Emperor Huizong and the aesthetic of agency

Archives of Asian Art

Volumn 53, Issue , 2002, Pages 71-104

  Bickford, Maggie ^a  

^a BROWN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 61049504518     PISSN: 00666637     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1484/aaa.2003.0005     Document Type: Article

References (220)

1. Benjamin Rowland, Jr. , "The Problem of Hui Tsung," Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, vol. 5 (1951), p. 5.
2. The relevant literature is too extensive to be cited here in toto. The following have been especially useful to me in preparing the current study: Xie Zhiliu, Tang Wudai Song Yuan Mingji (Famous Relics of the Tang, Five Dynasties, Song, and Yuan Dynasties) (Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue, 1957)
3. "Preface" to his Song Huizong Zhao Ji Quanji (Comprehensive Collection of Huizong, Zhao Ji) (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 1989)
4. repr. in his Jian Yu Za Gao (Miscellaneous Writings on Art), rev. and exp. (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 1996), pp. 242-53
5. id. , "Zhao Ji Hua Zhenwei Dian" ("Zhao Ji's Painting: Distinguishing Between Authentic [Works] and Forgeries"), in his Zhonggno Shuhua Jianding (Connoisseurship of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting) (Shanghai: Dongfang Chuban Zhongxin, 1998), pp. 135-37
6. Betty Tseng Yu-ho Ecke, "Emperor Hui Tsung, The Artist: 1082-1136," Ph. D. diss. , New York University, 1972
7. Dong Yanming, "Shi Tan Zhaoji de 'Ruihe Tu'Juan" ("Notes on Zhao Ji's 'Auspicious Cranes'"), Yi Yuan Duo Ying (Selected Flowers from the Garden of Art), no. 3 (1978), p. 29
8. Xu Bangda, "Song Huizong Zhao Ji Qinbi Hua yu Daibi Hua de Kaobian" ("An Analysis of Paintings by Emperor Huizong of the Song Dynasty and of Those by Others on His Instruction"), Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan (Journal of the Palace Museum [Beijing]), 1979, pp. 62-67 and 50
9. id. , Gu Shuhua Weie Kaobian (Analyses Of Forgeries in Ancient Calligraphy and Painting) (n. p. : Jiangsu Guji Chubanshe, 1984), vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 223-33
10. Linghu Biao, "Songdai Huayuan Neiwai de Yishu Jiaoliu" ("Artistic Interactions Between [Painters] Inside and Outside the Song-Dynasty Painting Academy"), Duoyun, no. 3 (May 1982), pp. 13-23
11. Li Huishu, "Songdai Huafeng Juanbian zhi Qiji: Huizong Neishu Jiaoyu Chenggong zhi Shili" ("A Key to the Shift in Song Painting Style: A Case Study of the Success of Huizong's [Role in] Art Education"), parts 1, 2, Gugong Xuexu Jikan, vol . 1 (no. 4) ( Summer 1984), pp. 71-91, vol. 2 (no. 1) (Autumn 1984), pp. 9-36
12. Susan Bush, "On the Status and Literary Training of Twelfth-Century Academy Landscapists in China," paper read at the Association for Asian Studies, New England Conference, 1987
13. Peter C. Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng: The Auspicious Image at the Court of Huizong," Ars Orientalis, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 33-68
14. Ch'en Pao-chen, "Song Huizong Huihua de Meixue Tezhi: Jian Lun Qi Yuanyuan he Yingxiang" ("The Distinctive Qualities of Song Huizong's Aesthetics, Together with a Discussion of Its Sources and Influence"), Wen Shi Zhe Xue Bao, vol. 40 (June 1993), pp. 293-344
15. Xu Yingzhang, "Bei Song, Song Huizong Ruihe Tu Juan" ("The Cranes of Good Omen Handscroll by Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song"), in [Liaoning Bowuguan Cang] Shu Hua Zhulu: Huihua Juan ([Liaoning Provincial Museum Collection] Catalogue of Calligraphy and Painting), ed. Liaoningsheng Bowuguan Weihui (Liaoning Provincial Museum Editorial Committee), gen. ed. Yang Renkai (Shenyang: Liaoning Meishu Chubanshe, 1998), pp. 50-53
16. Ronald Egan, "The Emperor and the Ink Plum, Tracing a Lost Connection between Literati and Huizong's Court," in The Dragon and the Unicorn: Rhetoric and Discourses of Power in Court Cultures, East and West, ed. David Knechtges and Eugene Vance, forthcoming
17. Patricia Ebrey, "Some Elements in the Intellectual and Religious Context of Chinese Art," in Five Thousand Years of Chinese Art (New York: Guggenheim Museum of Art, 1998), pp. 36-48
18. id. , "Taoism and Art at the Court of Song Huizong," in Stephen Little with Shawn Eichman; with essays by Patricia Ebrey . . . [et al. ], Taoism and the Arts of China (Chicago: The Art Institute of Chicago in association with Univ. of California Pr. , 2000), pp. 95-111.
19. Xie Zhiliu, Tang Wudai Sung Yuan, "Preface," and "Zhao Ji Hua Zhenwei"
20. Ecke, "Emperor Hui Tsung"
21. and Xu Bangda, "Huizong Qinbi Hua" and Gu Shuhua, together with the annotated lists of Huizong attributions in Osvald Sirén, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, 7 vols. (New York and London: Ronald Pr. , 1956), vol. 2, pp. 54-55
22. and in James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: T'ang, Sung, Yüan (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: Univ. of California Pr. , 1980), pp. 99-104.
23. For discussion of the basic difficulties and possible avenues for productive investigation, see Ecke, "Emperor Huizong," pp. 119-22
24. and Sirén, Chinese Painting, vol. 2, pp. 74 ff.
25. The particulars of each work will be discussed in notes pertaining to that work. I consider two additional Huizong attributions to belong to this category, but shall not treat them here. The first is Yuying Tu(Imperial Hawk), Huizong inscription and cipher, signed and dated to 1114, with additional inscription of Cai Jing (1046-1126), hanging scroll, ink and color on silk, location unknown (Shanghai Museum?), reproduced in Xie Zhiliu, Tang Wudai, pl. 34.
