Whig history and puritan politics: The memoirs of Edmund Ludlow revisited

Historical Research

Volumn 75, Issue 188, 2002, Pages 209-237

  Worden, Blair ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 61149377334     PISSN: 09503471     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-2281.00148     Document Type: Review

References (242)

1. The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, ed. C. H. Firth (2 vols., Oxford, 1894) (hereafter Firdi), i. x-xi;
2. Edmund Ludlow, A Voyce from the Watch Tower, 1660-2, ed. A. B. Worden (Camden Soc., 4th ser., xxi) (hereafter Voyce), p. 18n.
3. For the only glimmer of them see W. D. Christie, A Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury (2 vols., 1871), i, app. III, p. lvi n.
4. Voyce, p. 3.
5. and the quotation from John Douglas below, p. 214.
6. Bodleian Library, MS. Eng. hist. c. 487.
7. C. Robbins, The 18th Century Commonwealthman (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 22.
8. Voyce, pp. 18-20;
9. cf. A Just Rebuke of a Late Unmannerly Libel (1699), pp. 4, 14.
10. A View of the Short History of Standing Armies in England (1698), p. 1;
11. A Brief Reply to the History of Standing Armies in England (1698), pp. 6, 24-6;
12. Reflections on the Short History of Standing Armies in England (1699), p. 24;
13. William Baron, A Just Defence of the Royal Martyr King Charles I (1699), sigs. A3V-4 and p. 13;
14. Reflections upon Mr. Stephens's Sermon preached before the . . . House of Commons . . . Jan. 30th (1700), p. 17;
15. Narcissus Luttrell, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from Sept., 1678 to Apr., 1714 (6 vols., Oxford, 1857), iv. 313;
16. Firth, i. x-xi.
17. cf. Voyce, p. 18.
18. Public Record Office, C 10/245/ 13. I owe my knowledge of this document to the kindness of Anne McGowan.
19. Voyce, pp. 54-5.
20. P.R.O., C 10/245/ 13, from which the following account is taken.
21. Firth, i, xi; Bern, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, Mollis 65. Dr. Claudia Engler of that library has kindly helped me on this point.
22. British Library, Additional MS. 35403 fos. 30-1; and see fo. 130. I am most grateful to Jeremy Cater for directing to me to this source and for his comments on Douglas and Stone, on which I have drawn here.
23. Firth, i. xi-xii. Tyers's account confirms that the 'Littlebury' involved is Isaac, the translator.
24. J. Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the 18th Century (9 vols., 1812-15), viii. 80.
25. John Dunton, The Life and Errors of John Duttton (1705), p. 338.
26. He is described as 'the late Mr. Littlebury' in the preface to François de Fénelon, The Adventures of Telemachus (1721 edn.).
27. Dictionary of National Biography, Andrew Stone. (Douglas is also in D.N.B.; Buckley is not)
28. Buckley's politics can be glimpsed in Brit. Libr., Stowe MS. 247 fos. 98-119.
29. I owe this information to the kindness of Mark Knights.
30. See his annotations to the successive copies of the 1781 edn. of T. Tyers, Political Conferences Between Several Great Men in the Last and Present Century (Bodl. Libr., 227 e. 2), pp. 88-9.
31. Luttrell, iv. 311, 313.
32. Brit. Libr., 521 m. 15 (1704 edn.).
33. For his self-effacement, see The History of Herodotus, trans. Isaac Littlebury (1720 edn.), p. xv.
34. Voyce, p. 21
35. Bodl. Libr., Godw. 674.
36. Pierre Bayle, A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical (10 vols., 1734-41), ix. 608 (Bodl. Libr., 399 b. 9). The Bodleian acquired the text some time between its publication and around 1780. I owe this reference to the kindness of Isabel Rivers.
37. Bodl. Libr., Godw. 674 fo. 176. (Samuel Buckley owned a manuscript account of Sidney's execution: A Catalogue of the Library of Samuel Buckley (1741), p. 12 (cf p. 6).)
38. John Toland, Nazarenus, ed. J. Champion (Voltaire Foundation, Oxford, 1999), p. 37.
39. Champion's 'Introduction' to Nazarenus illuminates this characteristic of Toland's writing (see esp. pp. 70-1.
40. Voyce, pp. 47ff.;
41. R. E. Sullivan, John Toland and the Deist Controversy: a Study in Adaptations (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), p. 156.
