Insidious syncretism in the political philosophy of Huai-nan-tzu

Asian Philosophy

Volumn 9, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 165-191

  Goldin, Paul Rakita ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

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EID: 61249397082     PISSN: 09552367     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09552369908575498     Document Type: Article

References (184)

1. See, in addition to the sources cited below, LÜ SSU-mIEN (1963 [1924]) Ching-tzu chieh-t'i (Hong Kong, T'ai-p'ing), p. 196;
2. MIYAMOTO MASARU (1966) Enanji 'Shujutsu-kun' no seiji shisô to sono riron kôzô, Chûgoku tetsugaku, 9 et passim;
3. and CH'EN CH'I-TIEN (1970) Chung-kuo fa-chia kai-lun (Taipei, Chung-hua), p. 70f.
4. See also CHANG YEN (1965) Huai-nan-tzu erh-shih-i chüan lun-tz'u te-shih p'ing-i, Ta-lu tsa-chih, 31(6), p. 195;
5. and CHENG, ANNE (1992) Taoïsme, Confucianisme, et Légisme, in: CHARLES LE BLANC & RÉMI MATHIEU Mythe et philosophic à l'aube de la Chine imperiale: Etudes sur le Huainan zi, (Montreal, Presses de l'Université de Montréal), p. 127.
6. HU SHIH (1934) Huai-nan wang shu, 2nd edn (Shanghai: Shang-wu), p. 73.
7. KANAYA OSAMU (1959) Rô-Sô teki sekai: Enanji no shisô, Saara Sôsho 11 (Tokyo, Heirakuji shoten), p. 215.
8. The Huai-nan-tzu was commissioned by Liu An, Prince of Huai-nan; cf. WALLACKER, BENJAMIN E. (1972) Liu An, second king of Huai-nan (180?-122 B. C.), Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92, pp. 36-51.
9. For the history of the text, see ROTH, HAROLD D. (1992) The Textual History of the Huai-nan-tzu, Monographs of the Association for Asian Studies 46 (Ann Arbor, MI);
10. YÜ TA-CH'ENG (1978) 'Huai-nan wang shu,' in: YÜ (Ed.) Huai-nan lun-wen san-chung (Taipei, Wen-shih-che), pp. 1-56;
11. as well as the three appendices to CHENG LIANG-SHU (1969) Huai-nan-tzu chiao-li, Chia-hsin Shui-ni Kung-ssu Wen-hua Chi-chin Hui yen-chiu lun-wen 125 (Taipei), pp. 322-408.
12. HSÜ FU-KUAN (1975) Liang-Han ssu-hsiang shih (Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong), II, p. 136.
13. The phrase t'ien-hsia wei kung - which in today's language can have any number of meanings - appears originally in the Li-chi; see Li-yün, Li-chi cheng-i, in: JUAN YUAN (1764-1849) (Ed.) (1980[1817]), Shih-san ching chu-shu fu chiao-k'an chi (Peking, Chung-hua), 21. 1414a.
14. AMES, ROGER T. (1994 [1983]) The Art of Rulership: A Study of Ancient Chinese Political Thought (Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press; rpt., Albany, State University of New York Press) p. 164.
15. See also AMES ROGER T. (1981) 'The Art of Rulership' chapter of the Huai Nan Tzu: a practicable Taoism, Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 8(2), p. 239: 'It would seem that the author of this chapter . . . attempts to concede the minimum amount of political structure necessary to guarantee the maximum degree of individual freedom'. It will become clearer in the course of the argument why 'art' is a problematic rendering of the term shu.
16. My choice of the word 'autism' is inspired by the recent clinical observation that the inability to attribute mental states to other human beings is an essential feature of the horrible psychiatric disorder of the same name. See e. g. BARON-COHEN, S. et al. (Eds) (1993) Understanding Other Minds: perspectives from autism (Oxford, Oxford University Press);
17. and ASTINGTON, JANET WILDE (1993) The Child's Discovery of the Mind, The Developing Child (Cambridge, Ma, Harvard University Press), pp. 145-149. Naturally, I do not mean to suggest that the authors of Chu-shu were really 'autists' as the term is used in contemporary psychology - only that their avowed conception of the mind is thoroughly undeveloped.
18. There is some disagreement over whether Ssu-ma T'an, and not his son Ssu-ma Ch'ien (145?-86? BC), actually wrote the text as it has survived. See e. g. WANG CH'Ü-CHANG (1987 [1936]) Chu-tzu hsüeh-p'ai yao-ch'üan, Chung-hua wen-shih ching-k'an (Peking, Chung-hua; rpt., Shanghai, Chung-hua shu-chü and Shanghai shu-tien), p. 159, n. 1.
19. For the inadequacy of the rendering 'Legalists' for fa-chia, moreover, see CREEL, HERRLEE G. (1961) The Fa-chia: 'Legalists' or 'Administrators'? in Studies Presented to Tung Tso Pin on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Extra Volume 4, pp. 607-636
20. reprinted in CREEL, HERRLEE C. (1970) What is Taoism? and Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History, Midway Reprint (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 92-120.