26. The second is Mao Tu (Musk Cat), attributed to Huizong, undated album leaf, ink and color on silk, Setsu Gatodō, Tokyo, reproduced in color in Etoh Shun, Sōgen Jidai no Kaiga (Song and Yuan Painting), Miyabi, vol. 6 (Tokyo: Setsu Gatodō, 1982), pl. 6.
27. For an introduction to and examples of this wide-ranging category, see Maggie Bickford, "Three Rams and Three Friends: the Working Life of Chinese Auspicious Motifs," Asia Major, vol. XII, pt. I (1999), pp. 127-58. Terms such as xiangrui ("auspicious sign") or ruiying ("sign of favorable response") are not general locutions for but subsets of auspicious imagery.
28. See Nozaki Nobuchika, Zhongguo Jixiang Tu'an, Zhongguo Fengsu Yanjiu zhi Yi (Chinese Auspicious Motifs, Chinese Folkloric Research, I) (Taipei: Zhongwen Tushu, 1980), Chinese-language adaptation of the second edition (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1940) of Nozaki's Kisshō Zuan Kaidai, Shina Fūzoku no Ichi Kenkyū (Tientsin: Zhongguo Tuchan Gongsi, 1928), with additions and deletions.
29. See my "Textiles as Texts: Emending the Song Literary Record with the Material Evidence of Huang Sheng's Tomb," in Percival David Foundation Colloquies on Art & Archaeology No. 19, Chinese Textiles, 1997. Forthcoming.
30. Ch'en Pao-chen, "Huizong Huihua de Meixue," p. 304.
31. These multiple possibilities are inherent in the Song usage of the term yuzhi) ("imperially composed"), which designates imperial authorship of texts or paintings. (Yushu is used for calligraphy. ) In practice, it appears that this term also comprises works that were devised by the emperor and executed by others, works made at the command of the emperor, works that were commissioned by the emperor, or works that were presented to the emperor and appropriated by him or by his subordinates on his behalf. The extent of the emperor's input into the process or shaping of the product varied from case to case and often remains unknown. I treat this question below. Ronald Egan discusses yuzhi with regard to Huizong's poetry in "Huizong's Palace Poems (Gongci)," paper prepared for the Workshop on Huizong, University of Washington, 1-3 February 2001.
32. Rowland, "Problem of Hui Tsung," p. 9.
33. Deng Chun, Huaji (Painting, Continued; preface 1167)
34. punct. by Huang Miaozi in the series Zhongguo Meishu Lun Zhu Cong Kan (Compendium of Treatises on Chinese Art) (Beijing: Renmin Meishu Chuban-she, 1963), 10. 125.
35. For a different translation, see Robert J. Maeda, Two Sung Texts on Chinese Painting (New York and London: Garland, 1978), p. 101. This passage is frequently cited and interpreted in the specialist literature (see n. 3).
36. Discussed below, pp. 86-87.
37. Cai Tao, Tiewei Shan Cong Tan (ca. 1130), in the series Tang Song Shiliao Biji Cong Kan (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1983), 6. 107-8. This passage has been noted and interpreted by many scholars, including Xu Bangda, "Huizong Qinbi Hua," p. 63
38. id. , Gu Shuhua, vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 222-23
39. Xie Zhiliu, "Preface," repr. 1996, p. 244
40. id. , "Zhao Ji Hua Zhenwei," p. 135
41. and also by Sturman ("Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 47, n. 10), who summarizes that the painters "sacrificed their own personal artistic identitites to become the emperor's daibi, or subsitute brushes. " See Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Pr. , 1985), #2816 ("Huayuan "), where he states: "Court painters were commonly considered to belong to the category of Palace Attendants (kung-feng nei-t'ing nei-t'ing kung-feng chih-hou nei-t'ing nei-t'ing chih-hou".
42. On Huizong's purposeful creation of an impressively idiosyncratic script style, see Peter Charles Sturman, Mi Fu, Style and the Art of Calligraphy in Northern Song China (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Pr. , 1997), pp. 189-93. The problem of Huizong's calligraphy is a difficult one. Ecke, in "Emperor Hui Tsung," considers the calligraphy inscribed on our auspicious omen paintings (Figs, 1-3) to belong to a single stylistic group (p. 71).
43. She judges the signatures on our auspicious presentation paintings (Figs. 4, 5) to be "identical" (p. 74).
44. She raises the issue of surrogate inscriptions again in her treatment of Huizong's standard-script Thousand-Character Essay (Qianziwen), which she considers to be an authentic work from Huizong's hand. Huizong bestowed this signed and dated work on the eunuch Tong Guan, his closest personal attendant. As traditionally the text of the Qianziwen was used for calligraphy practice, he may have intended this writing as a model, to enable his eunuchs to write in the imperial manner. See Tseng Yu-ho, History of Chinese Calligraphy (Hong Kong: The Chinese Univ. Pr. , 1993), p. 181, fig. 7. 37. Whatever other motivations were at work in Huizong's creation of his idiosyncratic script, his remarkable "slender-gold" style had practical advantages for copyists, authorized and otherwise.
45. Ecke ("Emperor Hui Tsung," p. 161) notes "the elaborate manner of Huizong, whose habits stood out from the range of Imperial personalities before and after him," of which she observes: . . . the over-sized characters, the additional signatures with wordings such as: By the Imperial brush, composed by His Majesty, painted by His Majesty, and written by His Majesty oftentimes three of these in one signature on his painting, this is an over-documentation, out of the manner of any period. It might be argued that the practice she describes is indeed the imperial manner of the Huizong period. In the case of the paintings we are studying, the practice that Ecke terms "over-documentation" - Huizong's aggressive claim to authorship of the work - underscores their peculiar purposes.
46. For an account of Huizong's nine tripods, see Cai Tao, Tiewei Shan, 1. 11-12
47. Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 46.
