The authentic Dialogues of Gregory the Great

Sacris Erudiri

Volumn 43, Issue , 2004, Pages 55-129

  Meyvaert, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 61349165008     PISSN: 07717776     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1484/j.se.2.300121     Document Type: Review

References (63)

1. In Clark II he takes aim especially at P. Adalbert de Vogüé, of La Pierrequi-Vire, Robert Godding, the Bollandist, and my article "The Enigma of Gregory the Great's Dialogues: A Response to Francis Clark," Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 39 (1988), pp. 335-381: henceforth JEH 39
2. For the two versions of the letter to Secundinus see Gregory's Registrum epistularum, ed. D. NORBERG, CCSL 140A, pp. 698-704 and pp. 1104-1111 (Appendix X)
3. Registrum, CCSL 140, p. 270
4. Registrum, CCSL 149A, p. 768, and pp. 873-876
5. See Michael MCCORMICK, "Textes, images et iconoclasm" in Testo e immagine nell'alto Medioevo, (Spoleto, 1994 = Settimane di studio 41), pp. 131-133
6. Paul HINSCHIUS, Decretales Pseudo-Isidorianae, (Leipzig, 1863), pp. 142-143
7. In JEH 39, p. 371, I did briefly compare Clark's Dialogist to a modern novelist, but failed to fully exploit this element, which I now clearly see is central to his whole thesis
8. Daniel S. BURT, What Historical Novel Do I Read Next? 2 vols. (Gale Research, 1997)
9. BURT, vol. 1, p. 350, #1913. An English translation, (Gregory the Great), by Richard and Clara Winston, was published by Harcourt, Brace, Inc. (New York) in 1963
10. See BURT, vol. 2, p. 529, under Becket, Thomas
11. Bernard CHEDOZEAU, "Le P. Hardouin et le refus du rationalisme en religion," Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Theologiques, 79 (1995), pp. 249-281: the quote on p. 262. Hardouin's denial of the authenticity of patristic works proceeds from his basic 'intuition' that what constitutes the true kernel of Christian belief is a simple faith, which was progressively undermined by speculative thinkers and writers, beginning in the thirteenth century
12. Leo WIENER, Contributions towards a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture, 4 vols. (New York, 1917-1921)
13. Pius ENGELBERT, "Hat papst Gregor der Große die Dialoge geschrieben?" Erbe und Auftrag, 64 (1988), p. 257
14. Pius ENGELBERT, "Neue Forschungen zu den 'Dialogen' Gregors des Großen." Erbe und Auftrag, 65 (1989), pp. 376-393. Clark II fails to mention Engelberts serious criticisms of Clark I
15. Dom Benedict Hardy, in his favorable review of Clark II, writes: "it seems that the whole project was conceived as an act of homage and love for Gregory. The fundamental insight which has motivated and sustained Clark throughout is his conviction that Gregory, spiritual guide of the first rank, teacher of sublime wisdom, devoted Christian Pastor - one of the greatest ever to occupy the See of Peter - could not have been responsible for the tales of the Dialogues. Terms of opprobrium are heaped upon them: they are bizarre, grotesque, absurd, sub-Christian; full of shallow sensationalism, dubious theology and plain superstition," Pluscarden Benedictines, No. 129 (2003), p. 23-27: the quote is from p. 24
16. This review is followed (pp. 27-30) by a comment of Dom Augustine (also of Pluscarden) entitled "Pseudo-Gregorian Dialogues? Another View."
17. Dom Benedict Hardy "Bede the Scholar," in Famulus Christi. Essays in Commemoration of the Thirteenth Centenary of the Birth of the Venerable Bede (S.P.C.K., 1976) p. 52
18. reprinted in Benedict, Gregory, Bede and Others (Variorum Reprints, 1977)
19. Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. B. COLGRAVE and R. A. B. MYNORS (Oxford, 1969), pp. 127-129
20. Dag NORBERG, In Registrum Gregorii Magni Studia Critica II (Uppsala, 1939)
21. Registrimi, CCSL 140, p. 426
22. Carole STRAW, Gregory the Great. Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley, 1988) passim, but see especially p. 232 "Because so much of man's sinfulness remains opaque, and because the severity of God's scrutiny is also unknown, the wise sinner should perform more than enough penance to obliterate any possible error." But in the case of Justus Gregory was sure he was dealing with an unwise sinner, and hence the severity of his action
23. Moralia, CCSL 143, p. 6, ll. 189-191: Multa quippe annorum iam curricula deuoluuntur, quod crebris uiscerum doloribus crucior, horis momentisque omnibus fracta stomachi uirtute lassesco, lentis quidem, sed tamen continuis febribus anhelo
24. Homiliae in Euangelia, CCSL 141, p. 173 and p. 181