21. Quotations from ch 9 of the Huai-nan-tzu are cited according to two editions. 'L' refers to LIU WEN-TIEN (1989) Huai-nan Hung-lieh chi-chieh, (Eds), FENG I & CHIAO, HUA HSIN-PIEN CHU-TZU CHI-CH'ENG (Peking, Chung-hua); 'S' refers to the more widely circulated Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an edition. Readers can also follow Ames's translation, since he indicates the S page numbers in his margins; however, all translations in this essay are my own and often differ significantly from those of Ames. Quotations from other chapters are cited only in Liu Wen-tien's edition.
22. Following the commentary of Kao Yu (ca AD 168-212), who notes that some editions read mou for chien AMES, Huai-nan Hung-lieh chi-chieh, op. cit. note 7, 239n. 2, observes that mou fits the rhyme scheme. Moreover, chin-chien is a frequent classical compound and qualifies as simplicior lectio.
23. This passage is virtually lifted from Shen Tao (b. ca 360 BC): 'His feet could walk, but his attendants led him forward; his mourn could speak, but his envoys made the laudatory speeches'. Text in THOMPSON, P. M. (1979) The Shen-tzu Fragments, London Oriental Series 29 (Oxford, Oxford University Press), p. 204, fragment 111;
24. the source-text is LI FANG (925-996) et al., T'ai-p'ing yü-lan (Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an), 76. 9a.
25. Wang Ying-lin (1223-1296) also cites the passage a number of times; see e. g. WANG YING-LIN (1964) Han I-wen chih k'ao-cheng, 6. 15b, in Yü-hai (Taipei, Hua-wen).
26. Cf. further AMES, Han I-wen chih k'ao-cheng, op. cit. note7, 239n. 2;
27. and JUAN T'ING-CHO (1970) Lun Huai-nan-tzu yü hsien-Ch'in chu-tzu i-shu chih kuan-hsi, Jao Tsung-i Chiao-shou nan-yu tseng-pieh lun-wen chi (Hong Kong), p. 73. The last study, however, misses more allusions than it catches. In accordance with the aims of this paper, an attempt is made to cite all important parallels to passages from the Huai-nan-tzu appearing in older traditions that Liu An's clients can be expected to have known, since it is likely that these parallels are intended as objects of the Huai-nan-tzu's many allusions. Later parallels are presented only when they shed light on the Huai-nan-tzu itself, and are not regularly considered. Finally, the frequent parallels furnished by the Wen-tzu are not cited, as that text was almost certainly compiled after the Huai-nan-tzu.
28. This was first demonstrated by KU KUAN-KUANG (1799-1862), Wen-tzu chiao-k'an chi (Ssu-pu pei-yao), la;
29. see also KANDEL BARBARA (1974) Wen Tzu-Ein Beitrag zur Problematik und zum Verständnis eines taoistischen Textes, Würzburger Sino-Japonica 1 (Bern, Herbert Lang), pp. 6 ff., and 323-332 for a useful list of parallels between the two texts.
30. The recent discovery of an ancient version of the Wen-tzu at Ting-hsien, Ho-pei Province, has fueled speculation that the received Wen-tzu might actually antedate the Huai-nan-tzu; but see CHANG FENG-CH'IEN (1998) 'Shih-lun chu-chien Wen-tzu yü chin-pen Wen-tzu te kuan-hsi-chien wei Huai-nan-tzu chengming,' Chung-kuo she-hui k'o-hsüeh, 2, pp. 117-125.
31. See e. g. CREEL, HERRLEE G. (1959) The Meaning of Hsing-ming, in: SØREN EGEROD & ELSE GLAHN (Eds) Studia Serica Bernhard Karlgren Dedicata (Copenhagen, Ejnar Munksgaard). pp. 199-211
32. reprinted in CREEL (1970), Studia Serica Bernhard Karlgren Dedicata, op. cit., note 9, pp. 79-91.
33. Following the suggestion of CH'EN CH'I-YU (1991 [1958]) Han Fei-tzu chi-shih, Chung-kuo ssu-hsiang ming-chu (Peking, Chung-hua; rpt, Taipei, Shih-chieh), 16. 38. 861n. l; most commentators agree that Tung-chiang (or Tung-hsiang) refers to a place.
34. A parallel passage in the Lun-heng, however, reads Tung-chiang chih kung (the house of Tung-chiang), which is sometimes taken to imply that Tung-chiang is the name of the murdered husband. See 'Fei Han', in HUANG HUI (1990) Lun-heng chiao-shih fu Liu P'an-sui Lun-heng chi-chieh, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 10. 29. 444;
35. cf. the translation in FORKE, ALFRED (1962 [1973]) Lun-heng, Part I: The Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung, 2nd edn (rpt, New York, Paragon, p. 443.
36. That is, Kung-sun Ch'iao, who was chief minister of the state of Cheng from 543 until his death in 522 BC. Confucius (551-479 BC) praises Tzu-ch'an in Analects 5. 16; text in CH'ENG SHU-TE (1877-1944) (1990) Lun-yû chi-shih, CH'ENG CHÜN-YING & CHIANG CHIEN-YÜAN ed., Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 10. 326.