48. These issues are discussed below. Examples of early imperial responses to auspicious signs are drawn from the "Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices" in Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian; see Shiji, juan 28, repr. , 10 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959; 5th printing 1972), vol. 4, pp. 1355-1404
49. trans, in Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian of China, 2 vols. (New York: Columbia Univ. Pr. , 1961), vol. 2, pp. 13-69
50. and in Edouard Chavannes, Les Mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, 6 vols. (Paris: 1895-1905, Ernest Leroux; vol. 6, Paris: UNESCO and Librairie d'Amérique et d'Orient Adrien Maisonneuve, 1969), vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 413-519.
51. Song examples are drawn from the articles cited below and are drawn directly from the following: Song Huiyao Jigao (Draft of Documents Pertaining to Matters of State in the Song Dynasty), ed. Xu Song (1781-1848) et al. , sections "Yufu" ("Carriages and Garments) 3, "Xiangrui" ("Auspicious Signs") 1, and "Chongru" ("Honor for the Confucianists") 7; photographic reproduction 200 ce (Peiping Tushuguan, 1936, repr. , 8 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1957). vol- 2, ce 44, pp. 1782-93, vol. 3, ce 52, pp. 2065-81, ce 57, pp. 2285-329
52. Yuhai (Sea of Jades), ed. Wang Yinglin (1223-1296), 204 juan, juan 83 and juan 195-200 ("Chefu: Jingqi" ["Vehicles and Garments": "Flags and Banners"] and "Xiangrui" ["Auspicious Signs"]), repr. , 6 vols. (Shanghai: Jiangsu Guji Chubanshe and Shanghai Shuju, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 1535-49 and vol. 6, pp. 3567-669
53. and Songshi (Standard History of Song), ed. Tuo Tuo (1313-1355) et al. , 406 juan, juan 148 and 613-14 ("Yiwei 6: Lubu Yifu" ["Honor Guard, Part 6: Equipage"] and "Wuxing 2 shang, xia: huo ["Five Elements, Part 2, sects. 1 and 2: "Fire"]; repr. , 40 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1977).
54. Peter Sturman presents a good, brief introduction to the history of auspicious-sign imagery and auspicious signs at court, and he adduces an impressive array of examples from Song sources; see his "Cranes Above Kaifeng," esp. the section on "Auspicious Phenomena at Huizong's Court and the 'Xuanhe ruilan ce'," pp. 34-38.
55. I draw heavily on Sturman's findings in the present study. For imperial Song omen culture and the manipulation of omens, see Yang Shiwen, "Ruiyi Lilun yu Songdai Zhengzhi" ("The Theory of Auspicious Signs and [Ominous] Wonders and Song-Dynasty Politics"), in Songdai Wenhua Yanjiu (Researches in Song-Dynasty Culture), ed. Sichuan Daxue Guji Zhengli Yanjiu Suo (Sichuan University Ancient Books Organization Research Department) and Sichuan Daxue Songdai Wenhua Yanjiu Ziliao Zhongxin (Sichuan University Song-Dynasty Culture Research Materials Center), collection no. 6 (Chengdu: Sichuan Daxue Chubanshe, 1996), pp. 71-85. I am indebted to Peter Bol for this reference.
56. The most spectacular imperial Song precedent for visual engagement with auspicious omens occured in connection with Shenzong's "Heavenly Texts" ("Tianshu"), discussed together with its sources below. One of the most impressive imperial convocations took place on 6 February 1013, when Zhenzong summoned members of the imperial clan, ministers, and court and provincial officials to view 147 auspicious omen pictures (xiangrui tu); see Song Huiyao Jigao, sect. Chongrui 7, p. 40B (ce 57, vol. 3, p. 2308B). I am indebted to Liu Heping for this reference.
57. Noted, for instance, by Dong Yanming ("Shi Tan Zhao Ji")
58. Xu Bangda ("Huizong Qinbi Hua," p. 63, and Gu Shuhua, p. 224); Li Huishu ("Songdai Huafeng"); explored most extensively by Peter Sturman in "Cranes Above Kaifeng. "
59. The painting's inscription transcribed in Zhang Zhao et al. , comps. , Shiqu Baoji (Catalogue of the Qing Imperial Painting and Calligraphy Collection) (1745); facs. repr. , 2 vols. (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), vol. 2, pp. 770AB
60. translated in Kojiro Tomita, "The Five-colored Parrakeet [sic] by Hui Tsung (1082-1135)," Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts, vol. 31 (no. 187) (October 1933), p. 78. Tomita's translation should be reconsidered.
61. Reproduced in color, Wu Tung, Tales from the Land of Dragons: 1,000 Years of Chinese Painting (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1997), no. 13.
62. James Cahill, comments at a meeting of the art history group, School of Historical Studies, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, 1998-99.
63. Discussed below.
64. See Edward H. Schafer, "Parrots in Medieval China," in Studia Serica, Benhard Karlgren Dedicala, Sinological Studies Dedicated to Bernhard Karlgren on his Seventieth Birthday, October Fifth, 1959, ed. Soren Egerod and Else Glahn (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1959). pp. 271-82.
65. Schafer explains (p. 271) that the term "yingwu and its cognates refer to any or all of the Psittacidae," including parakeets, lories, cockatoos, and parrots. See also Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand, A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Pr. , 1963), pp. 99-102
66. and id. , The Vermilion Bird, T'ang Images of the South (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Pr. , 1967), pp. 239-40, 246.
67. Songshi, 148. 3463.
68. For Zhang's biography, see Sung Biographies, ed. Herbert Franke, Miinchener Ostasiatische Studien, vol. 16, 3 vols. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976), vol. 1, pp. 23-25.
69. See Song Huiyao Jigao, "Ruiyi " ("Auspicious Signs and Wonders") 1. 8a (vol. 3, p. 2068B)
70. and Yuhai, "Kaibao Sanrui Qi" ("The Three Auspicious Omen Banners of [the] Kaibao [Reign-period]"), 83. 250-26a (vol. 2, pp. 1547D-1548A).
