Ineffable paths: Mapping Wutaishan in Qing dynasty China

Art Bulletin

Volumn 89, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 108-129

  Chou, Wen Shing ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

^b Berkeley   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 60950554255     PISSN: 00043079     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00043079.2007.10786332     Document Type: Article

References (107)

1. According to the inscription on the print (see App.), the original woodblock set was carved by the Mongolian lama (Gelong) Lhündrup (act. 1846) of Cifusi (Temple of Merciful Blessings)
2. The earliest and most widely quoted scriptural reference is The Flower Garland Sutra. See Dafangguofo huayan jing, Takakusu Junjirō and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds., Taishō shinshū Daizōkyō [The Buddhist Canon, comp. Taishō era, 1912-26] (Tokyo: Taishō issaikyō kankōkai, 1924-32), T.10: 45.241, b20-22. Following standard convention, references to texts in the Taishō canon are indicated by text number (T.), followed by the volume, page, register (a, b, or c), and, when appropriate, line numbers
3. See Zheng Cheng (1546-1617), 1596, rev. Lama Awanglaozang (1601-1687), 1660, Qingliangshan zhi [Record of the Clear and Cool Mountains] (reprint, Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1989), 108. The earliest legend has to do with the frequent sightings of a "Five Bearded Immortal" at Wutaishan since the time of Emperor Ming (r. 27-75 CE) of the Eastern Han dynasty, which, through the help of the discovery of Buddhist scripture, was identified as the incarnation of Mañjuśrī
4. The Shunzhi and Kangxi emperors' construction of large imperial temples on each of the five terraces was recorded in many Mongolian, Tibetan, and Chinese sources. See Damcho Gyatsho Dharmatāla, Rosary of White Lotuses: Being the Clear Account of How the Precious Teaching of Buddha Appeared and Spread in the Great Hor Country, trans. Piotr Klafkowski, supervised by Nyalo Trulku Jampa Kelzang Rinpoche (1889; Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1987), 418-19
5. For the Manchu emperors' appointment of Tibetan and Mongolian monastic officials Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 17-25
6. Besides Wutaishan, the only other holy mountain the Manchu emperors took an avid interest in, albeit for very different reasons, was Taishan. See Brain Dott, Identity Reflections: Pilgrimages to Mount Tai in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 150-93
7. See Chun Rong, "Cifusi," Wutaishan yanjiu, no. 1 (1999): 21-22. The article dates Cifusi's initial construction to 1814 but does not supply sources
8. See David Farquhar, "Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch'ing Empire," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38, no. 1 (1978): 34
9. Wang Xiangyun, "Tibetan Buddhism at the Court of Qing" (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1995), 103-8
10. Evelyn Rawski, The Last Emperors: A Social History of Qing Imperial Institutions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 252-63
11. and Gray Tuttle, "Early Qing Patronage of (Tibetan) Buddhism at Wutai shan: The Chinese Language Register" (seminar paper, Harvard University, 2004). I thank Tuttle for kindly sharing his unpublished materials with me
12. I chanced on seven copies of the image in Chinese and overseas collections, indicating there are many more copies. In addition to the Helsinki print, there is one at the Confucian Temple at Ochanomizu in Tokyo, one in the Etnografiska Museum in Stockholm, from the collection of explorer Sven A. Hedin (1865-1952), one in the collection of the Rubin Museum of Art in New York, one in the Beijing National Library, and two copies in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. The Tokyo print is reproduced in F. A. Bischoff, "Die Wu T'ai Shan Darstellung von 1846," in Proceedings of the Csoma de Koros Symposium, ed. Ernst Steinkellner and Helmut Tauscher, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde (Vienna: Universität Wien, 1983), 17-18
13. the Stockholm copy is cited in Li Xiaocong, A Descriptive Catalogue of pre-1900 Chinese Maps Seen in Europe (Beijing: Qinghua University Press, 1996), 31; the Rubin Museum of Art copy is available online at Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation, http://www.himalayanart.org/image.cfm/65371.html (accessed September 15, 2005). This study is primarily informed by the Helsinki print