25. Homiliae in Hiezechihelem prophetam, I.11, (CCSL 142, p. 176, ll. 275-279): Unde et medici corporum pannos quos infirmantibus stomachis ponunt, apto quidem medicamine, sed subtiliter liniunt, ne si repleti multo medicamine fuerint, infirmitatem stomachi non roborantes adiuuent, sed opprimentes grauent
26. Sulpicii Severi, Libri qui supersunt, ed. C. HALM, CSEL 1, (1866) [Reprint Olms 1983], p. 215 = Dialog. II [III], 17.4; Migne, PL 20, 222A
27. Dialog. II (III) 2.2: noua Postumianus expectat nuntiaturus Orienti, ne se in conparatione Martini praeferat Occidenti
28. Registrum, CCSL 140A, pp. 541-542, ll. 4-5: Et quae tanta sit Constantinopolitanae ciuitatis delectatio quaeue Romanae urbis obliuio ignoro
29. Gregory could be remembering the heated discussions about the resurrection of the body he had with the patriarch Eutychios, when he tried to overcome the "subtilitates" of the Greek's arguments: on this see Yves-Marie DUVAL, La discussion entre l'apocrisaire Grégoire et le patriarche Eutychios, Grégoire le Grand (C.N.R.S. 1986), pp. 347-365. - Nor should we forget the way Gregory snubbed Domna Dominica, a Roman lady living in Constantinople, who had written him a letter in Greek. In his letter of August 593 (Ep. III 63) to his friend Narses he wrote: Domnae Dominicae salutes meas dicite, cui minime respondi, quia cum sit Latina Graece me scripsit
30. See Dag NORBERG, In Registrum Gregorii Magni Studia Critica, II (Uppsala, 1929) p. 5: saepe Gregorius eodem fere tempore duas epistulas de diversis causis ad eundem mittit
31. For examples of letters sent out together but not entered in complete sequence see Ep. III 58 and 60: Ep. IV 24 and 26: Ep. IX 8 and 10, Ep. IX 24 and 26, etc. On bundles of letters sent out together see Michael MCCORMICK, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce A.D. 300-900 (Cambridge, 2001), p. 81, n. 67; pp. 80-81 show communications peaking in June and July during the years 580-599
32. Book II, chapter 8 (SC 260, pp. 167-168, ll. 94-95). I discussed this passage with my friend, Richard Tarrant, of the Harvard Classics Department: he commented that the rendering given here "faithfully reflects both the Latin and the topography." A closer study of the Dialogues may reveal other places that betray Gregory's personal familiarity with a given location
33. nd ed. 1643). I owe a copy of this engraving to the kindness of professor Herbert Bloch
34. Gianfilippo CARETTONI, Casinum (Istituto di Studi Romani, 1940). The drawing in Plate 1b is based on Carettoni's drawing on p. 65 (Mura a porte). Carettoni points out that (in 1940, before the bombardment of World War II) the old mule path (mulattiera) that ascended from below to the monastery, since it remained within the parameters of the old Roman walls, probably corresponded in part to the ancient road leading from the castrum to the acropolis; in other words, the three mile road up which Gregory would have climbed to reach the monastery at the top
35. For much of what follows see my article "Peter the Deacon and the Tomb of St Benedict: a Re-examination of the Cassinese Tradition," Revue Bénédictine, 65 (1955), pp. 3-70
36. [henceforth, Meyvaert, "Peter the Deacon"]: reprinted in Benedict, Gregory, Bede and Others (Variorum, 1977). I approach the matter here from a different angle
37. For the list of early abbots see Hartmut HOFFMANN, Die Chronik von Montecassino (M.G.H., Scriptores 34 [1980]) p. 11: Constantine and Simplicius, mentioned by Gregory, are followed by Vitalis and Bonitus. The number of years they ruled is left blank for all the names preceding that of Petronax, demonstrating the gap that existed in the Cassinese tradition
38. Hartmut Hoffmann in one of his preparatory studies for the edition of the Chronicle of Monte Cassino examined this letter (JE. 2290) and could find no reason to doubt its authenticity: see "Die älteren Abtslisten von Montecassino," Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 47 (1967), pp. 338-346 "Über die Echhteit von JE. 2290." Hoffmann ends with the conclusion: "JE. 2290 ist zu einer Zeit entstanden, da Montecassino noch bereit war, den Verlust der Benedicktreliquien einzugestehen. Die Form des Briefs ist einwandfrei, und auch die kritische Prüfung des Inhalts hat zu dem Ergebnis geführt, daß er echt ist."
39. M.G.H., Poet. Aev. Carol., I, p. 40, l. 121. I failed to quote this important verse in my study of 1955 ("Peter the Deacon"), a verse that is so clearly incompatible with knowledge of two contiguous tombs lying beneath the altar
40. M.G.H., Poet. Aev. Carol., III, p. 397
41. see also Francis Newton, The Scriptorium and Library at Monte Cassino, 1058-1105 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 231
42. The year 1068 is pure guess work: it lies somewhere midway between 1066, when Leo says work began, and 1071 when the new church was consecrated