71. In addition to the citations directly above, see: Song Huiyao Jigao, Yufu (Carriages and Garments), 3. 1a (vol. 2, p. 1782A).
72. See also Yuhai: "Kaibao Cuoxiu Zhu Qi" ("The Embroidered Banners of the Kaibao [Reign-period]"), 83. 24b-25a (vol. 2, pp. 1547 AB), "Jianlong Xianping Yingwu" ("Yingwu of the Jianlong [960-963] and Xianping [998-1003] [Reign-periods]"), 199. 20b-22a (vol. 5, pp. 3645A-3646A), "Jianlong Sanrui Song" ("Hymns in Praise of the Three Auspicious Omens of the Jianlong [Reign-period]"), 200. 25a-26b (vol. 5, pp. 3664AB), "Qiande Ruiwu Qi" ("Auspicious Animal Banners of [the] Qiande [963-968] [Reign-period]"), 200. 26a (vol. 5, p. 3664B). Songshi, 1. 9, 145. 3400, and 146. 3435 (vols. I and 11).
73. Yuhai, "Jianlong Xianping Yingwu" ("Yingwu of the Jianlong and Xianping [Reign-periods]"), 199. 20b-22a (vol. 5, pp. 3645A-3646A).
74. Youyang Zazu (Assorted Notes from Youyang), comp. Duan Chengshi (ca. 800-863), 30 juan, repr. ed. Fang Nansheng (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1981), qianji (1st collection), 16. 154.
75. Taiping Yulan (Imperially Reviewed Encyclopaedia of the Taiping [Reign-period]), comp. Li Fang (925-996) et al. , 984; repr. 1000 juan, 4 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1985), 924. 4a (vol. 4, p. 4103B), ("Wuse yingwu"), citing Tangshu (Tang History).
76. Cefu Yuangui (Outstanding Models from the Storehouse of Literature), comp. Wang Qinruo et al. , completed 1013,'quoted in Gujin Tushu ficheng (Imperially Approved Synthesis of Books and Illustrations Past and Present), comp. Chen Menglei et al. , 10,000 juan, 1726-1728
77. repr. Qinchoug Dian (The Animal Kingdom Section [of Gujin Tushu Jicheng]), ed. Zhuang Yanxi et sl. , in the series Zhongguo Gudian Jingpin Yingyin Jicheng (Compendium of Photolithographic Facsimiles of Classical Fine Works) (Shanghai: Shanghai Wenyi Chubanshe, 1998), Bourn Hui Pian, Qinchong Dian (Arts and Sciences Category, Animal Kingdom Section),juan 44 (Yingwu bu [Yingwu Subsection]) (ce 518, p. 43a. 3); this is the fullest version of the story; for Zhang Yue's poem and preface, see p. 423. 1 ('"Shile niao pian,' you xu" ['"Poem on the Joy-of-the-Season Bird' and Preface"]).
78. Schafer notes the story, adduces citations, and records numerous yingwu tributes in his "Parrots," p. 278
79. Golden Peaches, p. 101
80. and Vermilion Bird, p. 246.
81. Inscription transcribed in Wang Jie et al. , comps. , Shiqu Baoji Xu Bian (Catalogue of the Qing Imperial Painting and Calligraphy Collection, Continued) (1793; facs. repr. , Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1971), 4:1915A
82. trans. , annot. , and commentary in Sturman, Cranes Above Kaifeng, p. 33 ff.
83. Reproduced in color in Fu Xinian, ed. , Liang Song Huihua, Shang (Northern and Southern Song Paintings, Part 1), vol. 3 of Zhongguo Meishu Quanji: Huihua Bian (Comprehensive Collection of the Arts of China: Painting Section) (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1988), no. 47.
84. Ogawa Hiromitsu, "Auspicious Cranes, by Hui-tsung" (in Japanese, with English abstract), in Bijutsushi-Ronsd (Studies in Art History), no. 12 (Tokyo: Tokyo University, Department of Art History, Faculty of Letters, 1996), pp. 129-37.
85. This work is one of Ogawa's series of studies of crane-painting traditions in China and Japan and their deployment in Europe. For references to these studies, see Ogawa, Auspicious Cranes and see notes in his "Sinoiserie around Japonaiserie: A study of Japonaiscrie: Oiran (after Keisai Eisen) by Vincent van Gogh," in Bijutsushi-Ronsō, no. 8 (1992), pp. 111-27.
86. Ellen Laing, "A Survey of Liao Dynasty Bird-and-Flower Painting. " Journal of Song and Yuan Studies, vol. 24 (1994). PP- 57-99
87. and "Liao Bird-and-Flower Painting Revisited," paper read for the symposium "Re-mapping the Northeast: China's Frontier Cultures in the Middle Period (907-1279), Reed College, Portland, Oregon, 18-20 February 2000. I am very grateful to Ellen Laing for sharing her manuscript and for discussing the issues with me.
88. Recorded in Shiqu Daoji Xu Bian, 4:1915A
89. trans, in Sturman, Cranes Above Kaifeng, p. 33
90. see also his discussion, pp. 38-42 ("Dancing Cranes, Huizong's Music, and the Lantern Festival").
91. Kesi Xian Shan Longe (Kesi [tapestry] Immortals in a Mountain Pavilion). Kesi silk tapestry, 28. 2 × 35. 8 cm, leaf no. 5 from the album Lou Hui Ji jin Ce, National Palace Museum, Taipei; reproduced in color in Wen Fong and James C. Y. Watt et. al. , Possessing the Past, Treasures from the National Palace Museum, Taipei (New York: MMA and NPM, 1996), pl. 127, with Cranes of Good Omen (fig. 96) conveniently on the same page for comparison.
92. See James Watt, "Antiquarianism and Naturalism," chap. 10 in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 249.