42. There has been much illuminating work on the 'country' mentality over the past two decades. See esp. D. Hayton, 'The "country" interest and the party system, 1689-c. 1720', in Party and Management in Parliament, 1660-1784, ed. C. Jones (Leicester, 1984);
43. D. Hayton, 'Moral reform and country politics in the late 17th-century house of commons', Past & Present, cxxviii (1990), 48-91;
44. and The Parliamentary Diary of Sir Richard Cocks, 1698-1702, ed. idem (Oxford, 1996).
45. If we decide in Toland's favour, we are left to wonder how the tradition of attribution to Littlebury originated. The writing of his name, by two different people, on prefaces - one of the Memoirs, the other of Sidney's Discourses - suggests one possibility: that he wrote or helped to write the prefaces, and that from that circumstance the story grew up that he had edited Ludlow's text. Hollis, who annotated the Ludlow preface (i.e., the opening preface of the Memoirs - the original edition contained another preface to vol. 3 that was not reprinted in the 1751 text inscribed by Hollis), showed no awareness that Ludlow's text had been rewritten, and so may have supposed the preface to have been the editor's sole contribution. Alternatively, the explanation may lie in the character of Littlebury or Toland. Perhaps Littlebury wanted to claim credit to which he was not entitled. Perhaps Toland - no man of moral compunction in literary affairs - found opportunities to impute to Littlebury a responsibility that, as we shall see, Toland himself would have had motives for disowning. (There survives, in a form which does not reveal the name of the recipient, a letter by Toland, possibly written between 1711 and 1714, which refers to 'your French Telemachus'. 'Your' may be colloquial, in which case the letter has no bearing on our subject. It may alternatively refer to Toland's correspondent, whom one would then guess to be Littlebury, the translator of Fénelon's Télémache. The letter hints that its recipient is a man of unachieved literary ambition (A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Toland, ed. Pierre Desmaizeaux (2 vols., 1726), ii. 414-15).)
46. The long tradition which attributes to Toland the editing of the 1698 Works of Milton is mistaken, although he did contribute material to the edition and 'is likely to have played a supporting role' (N. von Maltzahn, 'The whig Milton, 1667-1700', in Milton and Republicanism, ed. D. Armitage, A. Himy and Q. Skinner (Cambridge, 1995), p. 248). I am greatly indebted to Professor von Maltzahn for his guidance on the publishing history of Milton in the 1690s and on many other aspects of the literary politics of the later 17th century.
47. Desmaizeaux, ii. 338-9.
48. Voyce, pp. 27-8, 33.
49. Although I suspect that most of the many striking similarities between Toland's writing and the Discourses derive from imitation on Toland's part, there are points where revision by Toland of Sidney's text is an alternative possibility.
50. John Toland, The Art of Governing by Partys (1701), pp. 112-15.
51. Voyce, p. 27;
52. cf. Free Thoughts in Defence of a Future State (1700), p. 66. Although Toland was mostly a faithful editor of Harrington, doubts have been cast on some aspects of his edition (J. Champion, The Pillars of Priestcraft Shaken (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 158fr.;
53. D. Wootton, 'Introduction', in Republicanism, Liberty, and Commercial Society 1649-1776, ed. idem (Stanford, Calif., 1994), pp. 23-4).
54. One amendment to Harrington's words by Toland, made for the sake of clarity, recalls the editing of Ludlow's Memoirs (compare The Political Works of James Harrington, ed. J. G. A. Pocock (Cambridge, 1977), p. 321n. with Voyce, p. 47 and Firth, ii. 100, 105, 129, 156).
55. An Argument, Showing that a Standing Army is Inconsistent with a Free Government (1698), pp. 2-3, 3-4;
56. The Whole Works of Walter Moyle (1727), pp. 56-7;
57. B. Worden, 'The Commonwealth Kidney of Algernon Sidney', Jour. British Studies, xxiv (1985), 1-40, at pp. 29-30. The 'Letter' was ostensibly written to Sidney's father, the earl of Leicester, on whose papers other Sidney material in the Rochester volume is based. Ludlow's Memoirs contain details about Cromwell's behaviour at the dissolution of the Long Parliament which correspond strikingly to information in Leicester's diary, so much so that C. H. Firth thought it 'remarkable' that 'these two independent accounts agree so closely'
58. (C. H. Firth, 'The expulsion of the Long Parliament (continued)', History, new ser., ii. (1917-18), 193-206, at p. 201). Perhaps they were not so independent after all.