43. For the dating see Hartmut HOFFMANN, "Studien zur Chronik von Montecassino," Deutsches Archiv, 29 (1973), pp. 136-138
44. For other details of what occurred see Hartmut HOFFMANN "Peter the Deacon," pp. 24-56
45. When the tombs were again uncovered in 1484 the marble casket and cedar-wood box were found placed as Peter the Deacon had described them: see Paul MEYVAERT, "L'invention des reliques Cassiniennes de Saint Benoit en 1484," Revue Bénédictine, 69 (1959), pp. 287-336
46. A facsimile of the entire manuscript is available: see The Codex Benedictus: An Eleventh-Century Lectionary from Monte Cassino, ed. Paul MEYVAERT (Vat. Lat. 1202: Codices e Vaticanis selecti quam simillime expressi 50, New York. 1982)
47. See Baudouin DE GAIFFIER, "Translation et Miracles de S. Mennas par Léon d'Ostie et Pierre du Mont Cassin," Analecta Bollandiana, 62 (1944), pp. 5-32: see pp. 5-6 for the document of 975 showing a renewal of the building
48. In the case of St. Menas Peter the Deacon should be left entirely out of the picture: both translations of the relics BHL 5927 - the one that concerns us here - and BHL 5928, are by the same Cassinese chronicler, Leo: see Paul MEYVAERT and Paul DEVOS, "Autour de Léon d'Ostie et de sa 'translatio S. Clementis." Analecta Bollandiana, 74 (1956), pp. 211-217. Hartmut Hoffmann is preparing a new edition of these translation texts in Cod. Cas. 413, to appear in a future issue of Deutsches Archiv
49. See Luigi BIRACHI, I tre sepolcri Santambrosiani scoperti nel gennajo 1864 (Milan 1864).
50. also a summary of the events in the article by H. LECLERCQ, Ambrosienne (Basilique), in vol. X of the DACL
51. Clark II, pp. 305-318. Clark makes no reference to my two studies about the Translation, published in 1955 and 1959, in the Revue Béné dictine
52. P. Anselme Davril in the "Conclusion générale" he contributed (pp. 423-428) to the set of studies "Le culte et les reliques de Saint Benoit et de Sainte Scholastique," published in Studia Monastica, 221 (1979), rightly stresses the importance of these two elements
53. Paul Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, Book VI, chapter 40: [Petronax] hunc Cassinum castrum petiit, atque ad sacrum corpus beati Benedicti patris perveniens, ibi cum aliquibus simplicibus viris iam ante residentibus habitare coepit
54. Published in B. STEIDLE, Commentationes in Regulam S. Benedicti [Studia Anselmiana 42] (Rome, 1957) pp. 231-319
55. See Paul MEYVAERT, "The Date of Gregory the Great's Commentaries on the Canticle of Canticles and on I Kings," Sacris Erudiri, 23 (1978-1979), pp. 191-216. My comments about Claudius' relationship with Gregory (pp. 191-201) retain their value. I tried, however, to make the evidence of the Commentary fit with Gregory, much as Clark tries constantly to make other evidence fit his thesis of forgery
56. A. DE VOGÜÉ, "L'auteur du commentaire des Rois attribué à Saint Grégoire: un moine de Cava?" Revue Bénédictine, 106 (1996), pp. 319-331
57. A. DE VOGÜÉ, "La Glossa Ordinaria et le Commentaire des Rois attribué à Grégoire le Grand," Revue Bénédictine, 108 (1998), pp. 58-60. Decades ago, before electronic tools were available, I had once asked Patrick Verbraken how we should explain that phrases Gregory was very fond of like ac si diceret (86) and ac si dicat (56) never appeared in the Commentary on I Samuel, whose author (Claudius, as we supposed) always used quasi dicat (104), which Gregory himself never uses
58. HALLINGER, "Papst Gregor der Große," (see above p. 79), p. 298
59. The full title is "Medieval Notions of Publication: the 'Unpublished" Opus Caroli Regis contra synodum and the Council of Frankfort (794)," The Journal of Medieval Latin, 12 (2002), pp. 78-89
60. I published these in JEH, 40 (1989), p. 345, when commenting on Clark's reply to my essay about his work in JEH 39
61. See Paul MEYVAERT, "A Letter of Pelagius II Composed by Gregory the Great," in Gregory the Great. A Symposium, ed. John C. CAVADINI (University of Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 94-116. Page 109, note 32, provides good proof of how vocabulary can be used to demonstrate authorship
62. This English version of the Prologue is from Saint Gregory the Great. Dialogues, Translated by Odo John ZIMMERMAN, O.S.B. (The Fathers of the Church, vol. 7 [1949], pp. 3-6). (Used with permission: Fathers of the Church Series, The Catholic University of America Press, Washington DC)
63. For the use Notker Balbulus made of Severus in his Gesta Karoli Magni imperatorissee Joaquin MARÍNEZ-PIZARRO, "Images of Church and State: From Sulpicius Severus to Notker Balbulus," The Journal of Medieval Latin, 4 (1994), pp. 25-38