37. On Tzu-ch'an in general, see e. g. RUBIN, V. A. (1965) Tzu-ch'an and the City-State of Ancient China, T'oung Pao, 52, pp. 8-34.
38. Cf. LEVI, JEAN (1989) Les fonctionnaires divins: Politique, despotisme, et mystique en Chine ancienne, La Librairie du XXe siècle (Paris, du Seuil), p. 57 - and p. 38, where he erroneously refers to Tzu-ch'an as a disciple of Confucius, though the latter was a generation younger.
39. cf. KUNG-CHUAN HSIAO, (1979) A History of Chinese Political Thought, Vol. 1: From the Beginnings to the Sixth Century A. D., F. W. MOTE (Trans.), Princeton Library of Asian Translations (Princeton), p. 390.
40. In fact, in the Tso-chuan, the figure of Tzu-ch'an is famous for charging officials with tasks that accord with their skills, as the doctrine of shu warrants; see e. g. YANG PO-CHÜN (1990) Ch'un-ch'iu Tso-chuan chu, 2nd edn, Chung-kuo Ku-tien ming-chu i-chu ts'ung-shu (Peking, Chung-hua), Vol. III, p. 1191 (Hsiang 31 = 542 BC).
41. WATSON, BURTON (1989) The Tso chuan: Selections from China's Oldest Narrative History, Translations from the Oriental Classics (New York, Columbia University Press), pp. 154-163, translates a number of passages in the Tso-chuan dealing with Tzu-ch'an.
42. The seminal work on Shen Pu-hai is CREEL, HERRLEE G. (1974) Shen Pu-hai: A Chinese Political Philosopher of the Fourth Century B. C. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press).
43. Cf. also VANDER-MEERSCH, LÉON (1965) La formation du légisme: Recherche sur la constitution d'une philosophic politique caractéristique de la Chine ancienne (Paris), Publications de l'Ecole Française d'ExtrêmeOrient 56 p. 41 ff. et passim.
44. Creel, La formation du légisme: Recherche sur la constitution d'une philosophic politique caractéristique de la Chine ancienne (Paris), ibid., p. 356 f., fragment 6;
45. the source-texts are OU-yANG HSÜN (557-641) (1965) I wen lei-chü, WANG SHAO-YING (Ed.) (Peking, Chung-hua), 54. 967;
46. There is also a parallel passage at the very beginning of the 'Jen-fa' chapter of the Kuan-tzu; text in TAI WANG (1783-1863) (1990) Kuan-tzu chiao-cheng, Chung-kuo ssu- hsiang ming-chu (Taipei, Shih-chieh), 15. 45. 255.
47. The annotation in Tai Wang's edition is surpassed by that found in KUO MO-JO, WEN I-TO & HSÜ WEI-YÜ (1956) Kuan-tzu chi-chiao (Peking, K'o-hsüeh), but unfortunately the latter work cannot be consulted alone, as it does not reproduce the entire text and omits this particular passage. As we shall see (n. 38), 'Chu-shu' also appears to allude to another passage from this chapter of the Kuan-tzu.
48. CREEL, Kuan-tzu chi-chiao, op. cit., note23, p. 370 ff., fragments 17(2) and 17(3).
49. The source-text is the 'Jen-shu' chapter of the Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu; text in HSÜ WEI-YÜ (1988 [1935]) Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu chi-shih, Tseng-ting Chung-Kuo hsüeh-shu ming-chu (Peking, Kuo-li Ch'ing-hua Ta-hsüeh, rpt., Taipei, Shih-chieh), 17. 12b-13a.
50. See CREEL, Tseng-ting Chung-Kuo hsüeh-shu ming-chu, op. cit., note23, 370n. 4, for a discussion of Marquis Chao-hsi's dates.
51. Compare also the translations in VANDERMEERSCH, Tseng-ting Chung-Kuo hsüeh-shu ming-chu, op. cit., note 23, p. 227 f.;
52. and WILHELM, RICHARD, (1928) Frühling und Herbst des Lü Bu We (Jena, Eugen Diederichs), p. 270 f.
53. Cf. e. g. Levi, Frühling und Herbst des Lü Bu We, op. cit., note22, p. 180 f.;
54. and CHANG SHUN-HUI (1982) Chou-Ch'in tao-lun fa-wei (Peking, Chung-hua), p. 11. Compare also the usage in Analects 9. 25, Lun-yü chi-shih 18. 618: 'Make integrity and trustworthiness your ruler; do not befriend anyone unequal to yourself; and do not be ashamed to correct your mistakes'.
55. Creel, Chou-Ch'in tao-lun fa-wei, op. cit., note 23, p. 391 f., fragment 27; the source-text is the Shih-chi chi-chieh by P'ei Yin (fl. AD 5th century), Shih-chi 63. 2146n. 2.
56. as well as BODDE, DERK (1967 [1938]) China's First Unifier: a study of the Ch'in Dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssu 280?-208 B. C., Sinica Leidensia 3 (Leiden, E. J. Brill; rpt., Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press), p. 205 f.