14. The Library of Congress (hereafter LC) owns two copies. One hand-colored copy acquired in 1905 (although not recorded in the LC's annual reports) possibly came into the collection along with other maps and rare books donated by William Rockhill, who visited Wutaishan several times. We can assume this because the LC did not receive many donations at the time, and Rockhill was one of its earliest contributors. One section of the map is published in Cordell Yee's The History of Cartography, vol. 2, bk. 2, Cartography in the Traditional East and Southeast Asian Societies, ed. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), pl. 14. Another unpainted print came from the map collection of Arthur Hummel (1884-1975). Only the central portion of the image is still visible
15. For scholarship on popular woodblock prints Wang Shucun, ed., Zhongguo gudai minsu banhua (Beijing: Xin shijie, 1992)
16. and Po Sungnien and David Johnson, Domesticated Deities and Auspicious Emblems: The Iconography of Everyday Life in Village China, Publications of the Chinese Popular Culture Project, no. 2 (Berkeley: Chinese Popular Culture Project, 1992)
17. Halen, Mirrors of the Void, 3. Painters from Wutaishan also traveled to Urga frequently at the end of the nineteenth century
18. See A. M. Pozdneyev, Mongolia and the Mongols (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1971), 69
19. By their attributes, they are identified as the five-directional emanations of Mañjuśrī. They are known to dwell on the five peaks of Wutaishan, also known as the five topknots of Mañjuś rī. See Yanyi, Guang Qingliang zhuan, T.51: 1104, b25-c10
20. See also Fang Qingqi, "Wutaishan Wenshu Pusa" [Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī of Wutaishan], Wutaishan yanjiu, no. 2 (1994): 20-24
21. See App
22. The earliest scholarship on the map mural of Wutaishan was spurred by the possibility of "reconstructing" the historical Wutaishan itself using the medieval map mural at Dunhuang. The underlying assumption of the map's value lies in its ability to reveal the original architecture and topography of the site. See Liang Sicheng, "Dunhuang bihua zhong suo jian de zhongguo gudai jianzhu" [Ancient Chinese Architecture Seen in the Dunhuang Murals]: 1-48
23. and Su Bai, "Dunhuang mogaoku zhong de wutaishan tu" [The Wutaishan Mural in Dunhuang Cave 61], Wenwu Cankao ziliao 2, no. 5 (1951): 49-71
24. See Yee, The History of Cartography, 54
25. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 91-110
26. See J. B. Harley, "Power and Legitimation in the English Geographical Atlases of the Eighteenth Century," in The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001)
27. Many subsequent studies of maps are based on similar approaches. For a study of the Qing imperial mapping project of its frontiers James Millward, "'Coming onto the Map': Western Regions' Geography and Cartographic Nomenclature in the Making of Chinese Empire in Xinjiang," Late Imperial China 20, no. 2 (1999): 61-98
28. For a study on the creation of a national identity through the introduction of cartography in modern Thailand Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994)
29. See Tsuen-Hsuin Tsien, Paper and Printing, pt. I of Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Science and Civilisation in China, ed. Joseph Needham, vol. 5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 8-9, 146-59
30. and Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and Its Spread Westward (New York: Ronald Press, 1955)
31. See Walter Benjamin, "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction" (1935), in Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (London: Fontana, 1992), 211-44
32. For a discussion of Qing multilingualism and translation Patricia Berger, Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003), 34-62
33. For a study on the veneration of a replicated image Martha Carter, The Mystery of the Udayana Buddha (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1990)
34. See Robert Gimello, "Chang Shang-ying on W'u-'tai Shan," in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Junfang Yu (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 89-149
35. See Zheng Cheng, Qingliangshan zhi, juan 8
36. See Ennin (794-864), Nittō guhō junrei gȳoki (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1970-85), trans. as Ennin's Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law by Edwin O. Reischauer (New York: Ronald Press, 1955)
37. For studies on visions at Wutaishan Raoul Birnbaum, "The Manifestation of a Monastery: Shen-Ying's Experiences on Mount Wu-t'ai in T'ang Context," Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 1 (January-March 1986): 119-37
38. Gimello, "Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t'ai Shan"
