The head of Kura - The head of 'Adabal

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

Volumn 64, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 81-100

  Archi, Alfonso ^a  

^a SAPIENZA UNIVERSITY OF ROME   (Italy)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 61149658762     PISSN: 00222968     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/431684     Document Type: Article

References (47)

1. See my article "Il in the Personal Names," OLZ 91 (1996): col. 139.
2. See my article "Les comptes rendus annuels de métaux (CAM)," in Jean-Marie Durand, ed., Mari, Ébla et les hourrites, dix ans de travaux, part 1, Acts du col- loque international (Paris, mai 1993), Amurru 1 (Paris, 1996), pp. 73, 81-93.
3. A new chronological order for the annual accounts of the distribution of silver and gold is provided now in A. Archi and M. G. Biga, "A Victory over Mari and the Fall of Ebla," JCS 55 (2003): 1-44.
4. See F. Pomponio, "I rendiconti annuali di uscite di argento e le offerte alle divinità nella documenta-zione di Ebla," AfO 44-45 (1997-98): 101-5.
5. A similar technique was in use also in Mesopotamia, as an Early Dynastic female statuette in stone from Nippur with its face covered with gold leaf shows; see W. Orthmann, Der Alte Orìent, Propyläen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 14 (Berlin, 1975), pl. 2.
6. For the data from the Mesopotamian written sources, see J. Renger, "Kultbild. A. Philologisch," RLA, vol. 6 (1980-83), pp. 307-14.
7. The Pre-Sargonic inscriptions from Mari and the Akkadian inscriptions of the kings of Akkad and Elam have dùl for "statue"; alam is used in the Sumerian versions of the bilingual inscriptions (as noted by I. J. Gelb, "Thoughts about Ibla: A Preliminary Evaluation, March 1977," Syro-Mesopotamian Studies (SMS) 1/1 [1977]: 13);
8. an-dùl is attested at Mari, in the šak-kanakkū period; see B. Kienast and W. Sommerfeld, Glossar zu den altakkadischen Königsinschriften (Stuttgart, 1994), pp. 273-75.
9. 5-lik en "two statues of wood (on the occasion of) the king's becoming sovereign." On the expression /šutallik malikim/, see P. Fronzaroli, "The Ritual Texts of Ebla," in P. Fronzaroli, ed., Literature and Literary Language at Ebla, QdS 18 (Florence, 1992), p. 184.
10. I have provided a list of statue(tte)s decorated with gold and silver in my article "Données épigra-phiques éblaïtes et production artistique," RA 84 (1990): 101-5.
11. On tiparānum, see my article "Jewels for the Ladies of Ebla," ZA 92 (2002): 197.
12. P. Matthiae, Ebla: Un impero rìtrovato (Turin, 1977), pp. 76-81.
13. P. Matthiae et al., eds., Ebla: Alle origini della civiltà urbana (Milan, 1995), pp. 300-329, nos. 65-121.
14. P. Matthiae, "Some Fragments of Early Syrian Sculpture from Royal Palace G of Tell Mardikh-Ebla," JNES 39 (1980): 256 and 264, with n. 16.
15. Idem, "Appunti di iconografia I," Studi Eblaití 1 (1979): 17-31 with figs. 3-10.
16. For other quotations of "Išhara of the king," see my article "Divinités sémitiques et divinités de substrat: Le cas d'Išhara et d'Ištar à Ebla," MARI 7 (1993): 74.
17. Matthiae et al., eds., Ebla, p. 314, no. 87.
18. H. Frankfort, More Sculpture from the Diyala Region, OIP 60 (Chicago, 1943), pl. 64, no. 315.
19. See K. Krasnik and J.-W. Meyer, "Im Tod den Göttern nahe: Eine prunkvolle Bestattung in Tell Chuera, Nordsyrien," Antike Welt 32 (2001): 383-90.
20. For statues related to sagi "the steward," see my article "The Steward and His Jar," Iraq 61 (1999): 155, nos. 15, 17, 18, and 19.
21. see M. Civil, "The Early History of HAR-ra: The Ebla Link," in L. Cagni, ed., Ebla 1975-1985 (Naples, 1987), p. 149;
22. M. Krebernik, "Neue Beschwörungen aus Ebla," VO 10 (1996): 25.
23. The connection of this bird with a human-faced bull reminds one of the Sumerian Imdugud-bird, which is portrayed at Ebla in an inlay probably imported from regions in the east; see Matthiae et al., eds., Ebla, pp. 277-78, nos. 29-35.