57. and CHIANG YÜN-KANG (1934) Li Ssu te cheng-chih ssu-hsiang, Tung-fang tsa-chih, 31(1), pp. 207ff. Bodde (pp. 200ff.) analyses the philosophical principles that Li Ssu espouses; with the help of Creel's work, we can now see that they are deeply influenced by Shen Pu-hai.
58. Ames, Tung-fang tsa-chih, op. cit., note 7, 239n. 6, notes several classical antecedents to this passage, but both he and Juan T'ing-cho overlook the oldest source, namely Shen Pu-hai.
59. See also SVARVERUD, RUNE (1998) Methods of the Way: Early Chinese Ethical Thought, Sinica Leidensia 42 (Leiden, Brill), 161n. 28, who discusses the occurrence of the same idea in 'Tao-shu', an essay attributed to Chia I (201-169 BC).
60. CREEL, Sinica Leidensia, op. cit., note 23, p. 349, fragment 1(6), with a slightly different translation. The source-text is Ch'ün-shu chih-yao 36. 26b.
61. The first part of the passage is repeated in fragment (2), for which the source-texts are PO CHÜ-I (772-846) and K'UNG CH'UAN (fl. 12th cent.) (1969) Po-K'ung Liu-t'ieh (Chia-ching [1522-1566]; rpt., Taipei, Hsin-hsing), 13. 27a;
62. and HSÜ CHIEN (659-729) et al., Ch'u-hsüeh chi (1883), 25. 17b.
63. Cf. also CREEL, Ch'u-hsüeh chi, op. cit., note 23, 352f., fragment 3: 'The lord must have clear methods and correct principles, just as one suspends a balanced scale in order to weigh light and heavy [objects]. This is what unifies his flock of subjects:' The source-texts are I-wen lei-chü 54. 967 and T'ai-p'ing yü-lan 638. 4b.
64. Cf. e. g. HU SHIH, Ch'u-hsüeh chi, op. cit., note 3, p. 67;
65. Kanaya, Ch'u-hsüeh chi, op. cit., note 4, 210;
66. MIYAMOTO, Ch'u-hsüeh chi, op. cit., note 2, pp. 4ff. and 36ff.;
67. and STEININGER, HANS (1981) The ideal sovereign as depicted in the Huai-Nan Tzu text, especially Chapter 9, in: Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan kuo-chi Han-hsüeh hui-i lun-wen chi, Ssu-hsiang che-hsüeh tsu (Taipei), II, pp. 903-912.
68. Cf. HSÜ FU-KUAN, Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan kuo-chi Han-hsüeh hui-i lun-wen chi, op. cit., note 6, II, p. 142f.
69. CREEL, Shen Pu-hai, 343f., fragment 1(1).
70. AMES, Shen Pu-hai, op. cit., note 7, p., 249n. l58, claims that a similar passage appears in the Shen tzu, but does not cite an edition in his bibliography. I have been unable to locate the phrase in Thompson.
71. Cf. HOWARD, JEFFREY A. (1984) Concepts of comprehensiveness and historical change in the Huai-nan-tzu, in: HENRY ROSEMONT, Jr. (Ed.) Explorations in Chinese Cosmology: Papers Presented at the Workshop on Classical Chinese Thought held at Harvard University August 1976, Journal of the American Academy of Religion Thematic Series 50. 2 (Chico, CA, Scholars Press), p. 123f.
72. Cf. HU SHIH, Journal of the American Academy of Religion Thematic Series 50, op. cit., note 3, 70f.
73. This example is drawn from 'Chung-chi', Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu chi-shih 1. 13af. (cf. Ames, Journal of the American Academy of Religion Thematic Series 50, op. cit., note 7, 252n. 231), but the inspiration for the image appears to go back to the 'Ch'iu-shui' chapter of the Chuang-tzu: 'An ox or horse has four legs; that is Heaven.
74. Haltering the horse's head and running a string through the ox's nose is man. Therefore I say: Do not destroy Heaven by means of man. ' Text in KUO CH'ING-FAN (1844-1896) (1961), Chuang-tzu chi-shih, WANG HSIAO-YÜ (Ed.), Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 6B. 17. 590f. For the reading of lo as lo I follow the commentary of Ch'eng Hsüan-ying (fl. 630-660).
75. For connections between the Chuang-tzu and Huai-nan-tzu, see e. g. ROTH, HAROLD (1991) Who compiled the Chuang-tzu? in: HENRY ROSEMONT, JR (Ed.) Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts: Essays Dedicated to Angus C. Graham, Critics and Their Critics 1 (La Salle, II, Open Court), esp. p. 118ff.;
76. LE BLANC, CHARLES (1987) From ontology to cosmogony: notes on Chuang Tzu and Huai-nan Tzu, in: CHARLES LE BLANC & SUSAN BLADER (Eds) Chinese Ideas about Nature and Society: studies in Honour of Derk Bodde, (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press) pp. 117-129;
77. Rand, CHRISTOPHER C. (1983) Chuang Tzu: text and substance, in: VICTOR H. MAIR, (Ed.) Chuang-tzu: Composition and Interpretation, Journal of Chinese Religions, 11, p. 7f.;
78. KUSUYAMA HARUKI, (1961) Enanji yori mitaru Sôshi no seiritsu, Firosofia, 41, pp. 41-68;
79. WANG SHU-MIN (1960) Huai-nan-tzu yü Chuang-tzu, Ch'ing-hua hsüeh-pao, 2(1), pp. 69-82
80. reprinted in CH'EN HSIN-HSIUNG & YÜ TA-CH'ENG (Eds) (1976) Huai-nan-tzu lun-wen chi, Kuo-hsüeh lun-wen hui-pien (Taipei Mu-i), pp. 27-40;
81. and CHOU CHÜN-FU (1957) Huai-nan-tzu yü Chuang-tzu chih kuan-hsi, Ta-lu tsa-chih, 14, pp. 452-455
82. reprinted in CH'EN HSIN-HSIUNG & YÜ TA-CH'ENG, Ta-lu tsa-chih, op. cit., pp. 27-30.