59. Voyce, pp. 28-30, 33-4;
60. Firth, ii. 359, 400, 420-1. There, as elsewhere, the editor's adjustments to Ludlow's text can be traced via Bodl. Libr., MS. Eng. hist. c. 966.
61. Helen Darbishire, in her edition of The Early Lives of Milton (1932; repr. 1965), p. xxix; von Maltzahn, p. 250.
62. Remarks on the Life of Mr. Milton (1699), pp. 1-2, 4-6.
63. Toland, Nazarenus, p. 124.
64. Darbishire, pp. 182-3.
65. In editing a republican tract of 1650 Toland subtly brought its author's religious phraseology into line with his own: compare the edition of John Hall's The Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy included in The Oceana of James Harrington and his Other Works, ed. John Toland (1700), p. 7 ('the Divine Spirit') with the text of the original version of 1650 ('the Spirit of God'). Whether the editor of Sidney's Discourses altered the religious content of Sidney's text (which has not survived) is a vexing question
66. (see Worden, 'Commonwealth Kidney', pp. 39-40).
67. Voyce, p. 33.
68. W. R. Parker, Milton: a Biography (Oxford, 1968), pp. 655, 678, 744, 748.
69. Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow (3 vols., 1698-9) (hereafter Memoirs), iii. sig. A3v.
70. Darbishire, p. 171.
71. John Toland, The Militia Reform'd (1698), p. 14.
72. Firth, i. 142, ii. 137-8, The Militia Reform'd hints that in the 1690s, too, the blame lies with the officers.
73. cf. Algernon Sidney, Discourses concerning Government, ed. T. G. West (Liberty Fund, Indianapolis, Ind., 1990), ch. 2, xxi. 198 ('keep their employments').
74. Compare An Argument, p. 28 (ll. 3ff.) with Firth, ii. 326 (ll. 3ff.) and ii. 356-7 (both passages without a basis in the manuscript).
75. Voyce, p. 41;
76. Remarks on the Life of Mr. Milton, p. 14;
77. A True Account of the Land Forces (1699), pp. 7-8, 67.
78. Moyle shared with Toland a deep interest in Harrington, a writer with a large presence in An Argument, as in Militia Reform'd. Like many others, Moyle and his friends would choose to forget their proximity to Toland.
79. John Trenchard, A Short History of Standing Armies in England (1698), pp. 2, 42.
80. Compare Militia Reform'd, p. 72 with An Argument, p. 7.
81. The overlapping passage is silently taken from Marchamont Nedham's work of 1656, The Excellency of a Free State (1767 edn.), pp. 115-16 (or, less probably, The Excellency's own source, Mercurius Politkus, 27 May 1652). Perhaps Nedham's treatise, which would join the 'real whig canon' after its republication in 1767, was being considered for inclusion by the Darby circle alongside the other texts of that canon. Nedham was close to John Hall, whose The Grounds and Reasons of Monarchy (Edinburgh, 1651)
82. Toland contrived to include in his edition of Harrington's works. For Toland and A Short History, see also Voyce, p. 41n.
83. For Milton, see esp. G. F. Sensabaugh, That Grand Whig Milton (Stanford, Calif., 1952), ch. 4; von Maltzahn, pp. 245ff.;
84. W. Kolbrener, '"Commonwealth Fictions" and "Inspiration Fraud": Milton and the Eikon Basilike after 1689', Milton Studies, xxxvii (1999), 166-97;
85. for Sidney, see Sidney Redivivus (1689)
86. and Brit. Libr., Rawlinson MS. D1208 fo. 24; for Harrington, see B. Worden, 'The Revolution of 1688 and the English republican tradition', in The Anglo-Dutch Moment, ed. J. Israel (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 256-7.
87. The memory of Denzil Holies was also cultivated early in the reign (Voyce, p. 38;
88. Three Tracts published at Amsterdam in the years 1691 and 1602 under the name of Letters of General Ludlow, ed. F. Maseres (1812), p. 18).
89. Note also the parallel between the title of a pamphlet attributed to Holies in 1691 (Voyce, p. 38n.: '. . . The growing power of France foretold") and Firth, ii. 2-3 ('the future greatness of the French');
90. cf. Voyce, p. 77
91. and State Tracts (1693), preface.
