones, and that this attested to the letter's superiority.Noting that Japanese have rounder tibias than Europeans, Tsuboi concluded that the analysis fell short of demonstrating its premise. The shape of the tibia as a perceived indicator of civilized status had been the subject of debate and detailed surveys in Japan since the time of Morse CTeruda, Nihon no jimhugaku, p. 18).
64. Shõgorõ, Tsuboi. 1903. 'Jinshudan'. Jama gakkai zasshi, 205 April: 255–291.
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66. Takanori, Li. 1996. Hyõzõ kukan no kundai-Megi 'Nihon' no media hensei, 248Tokyo: Shin'yõsha.
67. Morris-Suzuki. Re-inventing Japan 119
68. Oguma. 'Nihonjin' no kyõkai 302
69. Fuyu, Iha. 1974-1976. Iha Fuyu zenshu, Vol. 10, 9Tokyo: Heibonsha. Iha's advocacy of'same-ness' was also accompanied by a sense of ambivalence and nostalgia, and a return to recreation of a 'modern' Ryukyuan subject through the narration of Ryukyuan/Okinawan History, a point I hope to further discuss in a detailed study of Dia and his work
70. Shuzen, Hokama, ed. 1976. “ 'Dia Fuyu no shiso to sono jidai' ”. In Iha Puyu----hito to shisõ, 157–160. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Ota Masahide discusses the connection between the theory of common ancestors of Ryukyuans and Japanese and the theory of common ancestors of Koreans and Japanese in his article
71. Toshio, Mizuuchi. 1994. 'Chiri shisõ to kokumin kokka keisei'. Shisõ, 845 November: 87