83. Ch'en Hsin-hsiung and Yü Ta-ch'eng's collection contains articles numbered according to both Western and East Asian conventions, with the result that some page numbers occur twice. A table entitled 'Sources of Huai-nan-tzu' in LE BLANC, CHARLES (1985) Huai-nan Tzu: Philosophical Synthesis in Early Han Thought (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press), p. 83, shows that the text to which the Huai-nan-tzu alludes most often is the Chuang-tzu.
84. Cf. also GRANET, MARCEL (1926) Danses et légendes de la Chine ancienne, Bibliothèque de philosophic contemporaine; Travaux de l'Année sociologique (Paris, Félix Alcan), I, p. 363ff.
85. Cf. LE BLANC (1985), Travaux de l'Année sociologique, op. cit., note 41, pp. 36 and 90ff.
86. Compare also the anecdote in 'Ta-sheng,' Chuang-tzu chi-shih 7A. 19. 660ff., with parallels in many texts, including the 'Ai kung' chapter of the Hsün-tzu; text in WANG HSIEN-CH'IEN (1842-1918) (1988) Hsün-tzu chi-chieh, SHEN HSIAO-HUAN & WANG HSING-HSIEN (Eds), Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 20. 31. 545ff.
87. Cf. KANAYA, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng, op. cit., note 4, p. 213f.;
88. KANAYA OSAMU (1960) Shin-Kan shisôshi kenkyû (Tokyo, Heirakuji), p. 519;
89. and MIYAMOTO, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng, op. cit., note 2, p. 7ff.
90. Cf. HU SHIH, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng, op. cit., note 3, p. 82;
91. HSÜ FU-KUAN, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng, op. cit., note 6, II, p. 140f.
92. For more on political 'convenants' (or 'bonds') in ancient China, see e. g. LEWIS, MARK EDWARD (1990) Sanctioned Violence in Early China SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture (Albany), p. 68ff.
93. See e. g. LALOY, LOUIS (1914) Hoaï-nân tzè et la musique, T'oung Pao, 15, p. 507ff., for the 'grand bouillon', or ta-keng, a symbol of Yao's frugal living.
94. Ch'un-ch'iu Tso-chuan chu, IV, p. 1419 (Chao 20 = 522 B. C.), similarly, uses the example of seasoned soup as part of a philosophical argument about the difference between ho and t'ung compare the parallel in WQU TSE-YÜ (1962) Yen-tzu ch'un-ch'iu chi-shih (Peking, Chung-hua), 7. 442f.
95. See CHU CHIN-CHIANG, Lao-tzu yü Huai-nan-tzu, (1936)
96. reprinted in CH'EN HSIN-HSIUNG & Yü TA-CHENG, Lao-tzu yü Huai-nan-tzu, op. cit., note 41, p. 15f., for the importance of hua-min ('transforming the people').
97. For this name, and the seminal study on the subject, see GRAHAM, A. C. (1971) The Nung-chia 'School of the Tillers' and the origins of peasant utopianism in China, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 42(1)
98. reprinted in Graham's (1990 [1986]) Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature, (Singapore, Institute of East Asian Philosophies rpt, Albany, SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture), pp. 67-110.
99. See also Graham's (1989) Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (La Salle, II, Open Court), pp. 64-74;
100. as well as Lewis, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China, op. cit., note 49, p. 176ff.;
101. and OSHIMA RIICHI (1950) Shin Nō to nōkasha ryü, in: Haneda Hakushi shōju kinen tōyōlshi ronsō (Kyoto, Tōyōshi Kenkyūkai), pp. 353-381.
102. CHIAO HSÜN (1763-1820) (1987), Meng-tzu cheng-i, SHEN WEN-CHO (Ed.), Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 11. 367.
103. See the commentary of Chao Ch'i (d. AD 201) for the terms yung and sun; Chiao also cites the concurring opinion of Wang Nien-sun. Mencius's refutation, which follows, is famous. For more on Hsü Hsing, see, in addition to Graham's article, FORKE, ALFRED (1927) Geschichte der alten chinesischen Philosophie, Hamburgische Universität: Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde 25;
104. Reihe B: Völkerkunde, Kulturgeschichte und Sprachen 14 (Hamburg, L. Friederichsen), pp. 559f.;
105. and FUNG YU-LAN (1952) A History of Chinese Philosophy, DERK BODDE (trans.) 2nd edn (Princeton, Princeton University Press), I, p. 144f.