93. For these techniques and fine illustrations, see Kaneo Matsumoto, Jōdai-gire: 7th and 8th Century Textiles in Japan from the Shōsō-in and Hōr)'ū-ji (Kyoto: Shikosha, 1984)
94. see esp. pp. 207-8, "Patterned-dyed Textiles. "
95. Hebei Sheng Wenwu Yanjiusuo and Baoding Shi Wenwu Guanli Chu, Wudai Wang Chuzhi Mu (Wang Chuzhi's Tomb of the Five Dynasties Period) (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1998). The volume is exceptionally well illustrated; for excellent photographs of the cranes and their immediate context, see pls. 1-3, 6, 10, 13.
96. Wang Jianqun and Chen Xiangwei, Kulun Liaodai Bihua Mu (Murals in Liao Dynasty Tombs at Kulun Banner) (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1989), figs. 11-12. For paintings of cranes, bamboo, and butterflies, see figs. 14, 15. .
97. Datongshi Bowuguan (Datong Municipal Museum), "Datong Jindai Yan Deyuan Mu Fazhuo Jianbao" ("Preliminary Report on the Jin-Dynasty Tomb of Yan Deyuan at Datong"), Wenwu, 1978. 4, pp. 1-13 and pls. 1-2
98. the textiles are illustrated as pl. 2
99. and see Verity Wilson, "Cosmic Raiment: Daoist Traditions of Liturgical Clothing," in Orientations, vol. 26, no. 5 (May 1995), pp. 44, 47, where the robe and mantle are also reproduced.
100. For a color illustration of the robe, see Zhongguo Yiguang Fushi Da Cidian (Dictionary of Chinese Costumes and Ornaments), ed. Zhou Xun and Gao Chunming (Shanghai: Shanghai Cishu Chubanshe, 1996), pl. 152
101. For an illustrated repertory of stitches used in Chinese embroideries of birds, animals, and flowers, see Gao Hanyu, Chinese Textile Designs, trans. Rosemary Scott and Susan Whitfield (London and New York: Viking/Penguin, 1992) (first published in Chinese as Zhongguo Lidai Zhi Ran Xiu Tulu [Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1986]), pp. 264-67.
102. Also see Patricia Ebrey, "Taking out the Grand Carriage: Imperial Spectacle and the Visual Culture of Northern Song Kaifeng," Asia Major, 3rd ser. , vol. XII, pt. I (1999), pp. 33-65, esp. pp. 53-54 and figs. 5, 9, 13.
103. see also Song Huiyao: Yufu 3. 1b-2a (vol. 2, pp. 1782AB) and Ruiyi 1. 21a-b and 23a-b (vol. 3. pp. 2075A, and 2076A)
104. Yuhai, "Taiping Xingguo Rui Shi" ("Auspicious Rocks of the Taiping Xingguo [Reign-period, 976-983]"), 196. 10a-11a (vol. 5, pp. 3597B-98A)
105. and Songshi, 146. 3435 and 148. 3462-63 (vol. 11), which also gives stipulations for embroidered banner emblems.
106. Inscription transcribed in Wu Rongguan, Xinchou Xiaoxia Ji (Notes on Passing the Summer of 1841), Yishu Shangjian Xuanzhen (Selected Gems on the Appreciation and Connoisseurship of Fine Arts), 2nd ser. (Taipei, 1971), 1. 29b-30 (pp. 86-87)
107. excerpts trans, in Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 36, p. 50 n. 56
108. the painting is discussed p. 36. Reproduced in color in Fu Xinian, Liang Song Huihua, no. 46.
109. Because of its emphatic patternization and hard edges, some scholars consider Auspicious Dragon Rock to have been painted long after Huizong's time. (Among others, James Cahill, in discussions at the School of Historical Studies, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, 1998-1999. ) To me, the same distinctive qualities seem appropriate to its purpose and no obstacle to considering it together with Five-Colored Parakeet and Cranes of Good Omen (Figs. 1,2).
110. For a slightly different translation, see Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 36.
111. Zuxiu, "Huayanggong Jishi" ("Chronicle of Events of the Florescent Solarity Palace"), quoted in Zhang Hao (ca. 1180-1250), "Genyue Ji" ("Record of the Northeast Marchmount"), in Zhongguo Lidai Mingyuan ji Xuanzhu (Annotated Selections of Records of Famous Gardents Through the Ages), ed. and annot. Chen Zhi and Zhang Gongji (Hefei: Anhui Kexue Jishu Chubanshe, 1983), pp. 56-64
112. for named and engraved rocks, see p. 61 and p. 63 n. 30. Trans, in James Hargett, "Huizong's Magic Marchmount: The Genyue Pleasure Park of Kaifeng," Monumenta Serica, vol. 38 (1988-89), pp. 38-43
113. For auspicious glyph rocks, see Yuhai, 196. 10a-11a (vol. 5, pp. 3597B-3598A)
114. also Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 34.
115. For the list of rocks, see Zuxiu "Huaysnggong Jishi," p. 61
116. trans. Hargett, "Huizong's Magic Marchmount," pp. 41-42
117. In this connection we note an old painting, Alchemical Rocks, in the collections of the the Harvard University Art Museums. Painted in mineral pigments and bearing a spurious "Xuanhe yubi" ("Xuanhe Palace, imperial brush") inscription, the painting. may be a fragment of an auspiciousrocks album or handscroll. Reproduced and discussed in John Hay, Kernels of Energy Bones of Earth (New York: China Institute, 1985), pl. 26 (fig. 13) and p. 49.
118. Huizong, "Genyue Ji" ("Record of Genyue"), in Zhang Hao, "Genyue Ji," p. 58, trans, in Hargett, "Huizong's Magic Marchmount," p. 35. Hargett treats Genyue in the history of imperial gardens and parks (pp. 1-6), he discusses the "Flower and Rock Network" (pp. 10-15), and he raises the subject of Genyue's multiple configurations and functions (pp. 28-31). With regard to the last topic, see Ebrey, "Taoism and Art at the Court of Song Huizong," p. 108.
119. Dong Yanming, "Shi Tan Zhao Ji"
120. Xu Bangda, "Huizong Qinbi Hua," p. 63
121. and Gu Shuhua, p. 224
122. and scholars following them, including Sturman, "Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 36
123. and Wu Tung, Tales from the Land of Dragons, pp. 140-41.