24. Concerning metal sculptures in Mesopotamia, H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, 3d ed. (Harmondsworth, 1963), p. 26, writes: "Remarkable figures were cast in copper as early as the Second Early Dynastic Period. Of the most ambitious one so far known a mere trace remains: at Tell Agrab we found a well-shaped foot which must have belonged to a nearly life-size copper statue. It may be, of course, that the statue was of some other material with only the face, the hands, and the feet cast of copper, or that the body and limbs consisted of copper sheets hammered over a bitumen core. This method was used for some large figures of lions found at Al 'Ubaid, belonging, presumably, to the Third Early Dynastic Period."
25. 4 hi-mu-[DU] "one belt (with) sheath (and) frog of silver (for) Ilba-išar on the occasion (in which) he consigned 470 gr of carnelian (and) lapis lazuli. . . . I belt (with) sheath (and) frog of silver (for) Ilba-išar on the occasion (that) the messengers deliver (it ?)."
26. See Frankfort, Art and Architecture, pp. 26-28.
27. See my article "I rapporti tra Ebla e Mari," in Studi Eblaiti 4 (1981): 155-61.
28. 11-za ba-na-i-šu wa íb-lá wa šu-kešda-gùn-sù "78 g of silver: sheets (for covering) one statue of Išhara of the king, 13 g of gold: sheets (for decorating) her face and her skirt and sash."
29. See M. G. Biga, "Archive L. 2875," in A. Archi, ed., Eblaite Personal Names and Semitic Name-Giving, ARES 1 (Rome, 1988), pp. 291-99.
30. G. Scandone Matthiae, "Vasi iscritti di Chefren e Pepi I nel Palazzo Reale G di Ebla," Studi Eblaiti 1 (1979): 33-43, with figs. 11-14;
31. idem, "I vasi egiziani in pietra dal Palazzo Reale G," Studi Eblaiti 4 (1981): 99-127, with figs. 21-34.
32. The quotation is from Matthiae, "Early Syrian Sculpture," p. 258;
33. The inner court of the "Palace of Zimri-lim" of Mari, "the Court of the Palms," (Room 106) was decorated with a fresco depicting the investiture of the king by Ištar. From this court, one reached the Throne Room Suite (64/65), where the statue of "the Goddess of the flowing vase" was placed. A stairway led to the "tribune" 66, from which the statue of the šakkanakku Ištup-Il could have fallen. This tribune was considered to be a sanctuary by A. Parrot. See Y. M. Al-Khalesi, The Court of the Palms: A Functional Interpretation of the Mari Palace, Bibliotheca Mesopotamia, vol. 8 (Malibu, 1978).
34. For another investigation on the functions of this section of the palace, see J. Margueron, Recherches sur les palais mésopotamiens de l'âge du Bronze, vol. 1 (Paris, 1982), pp. 352-63.
35. The textual data have been evaluated by J.-M. Durand, in "L'organisation de l'espace dans le palais de Mari: Le té-moignage des textes," in E. Lévy, ed., Le système palatial en Orient, en Grèce et à Rome (Leiden, 1987), pp. 54-71.
36. See F. Pomponio and P. Xella, Les dieux d 'Ebla (Münster, 1997), p. 244.
37. dNI-da-kul," Studi Eblaiti 1 (1979): 105-13.
38. A group made up of five to fourteen people took part in this journey; see my article "šeš-II-ib: A Religious Confraternity," Eblaitica 4 (2002): 23-55.
39. The Ugaritic religious document RS 24.244 (Ug 5, pp. 586-72) = KTU 1.100 mentions "Yarihu in Laru-gatu," as W. G. Lambert, "The Identity of the Eblaite God NIdaKUL," in Oriens Antiquus 23 (1984): 43-44,
40. KI in a Ugaritic Text?," Studi Eblaiti 7 (1984): 83-85, have remarked.
41. M. Krebernik, "Mondgott. A. I. Im Mesopotamien," RLA, vol. 8, pp. 361-64. If 'Adabal was also a Moon-god, it thus had to belong to the substrate.
42. J. Krecher, "Sumerische und nichtsumerische Schicht in der Schriftkultur von Ebla," in L. Cagni, ed., Il bilinguismo a Ebla (Naples, 1984), p. 142.
43. 4" " . . . shall open the waters," quoted by P. Fronzaroli in S. Muhesen et al., eds., Subartu: Studies Devoted to Upper Mesopotamia, vol. 4 (Turnhout, 1998), p. 109.
44. On SAR "greenish," see B. Landsberger, "Über Farben im Sumerisch-Akkadischen," JCS 21 (1967): 141-42, with n. 14.
45. The Ebla documents mention wa-rí-gu "vegetable," for which cf. Akk. warqum; see L. Milano, ARET IX, p. 409;
46. M. Bonechi, "Studies on the Architectonic and Topographic Terms in the Ebla Texts, I," Die Welt des Orients 30 (1999): 27-29.
47. 6 "garden" is also well attested in the Ebla documents; see ARET I, p. 300.