39. and Daniel Stevenson, "Visions of Manjusri on Mount Wutai," in Religions of China in Practice, ed. Donald Lopez (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 203-22
40. According to all accounts of his life, Tsongkhapa, founder of the Geluk sect of Tibetan Buddhism, continued to receive teachings from different forms of Mañjuśrī and other deities in his meditation. See Robert Thurman, ed., Life and Teachings of Tsongkhapa (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1982), 33
41. This story exists with many slightly variant versions in local compilations of Wutaishan's legends and on the Internet. See, for example, Fang et al., Wutaishan fengwu chuanshuo [Legends of Wutaishan] (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1985)
42. or Wei Guolong, Wutaishan chuanshuo gushi [Legends of Wutaishan] (Taiyuan: Shanxi guji chubanshe, 2004), 134
43. "Wutaishan Chuanshuo gushi" [Legends of Wutaishan], http://www.cnwts.net/wtsfj/chuansuo.htm#m29 (accessed September 15, 2005)
44. See Jose Ignacio Cabezon, Tibetan Literature: Studies in Genre (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion Publications, 1995), 338
45. and Yael Bentor, Consecration of Images and Stūpas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 3-4
46. Cabezon, Tibetan Literature, 333
47. In the Tibetan context, a holy mountain landscape may be understood as both an abode of a deity and an embodiment of the divine itself. See Toni Huber, The Cult of Pure Crystal Mountain (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 13
48. Models of Wutaishan were built in Korea and Japan, and several places in Tibet were known as Wutaishans of Tibet. See, for examples, 'Jam-dbyans Mkhyen-brtse'i-dban-po et al., Guide to the Holy Places of Central Tibet [in Tibetan] (Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1958), 72
49. and Andreas Gruschke, The Cultural Monuments of Tibet's Outer Provinces: Kham (Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2004), 82. The Qianlong emperor also replicated part of Wutaishan in Beijing and Chengde. Like painted and carved images, these models may be seen as endeavors to "bring Wutaishan home."
50. See Liu Xiu (887-946), comp., Jiu Tang Shu [Old Tang History] (reprint, Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1975), juan 17a, 512
51. and Ennin. Nittō guhō junrei gyōki, 99, trans. Reischauer, Ennin's Diary, 269
52. A tenth-century painting of Wutaishan from the Dunhuang manuscripts is now in the Musée Guimet, Paris, inv. no. EO. 3588. For reference to a stela in Baoding with the image of Wutai Cui Wenkui, "Wutaishan yu Wutaishan tu" [Wutaishan and the Image of Wutaishan], Wutaishan yanjiu, no. 3 (2004): 17-23. However, as the author provides no sources, we do not know its exact location or what it looks like
53. For a general description of the mural Ou Chaogui, "Wutai shengdi yu xizangshengseng" [The Sacred Land of Wutai and Tibetan Monks], Xizang Minzu Zongjiao [Tibetan Ethnic Religion], no. 1 (Spring 1994): 24
54. Studies on Cave 61 are foundational to the current study. See Dorothy Wong, "A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61," Archives of Asian Art 46 (1993): 27-52
55. Ernesta Marchand, "The Panorama of Wutaishan as an Example of Tenth Century Cartography," Oriental Art 22, no. 2 (1976): 158-73
56. and Zhao Shengliang, Dunhuang shiku yishu, Mogaoku di 61 ku [Dunhuang Cave 61] (Nanjing: Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, 1995)
57. For the tradition of depicting Wutaishan Cui Wenkui, "Wutaishan yu Wutaishan tu," 17-23
58. Several wall murals of Wutaishan are found in Tibet, among them those in the Samye Monastery, the Potala Palace, and the Norbulingka. See Xizang jianzhu de lishi wenhua [The History of Tibetan Architecture] (Xining: Qingbai remin chubanshe, 2003), 208. Another large mural of Wutaishan is found in Donggu si in Ganzi, Sichuan. I thank Luo Wenhua and Karl Ryavec for sharing their pictures
59. See, for example, Rong Xinjiang, "Dunhuang wenxian he huihua faning de wudai song chu zhongyuan yu xibei diqu de wenhua jiaowang" [The Cultural Exchange between the Central Plains and Northwest Regions during the Five Dynasties Seen in Dunhuang Manuscripts and Murals], Beijing daxue xuebao, no. 2 (1988): 55-62
60. and Farquhar, "Emperor as Bodhisattva," 5-34
61. See Huixiang, Gu Qingliang zhuan [Ancient History of the Clear and Cool Mountains] (Tang dynasty). The temple was then called Dafutusi (T.51: 1094, a25-b2)
62. Namely, after its similarity with the shape of the Vulture Peak. See Guang Qingliang zhuan T.51: 1103, c18
63. This is appropriate for the Qing emperors, who were believed to be emanations of Mañjuśrī. See Farquhar, "Emperor as Bodhisattva."