124. See Yuhai, "Qingli Longtu Tianchang Ge Guan Sanchao Ruiwu" ("The Viewing of Auspicious Things from the Three Reigns in the Halls of the Dragon Diagram and the Heavenly Manifestations during the Qingli [1041-1048] [Reign-period]"), 200. 32b-33a (5:3667B-68a)
125. also Songshi 206. 5259 (vol. 15), where the item is listed as "Huizong. Taiping Ruilan Tu, yi juan".
126. Yuhai, 200. 32b-33a (5:3667B-68a).
127. See Sougshi Yiwen Zhi Cuangbian (The Trcatise on Bibliography from the Song History, Extended Compilation) [repr. of Songshi Yiwen Zhi, Bu, Fu Bian (The Treatise on Bibliography front the Song History, Its Supplement, and Related Texts) (Shanghai: 1957)] (Taipei: Shijie Shuju, 1963), p. 5227.
128. The Songshi's chapters on signs and portents repeatedly note the unmanageable surfeit of auspicious omens at Huizong's court: From the first month of the first year of the Zhenghe reign (1111), auspicious signs were heard of daily. Hardly a year went by without jade fungi of immortality springing up in the imperial palace precincts, so that all over the palace grounds, the gardens and the concubines' quarters all had them. And outside [the forbidden precincts], from the Secretariat to the Chancellery, to the National University and the Medical School, purple fungi of immortality also appeared. By the fifth year of the Zhenghe reign-period (1115/16) - a year during which, in addition to other auspicious offerings, tributes of fungi of immortality were presented in batches of 1,600, 30,000, and 60,000 stems - "the officials could not keep up with recording them. " Hitherto officials had greeted such auspicious signs by offering the emperor congratulations, but after this time they were considered common and congratulations were not always forthcoming (Songshi 63. 1395 [vol. 5]).
129. The avalanche of auspicious omens during that year evidently impressed historians. The Songshi compilers again remark that from this time on the court historigraphers recorded so many auspicious wonders and propitious signs, that it was said that tributes of auspicious grain were taken as common occurrences and they stopped recording them until the end of the Xuanhe reign, when collecting and special recording of multiheaded stalks of auspicious grain were resumed (Songshi, 64. 1408-09 [vol. 5]).
130. For Song and Yuan accounts of the Xuanhe Ruilan Ce project, see Deng Chun, Huaji, 1. 3-4
131. trans, in Sirén, Chinese Painting, vol. 2, pp. 79-80
132. See also Tang Hou's (act. ca. 1322-1329) account in Huajian (Painting Criticism), comp. Tang Hou, completed by Zhang Yu (1277-after 1329), in Yu Anlan, comp. , Huapin Congshu (Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1982), p. 420.
133. Deng, Huaji, 1. 3-4.
134. Tang Hou, Huajian, p. 420. Sirén (vol. 2, p. 80) raises the same question and proposes a similar answer. Unlike Tang Hou, however, Sirén does not claim to be able to to recognize the authentic Huizong paintings at a glance.
135. See above, pp. 76-77.
136. For Deng Chun and the role of social status in ordering and evaluating artists in the Song critical literature, see Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on the Art of Painting: Su Shih (1037-1101) to Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (1555-1636), Harvard-Yenching Institute Studies, no. 27 (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Pr. , 1971), pp. 76-77
137. also Early Chinese Texts on Painting, ed. and comp. Susan Bush and Hsio-yen Shih (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Univ. Pr. for Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1985), pp. 92, 129-32 ("Classification by Social Status").
138. Deng, Huaji, 1. 1-2.
139. Trans. in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts, p. 134.
140. Deng, Huaji, 1. 2; my emphasis.
141. Deng, Huaji, 1. 2
142. Bush, Chinese Literati, pp. 21-22.
143. See Deng, Huaji, 10. 123
144. trans. Maeda, Two Sung Texts, pp. 97-98
145. Maxwell Hearn has pointed out that, although the Songshi records some thirty paintings of auspicious signs received at court prior to Huizong's reign, none of these recorded painting titles appears in the Xuanhe Huapu catalogue of the imperial Song painting collections or in other early texts on painting (see Maxwell Hearn, "Reunification and Revival," chap. 13 in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 271).
146. Inscription translated annotated, and interpreted in Charles Hartman, "Literary and Visual Interactions in Lo Chih-ch'uan's Crows in Old Trees," The Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 28 (1993), pp. 148-49.
147. Reproduced in color in Fu, Liang Song, no. 41.
148. Trans, in Alexander Soper, Kuo Jo-Hsü's Experiences in Painting (T'u-hua chien-wen chih), American Council of Learned Societies, Studies in Chinese and Related Civilizations, no. 6 (Washington: ACLS, 1951), pp. 12-13.
149. Huang Quan's (903-968) famous Xiesheng Zhenqin Tnjuan (Studies from Nature), Palace Museum, Beijing, is a perfect example of Song visual taxonomy in action, particularly suitable because its inscription says it was made for his son Huang Jubao, presumably for instructional purposes. The painting is reproduced widely, including a color reproduction in Zhongguo Lidai Huihua, Gugong Bowuyuan Canglma Ji (Chinese Painting through the Ages, Paintings in the Palace Museum Collections), vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin Meishu Chubanshe, 1978), pp. 74-75.
150. Although this work is ascribed to the tenth-century Academy master, James Cahill gives it a "middle Song date (time of Huizong)?" This I think is exactly right. See Cahill, Index, p. 35.
151. Trans. , annot. , and interpret, in Charles Hartman, "Crows in Old Trees," pp. 148-49; I follow Hartman's readings here.
152. See Nozaki, Kisshō Zuan.
153. For chrysanthemum, see no. 43, pp. 176-77
154. for chrysanthemum and butterfly, see no. 70, p. 252.
155. Hartman, "Crows in Old Trees," p. 149. He treats the history of the motif on pp. 145-49
156. for the association of the golden pheasant with second-class rank from Tang times, see p. 146.