106. CH'IEN MU (1990 [1956]) Hsien-Ch'in chu-tzu hsi-nien, 2nd edn, Ts'ang-hai ts'ung-k'an (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press; rpt, Taipei, Tung-ta), Section 113, identified him with one Hsü Fan, who is said in 'Tang-jan', Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu chi-shih, 2. 16b, to have studied with the Mohist Ch'in Ku-li;
107. cf. also CH'IEN MU (1930) Mo-tzu, Wan-yu wen-k'u (Shanghai), p. 56f.
108. This idea has been refuted several times. See e. g. FANG SHOU-CH'U (1937) Mo-hsüeh yüan-liu (Shanghai, Chung-hua, 1937), p. 143f.;
109. and YANG CHÜN-KUANG (1992) Mo-tzu hsin-lun (Nanking, Chiang-su chiao-yü) p. 304f.
110. The connection appears to have been made first in the Shang-chün shu; see GRAHAM (1971), Mo-tzu hsin-lun, op. cit., note 8 p. 71ff.
111. Despite e. g. LEVI, Mo-tzu hsin-lun, op. cit., note 22, p. 188 et passim.
112. see also the sources cited in YANG PO-CHÜN, Mo-tzu hsin-lun, op. cit., note 22, as well as AMES, op. cit., note 7, 253n. 267.
113. AMES, Mo-tzu hsin-lun, op. cit., 253n. 268, says he is a hero from Ch'i.
114. Thus HUCKER, CHARLES O. (1985) A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford, Stanford University Press), p. 5671. Ssu-k'ou literally means 'administrator [in charge of] bandits'.
115. E. g. KANAYA, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, op. cit., note 4, p. 148;
116. HSÜ FU-KUAN, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, op. cit., note 6, II, p. 146ff.
117. [and LIN TS'UNG-SHUN, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, op. cit., p. 122].
118. The attribution of the received commentary on the Great Learning to Tseng-tzu appears to have originated with Chu Hsi (1130-1200); see GARDNER, DANIEL K. (1986) Chu Hsi and the Ta Hsüeh: Neo-Confucian reflection on the Confucian Canon, Harvard East Asian Monographs 118 (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press), p. 42f.
119. For objections to Chu's hypothesis, see e. g. CHAO TSE-HOU (1962) Ta-hsüeh yen-chiu (Taipei, Chung-hua), p. 17ff.;
120. and KAO MING, Ta-hsüeh pien, in: Li-hsüeh hsin-t'an (Hong Kong, Lien-ho), p. 100ff.
121. see TAKIGAWA KAMETARÔ (b. 1865) (1932-1934) Shiki kaichû kôshô (Tokyo, Tôhô Bunka Gakuin), 67. 32 (note that Fang I-chih is cited by his courtesy-name, 'Mi-chih').
122. text in CHIANG JEN-CHIEH (1996) Shuo-wen chieh-tzu chi-chu, LIU JUL (Ed.) (Shanghai, Shanghai ku-chi), 6A. 1275.
123. Hung En-po then adds: 'This error is old', Cf. also CREEL, H. G. (1960 [1949]) Confucius and the Chinese way (rpt. New York, Harper Torchbooks), 305n. 8.
124. For Tseng-tzu's dates, see CH'IEN MU (1990 [1956]), op. cit., note 59, sections 29 and 48.
125. Li-chi cheng-i 60. 1674c. I know of no commentator who has made note of this parallel. FORKE, ALFRED (1934) Geschichte der mittelalterlichen chinesischen Philosophic Hamburgische Universität: Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde 41;
126. Moreover, although GRAHAM, Geschichte der mittelalterlichen chinesischen Philosophic Hamburgische Universität: Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde, op. cit. note 58, p. 495, and other recent scholars have treated the Shih-tzu as a genuine Warring States text, there is significant reason to doubt its authenticity.
127. See e. g. CHANG HSI-T'ANG (1982) Shih-tzu k'ao-cheng, in: KU CHIEH-KANG (Ed.) ku-shih pien (Shanghai, Ku-chi), IV, pp. 646-653;
128. and especially CHIN TE-CHIEN Shih-tzu tso-che yü Erh-ya, Ku-shih pien, VI, 306-313, who presents considerable evidence that much of the Shih-tzu was 'restored' in the 3rd century AD and even later.
129. On shu, see eg FINGARETTE, HERBERT (1979) Following the 'One Thread' of the Analects, in: (Eds) HENRY ROSEMONT, Jr & BENJAMIN I. SCHWARTZ, Studies in Classical Chinese Thought Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 47(3), Thematic Issue S, pp. 373-405.
130. Fingarette's essay is discussed in IVANHOE PHILIP J. (1990) Reweaving the 'one thread' in the Analects, Philosophy East and West, 40(1), pp. 17-33;
131. see also NIVISON, DAVID S. (1996) Golden rule arguments in Chinese moral philosophy, in: BRYAN W. VAN NORDEN (Ed.) The Ways of Confucianism: investigations in Chinese philosophy (Chicago, II, Open Court), p. 66.