92. Richard Hollingworth, A Defence of King Charles I (1692), p. 3;
93. A Second Defence of King Charles I (1692), ep. ded.;
94. Thomas Long, Dr. Walker's True, Modest and Faithful Account (1693), preface; Sensabaugh, pp. 176-7.
95. For the impact of Ludlow's name, see also Aesop at Amsterdam . . . by Ludlow Redivivus ('Amsterdam', 1698). It was later claimed that the first of the Ludlow pamphlets was 'intended as a preface to another large work that was to follow to justify the murder of King Charles I' (The History of King-Killers (1710), p. 46).
96. Compare Maseres, Three Tracts, (i) p. 5 ('In the beginning . . .'), (ii) p. 6 ('The men whom he preferred . . .'), (iii) p. 66 (The Lords and Commons . . .') with Firth, i. (i) p. 10, (ii) p. 12, (iii) p. 36.
97. Voyce, p. 35;
98. Samuel Butler, The Plagiary Exposed (1691), preface;
99. cf. Voyce, pp. 17-18, 76-8.
100. On the other candidate noticed there, Thomas Percival, see Maseres, Three Tracts, p. 141;
101. Notes and Queries, clxv (July-Dec. 1933);
102. and the pencilled annotation on the title-page of the copy of Thomas Percival, A True and Exact Account of the . . . Horrid Plot (1697) held in Oxford (Bodl. Libr., Vet. A3 e. 1269).
103. See the title-page of the copy of Richard Hollingworth, The Character of King Charles I (1692) held in Oxford (Bodl. Libr., C. 6. 12 Linc). The book belonged to the Barlow collection of pamphlets which reached the Bodl. Libr, in two stages, the first in the autumn of 1693, the second in the autumn of 1694 (Bodl. Libr. Records c. 29 fos. 23v, 24v).
104. I am grateful to the Keeper of Rare Books, Clive Hurst, for guiding me to this source. See also W. D. Macray, Annals of the Bodleian (Oxford, 1890), pp. 197-8. None of the pamphlets in the collection published later than 1694 was entered by the same cataloguer.
105. Sullivan, pp. 3-4.
106. Truth Brought to Light, or the gross forgeries of Dr Hollingworth (1693), p. 34.
107. Voyce, p. 25.
108. Vol. 3 of the Memoirs is more forward than the first two in its attacks on Charles I (and also when it makes the claim that the significance of the first two volumes lay in their description of "the time that England was governed without a king' (Memoirs, iii. sig. A2)), The regicide, which in vols. 1 and 2 is denied the central place in Ludlow's life and thought that is demonstrated by his manuscript, becomes more prominent in vol. 3, partly through the accounts of the trials of the regicides and partly through the material in the appendix that is deemed to show that the king merited his death [Memoirs, iii. 321).
109. See also William Baron, Regicides no Saints (1700), p. 4. Much of the material in the appendix is taken from The King's Cabinet Opened (1645), on which see Firth, i. 121-3, 145-6.
110. Compare Maseres, Three Tracts, (i) pp. 7-8, (ii) pp. 9-10, (iii) pp. 19-20, (iv) p. 33, (v) pp. 73-6 with A Defence oj the Parliament of 1640 (1698), (i) pp. 3-4, (ii) sig. 2v, (iii) pp. 15-17, (iv) p. 7, (v) pp. 39-44;
111. and Truth Brought to Light, pp. 35-7
112. with A Defence, pp. 18-20
113. and with Darbishire, pp. 145-9.
114. For the radical whig tactics, see also pp. 527ff. of the Complete Collection of Milton's works of 1698;
115. Murder Will Out (1698) (a text bound with A Defence in a copy in the Huntington Library);
116. cf. Charles Leslie, A Case of Present Concern (1702), p. 8;
117. John Toland, The State-Anatomy of Great Britain (1717), p. 5;
118. W. Lamont, Richard Baxter and the Millennium (1979), pp. 330ff.;
119. and the passage about the Irish massacre added to Ludlow's manuscript in Firth, ii. 342 (bottom sentence).