157. Hartman, "Crows in Old Trees," pp. 149, 165-66 n. 95.
158. James Hightower, Han Shih Wai Chuan, Han Ying's Illustrations of the Didactic Application of the Classic of Songs, Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series, vol. 11 (Cambridge, Mass. , Harvard Univ. Pr. , 1952). P- 62
159. for the whole episode, see pp. 62-63.
160. Hightower, Hanshi Waizhuan, pp. 62-63.
161. Hartman, "Chinese Hawks," pp. 32-35.
162. reproduction in Xie Zhiliu, Tang Wudai, pl. 34.
163. Recorded, including transcription of inscriptions, colophons, and seals, in Wu Rongguan, Xinchou Xiaoxia Lu, 1. 290-30 (pp. 86-87).
164. Inscription transcribed in National Palace Museum, Cugong Shuhua Lu (Calligraphy and Painting Catalogue of the [National] Palace [Museum]), 4 vols, 5. 66 (vol. 3)
165. Trans, by Charles Mason and color reproduction in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 165 and pl. 72.
166. Trans, by Charles Mason in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 165. Qianshen Bai treats this painting in his "Image as Word, A Preliminary Study of Rebus Play in Song Painting (960-1279)," in The Metropolitan Museum of Art Journal, vol. 24 (1999), pp. 63-64.
167. Bai, Image as Word, p. 22.
168. Bai credits Wang Yao-t'ing as the first to relate the painting to the theme of love in his "Images of the Heart: Chinese Painting on a Theme of Love," National Palace Museum Bulletin, vol. 12, no. 6 (January-February 1988), p. 5.
169. Yang Wangxiu's list (completed 1199; Postscript, 1210) appears in the anonymous Song Nan Song Guange Xulu (Supplement to An Account of the Southern Song Imperial Library and Associated Scholarly Agencies of Government [1127-1178]), 10 juan, in Nan Song Guange Lu, Xulu (Account of the Southern Song Imperial Library and Associated Scholarly Agencies of Government), comp. Chen Kui (1128-1203), 1178, 10 juan and Supplement, ed. Zhang Fuxiang (Beijing: Zhonghua Chubanshe, 1998), juan 3 ("Chucang" ["Old Collection"]), pp. 179-96.
170. Yang Wangxiu's list and Postscript circulates as an independent text, entitled "Song Zhongxing Guange Chucang Tuhua Ji" ("Record of the Southern Song Old Painting Collection"), in Yishu Congpian (Collected Writings on the Fine Arts), vol. 10, text #73, pp. 204-19.
171. See usage in Yuhai, "Yushu mulu" ("Catalogue of Imperial Calligraphy"), 27. 10ab (vol. 1, p. 536A). Thus, in Yang Wangxiu's list, the claim made in the recorded signature line of these paintings is greater than that made in the annotation to each item.
172. The paintings in Yang Wangxiu's list that follow our group of eight are (with one exception) credited to named artists. Most of these works are inscribed with short title-and-artist Imperial inscriptions, sometimes followed by a date or short comment. Among the paintings under study here, Blossoming Peach and Dove (Fig. 6) is an example of a flower-andbird painting bearing a short Huizong inscription. See Max Loehr, "Chinese Paintings with Sung Dated Inscriptions," Ars Orientalis, vol. 4 (1961), pp. 238-39, and see his entries on other Huizong-inscribed paintings.
173. James Cahill, "The Imperial Painting Academy," chap. 8 in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 165.
174. The dimensions of these paintings are: Hibiscus and Golden Pheasant, 81. 5 × 53. 6 cm
175. Wax-Plum and Birds, 83. 8 × 53. 3 cm.
176. For instance, Ecke ("Emperor Hui-Tsung", p. 160), observes of Hibiscus and Golden Pheasant: The calligraphy is well written, though the size is much too large to suit the delicate painting. It is placed at a crucial area, interrupting between the sight of the bird who is watching straightly over the two butterflies, with the intensity of a hunter. The poem is distracting both in its pictorial composition and in its content. An artist who created a sensitive painting like this would never had had such poor lyrical sense nor would he have cluttered up the painted space so abruptly.
177. Li Xinchuan, Qianyan Yilai Chaoye Zaji (Notebook on the Palaces and Provinces from the Qianyan [1127-1130] [Reign-period]), 2nd (yi) Collection (1216), 20 juan, Congshu Jicheng edn. , "'Qinbi,' yu 'yubi,' 'neipi' butong" ('"Personally brushed,' 'imperial brush,' and 'internal comment' are not the same"), yi ji, 11. 469.
178. "Huizong's Palace Poems (Gonga)"; cf. n. 14. 1 am very grateful to Ronald Egan for allowing me to quote from his work here.
179. I owe this formulation to Amanda C. Burdan, who is a graduate student in the History of Art and Architecture Department, Brown University.
180. See, for instance, Li Huishu, "Songdai Huafeng"
181. Ch'en Paochen, "Song Huizong Huiha"
182. and Qianshen Bai, "Image as Word. "
183. See Susan Bush's sensitive and sensible handling of the issues in her discussion of Zhang Kui's (act. 2nd half of twelfth c. ) painting of a Sacred Tortoise, in which a speech balloon bearing the character shou ("longevity") issues from its mouth; "Five Paintings of Animal or Narrative Themes and their Relevance to Chin Culture," in China Under Jurchen Rule, ed. Hoyt Cleveland Tillman and Stephen H. West (Albany: SUNY Univ. Pr. , 1995), pp. 183-89 and fig. 1.
184. For a color reproduction of the painting, see Fu, Liang Song, no. 62.
185. "Taoism at the Sung Court: The Heavenly Text Affair of 1008," Bulletin of Sung-Yiian Studies, vol. 16 (1980), p. 23
186. See Yang Shiwen, "Ruiyi Lun"
187. Cahill, "Taoism at the Sung Court"
188. and Songshi Jishi Benmo (The Songshi Topically Arranged), comp. Chen Bangchan (1557-1602), 109 juan, repr. (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1977), 3 vols. , juan 22 (vol. 1, pp. 161-76).