132. In the 'Kung-meng' chapter of the Mo-tzu, Mo Ti is said to have cited Confucius; text in WU YÜ-CHIANG (1993) Mo-tzu chiao-chu, SUN CH'I-CHIH (Ed.) Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 12. 48. 707;
133. cf. GRAHAM, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng Peking, op. cit., note 58, p. 37.
134. Cf. BODDE, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng Peking, op. cit., note 30, p. 32, who also interprets the reference to Confucius as evidence that the Shih-chi account cannot be contemporaneous with the facts it narrates, since 'references like these . . . fit in very well with the spirit of the Han dynasty, when Confucianism became orthodox, and when Confucius was regarded as the ultimate arbiter for all conduct' (p. 93)
135. Cf. also the 'Ssu-wu' chapter of the Hsin-yü, attributed to Lu Chia (d. 178 BC): 'Among Mo-tzu's disciples, there were many brave scholars; among Confucius's disciples there was much tao and te' (a fascinating statement in its own right); text in WANG LI-CH'I (1986) Hsin-yü chiao-chu, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), B. 12. 173.
136. this is clearly the sense intended here. However, t'ao-t'u also appears as the name of a mythical (blue) creature akin to a horse in the 'Hai-wai pei-ching' section of the Shan-hai ching; text in HAO I-HSING (1757-1825), Shan-hai ching chien-shu (Ssu-pu pei-yao), 8. 4b.
137. Compare the insightful discussion of anti-intellectualism in YÜ YING-SHIH, Fan-chih lun yü Chung-kuo cheng-chih ch'uan-t'ung - Lun Ju Tao Fa san-chia cheng-chih ssu-hsiag te fen-yeh yü hui-liu (1975), reprinted in idem. (1976) Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang (Taipei, Lien-ching), esp. p. 10ff.
138. Cf. LE BLANC (1985), Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang, op. cit., note 41, pp. 191-206.
139. Some commentators suggest that hsien should be read as se 'zither'; see LE BLANC, Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang, ibid., p. 138n. 86.
140. Kung and chiao are the first and third note in the pentatonic scale, respectively. Such observations led to the practice known as hou-ch'i ('waiting for the ch'i'), whereby the movements of ch'i were monitored with the aid of twelve specially tuned pitch-pipes. See e. g. LEWIS, Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang, op. cit., note 49, p. 140ff.;
141. and DERK BoDDE, The Chinese cosmic magic known as watching for the ethers, in: EGEROD & GLAHN, op. cit., note 17, pp. 14-35.
142. See AMES, Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang, op. cit. note 7, p. 242n. 43, for the sources of the story of Ning Ch'i, who gained the attention of Duke Huan by singing as the latter passed by his cart.
143. Shang is the second note of the pentatonic scale. Hsü Shen's opaque gloss on shang, adduced by T'ao Fang-ch'i ('a high-pitched metallic sound'), must have been intended as an explanation of its cosmological significance. Elsewhere Hsü Shen is quoted as saying that shang refers to 'autumnal sounds', as T'ao notes. Cf. also LALOY, Li-shih yü ssu-hsiang, op. cit., note 64, p. 422.
144. Metal and autumn go together according to the Huai-nan-tzu's famous cosmography. In a fragment of his lost Hsin-lun, Huan T'an (43 BC-AD 28) confirms that each of the five notes corresponds to one of the Five Phases and four seasons (kung remains in the centre); shang corresponds to autumn. See POKORA, TIMOTEUS (1974) Hsin-lun (New Treatise) and Other Writings by Huan T'an, (Ann Arbor, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies 20 fragment 124; the source-texts are T'ai-p'ing yü-lan 701. 3bf.
145. and YÜ SHIH-NAN (558-638), Pei-t'ang shu-ch'ao (1888), 132. 10b.
146. cf. DE WOSKIN, KENNETH J. (1982) A Song for One or Two: music and the concept of art in early China (Ann Arbor, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies 42), p. 76.
147. Hsü Shen appears to be saying that Ning Ch'i's song was plaintive. However, commentators have missed the significance of shang in this context. Shang is the note of the vassal (kung corresponds to the lord), and Ning Ch'i is doing his best to enter Duke Huan's service. See 'Yüeh-chi', Li-chi cheng-i 37. 1528a.
148. Compare also the remarks on shang in Ying Shao's Feng-su t'ung-i; text in WANG LI-CH'I, (1988 [1981]) Feng-su t'ung-i chiao-chu, 2nd edn (Peking, Chung-hua; rpt, Taipei: Ming-wen), 6. 275.
149. Cf. CHU CH'IEN-CHIH (1899-1972) (1935) Chung-kuo yin-yüeh wen-hsüeh shih (Shanghai, Shang-wu, p. 16f.
150. The book by KURIHARA KEISUKE Chûgoku kotai gakuron no kenkyû (Tokyo, Daitô Bunka Daigaku Tôyô Kenkyûjo), was unavailable to me at the time of this writing.