120. Baron, A fust Defence of the Royal Martyr, pt. i. 128, and pt. ii. 208. (The author of King Charles I no such Saint, Martyr or Good Protestant as commonly Reputed (1698) had travelled to Holland (p. 23), as had Toland. Compare also the remark about the loss of 'blood and treasure' (p. 26) with Firth, ii. 41, 178). Pace Firth (i. 411.) and, less pardonably, me (Voyce, p. 22) the identity of the editor of the Memoirs defeats Baron, who does not imply that Toland was the culprit, even if he does regard him as a key figure in the group from which they emerged. Although the case for Toland now seems to me firmer than it did in 1978, there are two other points I then made in its favour that now seem to me weak: one about Londonderry (Voyce, p. 31), where Ludlow's editor was making a conventional point; the other (p. 28) about Toland's handling of the text of his intimate friend the 3rd earl of Shaftesbury, Inquiry concerning Virtue (1699). It is now clear from David Walford's edition of that work (Manchester, 1977) that we cannot tell in what form Shaftesbury's manuscript reached Toland. Other insufficiently careful statements in my 'Introduction' to Voyce are, I hope, less consequential than reprehensible.
121. Toland, although he had bold ambitions as a historian, did not always have an exact sense of chronology (see Toland and Shaftesbury, The Danger of Mercenary Parliaments (1698), pp. 7-8).
122. In 1761 Thomas Hollis's edition of Toland's The Life of John Milton carried an advertisement announcing, among other works in the Darby canon, the publication of The Works of Edmund Ludlow, which were said to include both the pamphlets and the Memoirs; but if it did get into print no copy of it appears to survive. The same is true of other works advertized in the list
123. Bodl. Libr., Ballard MS. 38 fo. 4; Sullivan, p. 6.
124. Toland's and Shaftesbury's The Danger of Mercenary Parliaments, a work full of reminders of the Memoirs, is sometimes stated to have been previously published in 1695.
125. Toland himself indicated that it was written or drafted well before 1698 (Art of Governing by Partys, pp. 68-9).
126. Brit. Libr., Add. MS. 4295 fos. 4, 6, 10.
127. See M. Zook, Radical Whigs and Conspiratorial Politics in Late Stuart England (University Park, Pa., 1999)
128. and B. Worden, Roundhead Reputations: the English Civil Wars and the Passions of Posterity (2001), esp. ch. 3.
129. C. Rose, England in the 1690s (Oxford, 1999), pp. 89, 130. It seems possible that in 1694, following the success of the Ludlow pamphlets, Darby was planning some such series as the one he would bring into print from 1698.
130. The edition of Milton's Collected Work printed by Darby in 1698 had been set up in print 4 years earlier (von Maltzahn, pp. 248-9).
131. At least two works published in 1694 contain passages suspiciously close to material that would appear in 1698 in Sidney's Discourses (B. Worden, 'Republicanism and the Restoration', in Wootton, Republicanism, p. 176;
132. and compare the remark about the Cromwellian army, 'Faith, truth and piety are rarely found in men who follow camps', in Roger Coke, A Detection of the Court and State of England during the four last Reigns, and the Interregnum (2 vols., 1694), ii.
133. with Firth, i. 377
134. and with A Speech without Doors (1702), p. 46)).
135. Firth, i. 9, 38, 146, 165-6, 190-1, 196, 203, 206, 258, 374, 377, ii. 45, 235, 237, 241, 356, 357;
136. Memoirs, iii. sig. A4;
137. and see the perceptive comment of R MacGillivray, Restoration Historians and the English Civil War (The Hague, 1974), p. 182.
138. The 'persevering' or 'adhering' whigs, as Toland called them (Desmaizeaux, ii. 343;
139. Militia Reform'd, p. 7), many of them survivors of the dark struggles against Stuart absolutism in the previous decade, remembered the 'blood' shed for their 'cause' by the principal martyrs of 1683, Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney, as die seed of the people's liberties. In the same way the Memoirs trace Ludlow's adherence to 'the cause in which so much of the people's blood had been shed'. Plain English, in Relation to the Real and Pretended Friends to the English Monarchs (1690), p. 1;
140. Sidney Redivivus, p, 8;
141. Firth, i. 203 (cf i. 106, ii. 178).
142. and see Memoirs, iii. 352.