189. S. Cahill, "Taoism at the Sung Court," p. 25. Cahill (n. 7)
190. cites Stein's "Jardins en Miniature d'Extrême-Orient," Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 42 (1942).
191. For the history of the rites and their significance, see Howard J. Wechsler, Offerings of Jade and Silk, Ritual and Symbol in the Legitimation of the T'ang Dynasty (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Pr. , 1985), chap. 9, "The Feng and Shan Sacrifices," pp. 170-94.
192. "Cranes Above Kaifeng," pp. 35-36.
193. Chinese Painting, Treasures of Asia (n. p. : Skira, 1960), p. 74.
194. Willard Peterson, "Making Connections: 'Commentary on the Attached Verbalizations' of the Book of Changes," HJAS, vol. 42 (1982), pp. 67-116.
195. Peterson's ideas are very suggestive for improving our understanding of auspicious images, as is his more recent study "A Perspective on Reading 'The Record of the Methods of the Brush'," in Ways with Words, ed. Pauline Yu et al. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: Univ. of California Pr. , 2000), pp. 236-44.
196. I am grateful to him for sharing his work in manuscript form with me. The question of efficacy and the key term xiang are too large and complex to be handled here and are central to my research on "Auspicious Visuality in China" (book in progress). Sturman ("Cranes Above Kaifeng," p. 45) discusses xiang with regard to Huizong's painting. In this connection he quotes Cai Tao's account of an auspicious event that occurred in 1116, when Huizong's great tripod was moved to the palace: "Again there was the auspicious-ness of flying cranes; the clouds were like the xiang of drawn hexagrams. " Sturman, then, undercuts the thrust of Cai's observation by remarking that, "Cai Tao does not mean that the literal images of the hexagrams appeared, but rather the primitive pictographic forms of clouds from a time when painting and writing were thought to be undifferentiated. " Sturman may have in mind billowy cumuli, but one only need recall the streaky sky of a breezy summer evening to see, with Cai, the solid and broken lines of the hexagram. See also Cai Tao, Tiewei Shan, 1. 12.
197. See Wu Hong, The Wu Liang Shrine, the Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Pr. , 1989), pp. 76-85, "Omen Designs and the Cataloguing Style. " Wu (p. 85) remarks on the extreme flatness of the Wu Liang omen slabs, even in the context of the characteristically flat approach to engraved pictures at the Wu Liang shrine. He attributes this to functional considerations.
198. Ecke raises possible connections between Huizong's Xuanhe Ruilan Ce and the wood- block-illustrated pharmaceutical texts that were produced under his patronage. These texts were amply illustrated with images of plants, animals, birds, and rocks. Ecke's notion that these woodblock images, or the designs from which they were cut, may have influenced painting seems plausible to me. The function of these manuals also mandated clear, diagnostic isolated images. For Huizong's patronage and projects and for reproductions of pages from the manuals, see Biology and Biological Technology, Part One: Botany, vol. 6, pt. 1 of Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr. , 1986), pp. 282-87 and figs- 51a ff.
199. For these and other examples, with discussion, see Bickford, Three Rams and Three Friends
200. also Qianshen Bai, Word as Image.
201. See, for example, Xuanzong's Auspicious Grain, Sanyang kai Tai, Hens and Chicks, God of Longevity, Riches and Rank in a Bronze Vessel, reproduced in National Palace Museum, Gugong Shuhua Tulu (Illustrated Catalogue of Painting and Calligraphy in the National Palace Museum) (Taipei: NPM, 1989-), vol. 6, pp. 143, 145, 151, 155, 159.
202. Trans, in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, pp. 555-56, modified.
203. Chinese Painting, p. 74.
204. For pre-Huizong Song tribute paintings recorded in Songshi, see Hearn, in Fong and Watt, Possessing the Past, p. 592 n. 11; he counts thirty such paintings (p. 271).
205. The Yuhai account is supplemented by the account in Songshi Jishi Benmo, juan 22 (vol. I, pp. 161-76). Suzanne Cahill's "Taoism at the Sung Court" remains the best account and analysis in English of the Heavenly Text Affair; I draw heavily on it here.
206. Changpian, 70. 6a
207. Songshi, 310. 10187
208. Song Benmo, 22. 166.
209. Yuhai, 200. 303b and 31b-32a (vol. 5, pp. 366B and 367AB)
210. Song Huiyao Jigao, Chongrui, 7. 40b (vol. 3, p. 2308B).
211. For a discussion of Illustration of Imperial Guards of Honor and its context, and for reproductions of details, see Ebrey, "Taking out the Grand Carriage"esp. pp. 53-54 and figs. 5, 9, 13
212. see also Chen Pengcheng, "Jiuti Dajia Lubu Tushu Zhongdao Yanjiu: 'Yanyou Lubu' Niandai Kao" ("A Study of the Painting with the Old Title Imperial Procession Guard, Middle Section: An Investigation into the Date of the [so-called] 'Yanyou [1314-1320] Imperial Procession'"), Gugong Bouwyuan Yuankan (Palace Museum [Beijing] Journal), 1996. 2, pp. 76-85.
213. Its elements documented and described in cartouches along its upper edge, this handscroll is thought to be an instructional painting for the mounting of imperial processions in connection with the Grand Sacrifice. For color reproductions of portions of the painting, see National Museum of Chinese History, A Journey into China's Past (Beijing: Morning Glory Publishers, 1997), vol. 3, pp. 238-43.
214. See Bo Songnian, "Gongting Jielinghua Gouchen" ("On the Festival Paintings of the Imperial Court"), Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan, 2000. 2, pp. 27-32
215. for Zhong Kui, see p. 29.
216. For "Family Celebration" paintings, see Deng, Huaji, 10. 123
217. trans, in Maeda, Two Sung Texts, p. 97. I am indebted to James Cahill for this reference.
218. Deng Chun, Huaji, 10. 121-22
219. trans, in Maeda, Two Sung Texts, p. 96.
220. Tang Hou, Huajian, p. 420.