64. See Shi Miaozhou, Mengzang fojiao shi [History of Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhism] (Beijing: Jingcheng chubanshe, 1935), 88. Here, Cifusi was recorded as having been built in the Song dynasty (960-1279) and restored in the Early Republican period (1912-1928)
65. The other two are Yongansi and Lanransi. According to the 2003 Record of Wutai, Yongansi was relocated to its current location after a flood in the year 1643. See Wutaishan zhi (Taiyuan: Shanxi remin chubanshe, 2003), 221. I have not come across any record of Lanransi. It is also likely that these two temples, along with a handful of other sites and shrines, existed earlier for reasons discussed above but simply were not recorded in the gazetteers
66. The high lama in a sedan chair is probably the Jasag Lama, since he was the highest administrative official of the region. He was appointed by the emperor to administer all monasteries and religious affairs at Wutaishan. See Sechin Jagchid [Zhaqi Siqin], "Manzhou tongzhi xia menggu shenquan fengjian zhidu de jianli" [The Establishment of the Manchu-Controlled Mongolian Feudal System of Incarnation], Gugong wenxian 2, no. I (1970): 1-18. Arjia Rinpoche of Kumbum Monastery identified the image in the sedan chair as Maitreya in procession during the Maitreya festival. He also pointed out to me that the procession is likely to be making a circumambulation tour of the main monastic compounds in Taihuai, which is a route still taken by the Wutaishan monks today (conversation with author, November 12, 2005)
67. For the legend of the origin of Cham in Wutaishan "Wutaishan chuanshuo gushi," http://www.cnwts.net/wtsfj/chuansuo.htm#m26-(accessed September 15, 2005)
68. or Fang et al., Wutaishan fengwu chuanshuo
69. As the Cham festival was the most important in Wutaishan during this period, its festivities were also recorded with enthusiasm by many Westerners during their visits to Wutaishan in the early part of the twentieth century. See John Blofeld, The Wheel of Life: The Autobiography of a Western Buddhist (Berkeley: Shambala, 1972)
70. and Emil Fisher, The Sacred Wu Tai Shan: In Connection with Modern Travel from Tai Yuan Fu via Mount Wu Tai to the Mongolian Border (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1925)
71. See Jōbu Hibino, Godaisan [Mt. Wutai] (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1995), 251-57
72. See Rene de Nebresky-Wojkowitz, Tibetan Religious Dances (New Delhi: Paljor Publications, 1997)
73. See a section of lingji in Zhencheng, Qingliangshanzi
74. and Lubtsangdamba (Chinese: Laozang Danba, 1632-1684), Qingliang shan xinzhi [New Record of Clear and Cool Mountains] (1701)
75. The section is replaced by the name mingsheng (famous attractions) in Qinding Qingliang shan zhi [Imperial Record of Clear and Cool Mountains] (1785; imperial palace, 1811)
76. The first three are included in the Taishō canon: Huixiang, Gu Qingliang zhuan, T.51: 1091c-1100c
77. Yanyi, Guang Qingliang zhuan, T.51: 1127a-35a
78. and Zhang Shangyin, Xu Qingliang zhuan [Further Records of the Clear and Cool Mountains], T.51: 1127a-35a)
79. Zhencheng, Qingliangshanzhi
80. Both Awanglaozang and Laozang Danba were imperially appointed to governing posts at Wutaishan. See Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists, 22
81. Rölpé Dorjé's translation treatises are summarized by Damcho Gyatsho Dharmatāla, Rosary of White Lotuses, 402-3, in a chapter on translation
82. Rölpé Dorjé (1717-1786), Ri bo dhangs bsil gyi kar chag mjug ma tshang ba yod [Record of the Holy Land of Clear and Cool Mountains] (Zilin: Mtshos non mi rigs dpe skrun khan, 1993), trans. into Chinese as Shengdi Qingliang Shan zhi by Wang Lu, Wutaishan yanjiu, no. 2 (1990): 8-48