151. Compare the translation in KNOBLOCK, JOHN (1988-1994) Xunzi: a translation and study of the Complete Works (Stanford: Stanford University Press, Vol. III, p. 80.
152. Cf. GOLDIN, PAUL RAKITA (1999) Rituals of the Way: the philosophy of Xunzi (Chicago, IL, Open Court), pp. 78ff. and 137n. 64;
153. GOLDIN, P. R. (1996) Reflections on irrationalism in Chinese aesthetics, Monumenta Serica 44, p. 177ff.;
154. and DE WOSKIN, Monumenta Serica, op. cit., note 81, p. 95f.
155. Cf. DE WOSKTN, Monumenta Serica, op. cit., note 81, p. 89f.
156. Compare the translation in KNOBLOCK, Monumenta Serica, op. cit., note 86, Vol. III, p. 82.
157. LE BLANC, Monumenta Serica, op. cit., note 41, p. 83, calculates that the Huai-nan-tzu cites the Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu as many as 190 times.
158. and WILHELM, Monumenta Serica, op. cit., note 28, p. 73.
159. Hsü Wei-yü suggests that the phrase means, 'Once the sprouts have flourished, they are harmed by ice and snow'. It is not clear, however, how this would fit with the next sentence.
160. Compare the translations in DE WOSKIN, Once the sprouts have flourished, they are harmed by ice and snow, op. cit., note 81, p. 55f.;
161. and WILHELM, op. cit., note 28, p. 56.
162. MAJOR, JOHN S. (1993) Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: chapters three, four, and five of the Huainanzi, (Albany, SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture), p. 112.
163. A quote from the Lao-tzu; text in KAO MING (1996) Po-shu Lao-tzu chiao-chu, Hsin-pien Chu-tzu chi-ch'eng (Peking, Chung-hua), 42. 29. This is a new variorum edition of the Lao-tzu, with quotations from several ancient and modern commentaries.
164. The Huai-nan-tzu is famous for its Five Phases (Metal, Wood, Water, Fire and Earth); each Phase corresponds to an aspect of ch'i. See e. g. SIVIN, NATHAN (1987) Traditional Medicine in Contemporary China, Science, Medicine, and Technology in East Asia 2 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan), p. 70ff.;
165. and MAJOR, JOHN S. (1991) Substance, process, phase: Wuxing in the Huainanzi, in: HENRY ROSEMONT, Jr., Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts: essays dedicated to Angus C. Graham, (Ed.) Critics and Their Critics 1 (La Salle, IL Open Court, 1991), pp. 67-78.
166. Compare the translation in MAJOR, Critics and Their Critics, op. cit., note 104, pp. 108-110.
167. Cf. also TAKI RYÓICHI (1992) Chûgoku ongaku saihakken: Shisô hen, MASUYAMA KENJI (Ed.) Taki Ryôichi chosakushû 3;
168. Academic Series New Asia 7 (Tokyo Dai'ichi, pp. 17-54;
169. FUNG, op. cit., note 59, 1, p. 396f.;
170. YANG MOLEI (1926) Huai-nan-tzu te yüeh-lü hsüeh, Min-to tsa-chih 8(1), reprinted in CH'EN HSIN-HSIUNG & YÜ TA-CH'ENG, pp. 37-77;
171. and LALOY, op. cit., note 54, 514f.
172. Cf. e. g. MAJOR op. cit., note 104, p. 27;
173. DE WOSKIN, KENNETH (1983) Early Chinese music and the origins of aesthetic terminology, in SUSAN BUSH & CHRISTIAN MURCK (Eds) Theories of the Arts in China (Princeton, Princeton University Press), p. 194f.
174. and DE WOSKIN, Theories of the Arts in China, op. cit., note 81, p. 37f.
175. CH'IEN MU (1990 [1956]), Theories of the Arts in China, op. cit., note 59, p. 617.
176. See AMES, Theories of the Arts in China, op. cit., note 7, p. 242n. 40f., for classical sources of these two anecdotes.
177. Compare the translation in KNOBLOCK, op. cit., note 86, Vol. III, p. 41.
178. LEWIS, Theories of the Arts in China, op. cit., note 49. p. 224;
179. and SAWADA TAKIO (1978) Junshi to Ryoshi Shunjū ni okeru ki, in ONOZAWA SEIICHI et al. (Eds) Ki no shisō - Chūgoku ni okeru shizenkan to ningenkan no tenkai, (Tokyo, Tōkyo Daigaku), p. 85f., both discuss this passage, but without considering its possible relevance to the mind-body problem.
180. CREEL, Theories of the Arts in China, op. cit., note 23, p. 364f., fragment 16;
181. See the perceptive article by VANKEERBERGHEN, GRIET (1995) Emotions and actions of the sage: recommendations for an orderly heart in Huainanzi, Philosophy East and West 45(4) pp. 527-544.
182. Cf. also ROTH HAROLD D (1997) Evidence for stages of meditation in early Taoism, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60(2) p. 308f.
183. Cf. ROTH, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, op. cit., note 41, p. 83ff.;
184. and CHANG SHUN-HUI, op. cit., note 29, pp. 5ff. and 302f.