143. Firth, i. 232, ii. 167.
144. The editor's cautious and subtle handling of Anglo-Dutch relations in the Memoirs repays attention.
145. Firth, i. 5.
146. Rose, pp. 32-3.
147. Firth, ii. 8-9, 21-2.
148. Voyce, p. 44;
149. and see Memoirs of Thomas Hollis, ed. F. Blackburne (1780), pp. 681-2. Stephens's writings of 1699-1700 bear very close resemblances to Toland's.
150. William Stephens, An Account oj the Growth of Deism (1709), p. 166.
151. Firth, i. 374, 390-1, ii. 20, 55, 62, 277, 282.
152. Anchitel Grey, Debates of the House of Commons, ed. T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt (10 vols., 1763), x. 276;
153. A Short History, p. 8.
154. Firth, ii. 70.
155. T. B. Macaulay, History of England (4 vols., Everyman edn., repr. 1972), iv. 428;
156. Rose, p. 91.
157. See also Considerations upon the Choice of a Speaker of the House of Commons (1698);
158. Reflections on the Short History of Standing Armies, p. 25;
159. A Just Rebuke, p. 18;
160. D. Ogg, England in the Reigns of James II and William III (Oxford, 1955; repr. 1969), pp. 449-50.
161. Firth, i. 388, ii. 17, 18, 48.
162. Somers Tracts (13 vols., 1809-15 edn.), x. 329-30; Ogg, pp. 326-8.
163. See esp. The Seaman's Opinion of a Standing Army in England (1699).
164. Desmaizeaux, ii. 337ff.
165. Danger of Mercenary Parliaments, pp. 4-5.
166. Firth, i. 344, ii. 45, 211-12.
167. Toland, Anglia Libera, or the Limitation and Succession of the Crown of England Explained and Asserted (1702), p. 83.
168. The conflict between liberty' on the one hand and 'slavery' or 'tyranny' on the other is a reliable prompter of rhetorical pronouncements from Toland. It surfaces, less rhetorically but nonetheless conspicuously, in a statement in his Life of John Milton that the 'chief design' of Paradise Lost was 'to display the different effects of liberty and tyranny' (Darbishire, p. 182).
169. In the Memoirs, whose editor represents Ludlow's life as a 'defence of liberty' against 'tyranny', we find Ludlow deciding to defy Cromwell, 'the dispute now lying between tyranny and liberty' (Memoirs, iii. sig. A3;
170. Firth, i. 376, 392).
171. Alongside the love of 'liberty' Toland's writings pay frequent homage to love of country', a characteristic of Ludlow which the editor of the Memoirs, in revising the manuscript, greatly heightened (Militia Reform'd, pp. 4, 63;
172. Oceana, p. vii).
173. Firth, i. 334, 386, ii. 48;
174. Another of Toland's preoccupations corresponds to the aside in the Memoirs about the 'great importance of the town of Dunkirk to the trade and navigation of England' (Firth, ii. 96 (cf. The editor's insertion at ii. 340);
175. Toland, Dunkirk or Dover (1713), p. 16).
176. Like the Ludlow of the Memoirs, Toland persistently opposes the prevalence of 'faction' and 'division' and contrasts them with the claims of the public good. That of course was a widely held viewpoint, but one of Toland's expressions of it may point us to the Memoirs: compare the use of the word 'certainly' to introduce an aphorism in Militia Reform'd, p. 9, with the deployment of the same device in the Life of John Milton (Darbishire, p. 133) and in Firth, i. 405. A further parallel of phrasing repays attention. Ludlow's editor, reflecting on Ludlow's mistreatment in 1689, supplies the observation, which again seems oddly related to its context, that 'it can never be expected that all men should be of the same mind'. Toland, who never wearied of making that point, made it in 1701 in the words "tis a thing never to be expected . . . that all men should agree about all things' (Voyce, p. 31;
177. Firth, i. 259.
178. Desmaizeaux, ii. 256.
179. See also the editor's insertion about the duty of judges at Firth, ii. 319.
180. Oceana, pp. xviii-xxi, xxxix;
181. Voyce, p. 25;
182. Select Tracts relating to the Civil Wars, ed. F. Maseres (2 vols., 1815), i. 188 (preface to Denzil Holles's Memoirs);
183. cf. Desmaizeaux, ii. 270. Toland linked Cromwell's extinction of England's liberties with Julius Caesar's of Rome's (Oceana, pp. xx-xxi
184. and cf. Art of Governing by Parts, pp. 127, 178;
185. Militia Reform'd, p. 63;
186. Somers Tracts, x. 327).
187. The main preface to the Memoirs points to the same parallel (Firth, i. 5).
188. Oceana, p. xxix.
189. Worden, 'Republicanism and the Restoration', p. 190;
190. cf. Letters jrom the Right Honourable the late Earl of Shaftesbury to Robert Molesworth (1721), p. xvii.
