The requirements for the solonic classes in Aristotle, AP 7.4

Hermes - Zeitschrift fur Klassische Philologie

Volumn 130, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 36-47

  Rosivach, Vincent J ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 61949152662     PISSN: 00180777     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (24)

1. Presumably annually, although this is not stated in the text As noted below, annual yield is a convenient way of measuring the value of land in a minimally monetarized economy, and it was wealth, not annual income which was really at issue (on this last point cf. P. J. RHODES, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, Oxford 1981, 142).
2. 2 1988, no. 49, lines 40-42).
3. Cf. Hdt. 7.187.2, with L. FOXHALL and H. A. FORBES, The Role of Grain as a Staple Food in Classical Antiquity, Chiron 12, 1982, 52.
4. Cf. also P. DUCREY, Nouvelles remarques sur les deux traités Attalides avec des cités crétoises, BCH 94, 1970, 639, no. 2, face A, lines 20-24.
5. Beginning with a larger »typical« family, considering the measures to be only of grain, and heavily rounding figures, L. FOXHALL, A View from the Top: Evaluating the Solonian Property Gasses, in: The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece, ed. by L. G. MITCHELL and P. J. RHODES, London and New York 1997, 130 arrives at even higher figures: 500 medimnoi providing for the grain need of c. 100 persons of various ages (if wheat), 84 (if barley);
6. C. HIGNETT, A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifty Century BC, Oxford 1952,100.
7. A point well made by F. JACOBY, Atthis: The Local Chronicles of Ancient Athens, Oxford 1949, 333-34, n. 21;
8. cf. K. W. WELWEI, Athen: vom neolithischen Siedlungsplatz zur arachaischen Grosspolis, Darmstadt 1992, 178.
9. I follow RHODES (above, n. 1), 131-32 in believing that axones and kurbeis are two words for the same thing, contra e. g. STROUD's admittedly speculative attempt to distinguish between the two (R. STROUD, The Axones and Kyrbeis of Drakon and Solon, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1979).
10. cf. M. H. HANSEN, Diokles' Law (Dem. 24.242) and the Revision of the Athenian Corpus of Laws in the Archonship of Eukleides, C&M 41, 1990, 67, on Andoc. 1.95 (the tyranny law of 410 said there to be a »law of Solon«.
11. Thus the continued existence of legislation dealing with outmoded institutions cannot be used as an argument for the survival of the original code as a whole, pace E. RUSCHENBUSCH, NOMOI: Die Fragmente des Solonischen Gesetzeswerkes, Wiesbaden 1966 (= Historia Einzelschriften 9) 36-37.
12. A. ANDREWES, The Survival of Solon's Axones, in: Tribute to Benjamin Dean Meritt, ed. by D. W. BRADEEN and M. F. MCGREGOR, Locust Valley 1974, 25-26. Similarly, evidence that one or more Hellenistic writers had actually seen the axones does not prove that everything they saw went back to Solon, though I see nothing in the text of Eratosth. FgrH 37 or of Polemon quoted there showing that either actually saw the axones (indeed, if one of them says the axones were three-sided and the other four-sided, one at least must not have seen them);
13. with D. M. MACDOWELL, Andokides: On the Mysteries, Oxford 1962, 194-99.
14. 2 30+ discussed below) as old terms dug up to make the limitation to those with little or no land unmistakably clear. Here, as elsewhere, I believe, KAHRSTEDT is too ready to explain away evidence that runs counter to his view that by the fifth century the »natural economy« Solonic classes were already obsolete;
15. Certainly not because they were members of the cavalry, which was expected to defend the city in the absence of so many soldiers (A. W. GOMME, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, vol. II, Oxford 1956, 271), since the cavalry would have been specified, not the Solonic classes.
16. The scholiast's view (C. F. F. HAACKIUS, Thucydidis de bello Peloponnesiaco libri octo, vol. 18, Londini 1823, 296), that the pentakosiomedimnoi were held in honor because of their high taxes, can be easily dismissed.
17. An »upper-class bias against serving as lowly rowers« (G. BUGH, The Horsemen of Athens, Princeton 1988, 107, n. 76) may well be the explanation.
18. Line 12 in the re-edition by R. S. STROUD,- Inscriptions from the North Slope of the Acropolis, I, Hesperia 40, 1971, no. 23;
19. The dating of the speech is by R. F. WEVERS, Isaeus: Chronology, Prosopography, and Social History, The Hague and Paris 1969, 25, on stylistic grounds.
20. P. J. RHODES, The Athenian Boule, Oxford 1972, 195, 205-6.
21. For the dating see L. GERNET, Démosthène: Plaidoyers politiques, vol. 2, Paris 1957, 94.
22. J. H. LIPSIUS, Das attische Recht und Rechtsverfahren, Berlin 1905, 350, n. 37 sees the sum as applying only to the topmost class, which is more likely to be represented in our sources. Neither considers the possibility that the version in the manuscripts is a fiction.
23. r, col. i, lines 18-36, ed. J. H. OLIVER, The Vatican Fragments of Greek Political Theory, GRBS 18, 1977, 321-39;
24. J. J. KEANEY and A. SZEGEDY-MASZAK, Theophrastus' De Eligendis Magistratibus: Vat. Gr. 2306, Fragment B, TAPA 106, 1976, 227-40). The passage is of interest here, not as evidence mat one or all of these generals were poor, but rather that Theophrastos perceived what was apparently the Solonic system of classes as something archaic, already replaced in the first half of the fifth century with a newer method of choosing leaders.