191. Firth, i. 405-6;
192. Memoirs, iii. sig. A3V
193. Oceana, p. xviii.
194. Firth, i. 343.
195. The urge to punish the instruments of later Stuart tyranny may explain the survival through the Memoirs, albeit in a secularized form, of a single strand of the intense providentialism of Ludlow's manuscript, his conviction that only blood can expiate the guilt of blood. The same belief was expressed by Toland's friend William Stephens (An Account of the Growth of Deism, pp. 163-7), and by other whigs (Ogg, p. 239;
196. Rose, p. 66).
197. Desmaizeaux, ii. 422;
198. Firth, ii. 41.
199. Voyce, p. 25. The collection of Monk's letters published by Toland in 1714 was an exercise parallel to the compilation of the appendix to vol. 3 of the Memoirs.
200. Grey, Debates, x. 83, 85;
201. W. Stephens, A Letter to King William III (n.d.), p. 11;
202. Rose, pp. 162-3.
203. Oceana, p. viii;
204. State-Anatomy, p. 10.
205. Firth, i. 166, 185, ii. 356;
206. cf. i. 220-1.
207. Militia Reform'd (a tract particularly expressive of Toland's ambiguity about the social order), p. 21;
208. Desmaizeaux, ii. 343;
209. Oceana, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv.
210. Cf. Worden, 'Republicanism and the Restoration', pp. 172-6, 184.
211. Desmaizeaux, ii. 263.
212. Compare Toland's explanation - the 'university education' of the gentry - with Firth, i. 81-2.
213. Firth, i. 14, 38, 96, 105, 187, ii, 32, 37-8 (cf i. 5-6). Note too the emphasis 011 the commonwealth's decision, after the abolition of the house of lords, to allow its members to seek election to the Commons (i. 226-7, 259).
214. cf. Worden, 'Republicanism and the Restoration', p. 184 (at n. 181).
215. Lamont, Richard Baxter; Sensabaugh, pp. 61, 142, 162;
216. von Maltzahn, pp. 230, 232, 247-8. The edition, published in 1699, of the Short Memorials of the Roundhead general Thomas Lord Fairfax, a text bearing a relationship to the Darby publications that is hard to pin down (Voyce, pp. 29, 42n. 180;
217. cf Darbishire, p. 134), softened and abbreviated the religious element of the original.
218. Firth, i. 10, 12, 14, 205.
219. The political aspirations of the clergy are a main theme of the Ludlow pamphlets of 1691-3.
220. Sullivan, pp. 17, 25, 169-71.
221. Firth, i. 12, 38
222. T. Claydon, William III and the Godly Revolution (Cambridge, 1996), complements and builds upon a number of recent studies which emphasize this feature of the period.
223. Darbishire, p. 139;
224. cf. Toland's (and Shaftesbury's?), Paradoxes of State (1702), p. 4.
225. John Toland, The Art of Restoring (1714), p. 20 (cf. Firth, ii. 215, 221-2
226. and Oceana, p. xx).
227. Firth, i. 165, 246, 256, 359, ii. 29, 45, 78, 104, 140-1, 356.
228. Sullivan, pp. 1, 7, 28.
229. P.R.O., PRO 30/24/ 20, Toland to Shaftesbury, Oct. 1705.
230. Seaman's Opinion, pp. 13-14;
231. Luttrell, iv. 311;
232. D.N.B., William Stephens;
233. cf. A. Johns, The Nature of the Book (Chicago, Ill., 1998), p. 235, on the risk courted by the Life of John Milton.
234. Brit. Libr., Add. MS. 40773 fo. 333;
235. Baron, A Just Defence of the Royal Martyr, pt. ii, p. 209.
236. Charles Davenant, Tom Double (1702), pp. 69-70;
237. Toland, Paradoxes oj State, p. 4.
238. A True Account of the Land Forces, p. 62.
239. Voyce, pp. 24-5;
240. Sullivan, pp. 18, 41;
241. Desmaizeaux, i. xxxvi;
242. von Maltzahn, p. 251.