83. The biography of Rölpé Dorjé written by his disciple Thu'u bkwan reveals Rölpé Dorjé's intention behind his writing of the Record. Before Rölpé Dorjé's Tibetan version, there existed another version that was translated rather than transliterated, and which Rölpé Dorjé deemed inaccurate. The Tibetan monks complained that without a detailed guidebook they were unable to "remember" Wutaishan correctly. See Thu'u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (1737-1801) (Chinese: Tu guan luo sang que ji ni ma), Zhangjia guoshi Ruobi duoji zhuan [Biography of National Preceptor Rölpé Dorjé], trans. into Chinese by Chen Jinying and Ma Dalong (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 1988), 30. We know therefore that gazetteers and records were used as guidebooks, as indispensable tools for remembering the past, by monks from Mongolia and Tibet. It would not be surprising that this image functioned in a similar way as well
84. But other sources in Tibetan, Chinese, and Mongolian do not agree. For the controversy Chen Qingying and Jin Chengxiu, "Ke-erkebu zhebuzundanba huo fo zhuanshi de qiyuan xintan" [A New Investigation into the Origin of the Reincarnation of the Jebtsundambas of the Khalka Region], Qinghai minzu xuebao, no. 3 (2003): 9-14
85. Luo Wenhua first brought this story to my attention. The Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian sources do not agree on the whereabouts of the Dalai Lama after he was dethroned. See Dharmatāla, Gu-sri, and Piotr Klafkowski, The Secret Deliverance of the Sixth Dalai Lama, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, no. 3 (Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 1979)
86. Various versions of this legend were told to me many times throughout my visit to Wutaishan. When the thirteenth Dalai Lama visited Wutaishan in 1908, he made a point of paying homage to the cave where the sixth Dalai lama had purportedly meditated. See Ya Hanzhang, Dalai lama zhuan [Biography of the Thirteenth Dalai lama] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1984), 41
87. David S. Areford, "The Image in the Viewer's Hands: The Reception of Early Prints in Europe," Studies in Iconography 24 (2003): 5-42
88. See Wei Guolong, Wutaishan chuanshuo gushi, 23-37
89. A kung fu movie was made after this popular legend, Kangxi danao Wutaishan [Kangxi Storms Wutaishan], directed by Yu Deshui (Pearl River Film Studio, 1989)
90. Although the emperor as killer of the ferocious is a trope of virility in Chinese imperial history, it is still odd to find in a Buddhist context the commemoration of an act of killing. A later recension of the story responds by ending with Kangxi performing a major rite of offering to the slain tiger. See Wei Guolong, Wutaishan chuanshuo gushi, 44
91. Qinding Qingliang shan zhi, juan 1, 6
92. There are many other textual references to Emperor Xiaowen's traces at Wutaishan. See Ji skengzhou sanbao gantong lu [Collected Records of Sympathetic Resonances of the Three Jewels in the Divine land], T.52: 422, c9-13
93. Guang Qingliang zhuan, T.51: 1106, a3
94. For the Manchu emperors' hunting activities Ning Chia and Mark Elliott, "The Qing Hunt at Mulan," in New Qing Imperial History: The Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde, ed. James Millward (London: Routledge, 2004), 66-83
95. See Qinding Qingliang shan zhi, juan 1, 6, juan 4, 4, juan 5, 4, juan 5, 18, juan 6, 3
96. For a transcription Qi Jinzhi, Wai ba maio beiwen zhushi [The Eight Outer Temples' Annotated Inscriptions] (Beijing: Zijing cheng chubanshe, 1985), 92
97. The theme of poisonous dragons subjugated by Mañjuśrī is frequently seen in Dunhuang manuscripts and wall paintings such as that in Mogao Cave 61 (Fig. 10). See Mary Anne Cartelli, "The Poetry of Mount Wutai: Chinese Buddhist Verse from Dunhuang" (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1999), 109-15
98. The figure resembles a woodblock print of Mañjuśrī with Prince Sudhana and the Khotanese king found in the Dunhuang manuscripts Stèin 239, Stein 236, Stein 237, and Pelliot 4514, 2(5). The prints include Mañjuśrī, a groom, and Prince Sudhana above, with texts below that label Mañjuśrī "Wutaishan's Mañjuśrī." For reproductions Roderick Whitfield, The Art of Central Asia: The Stein Collection in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1985), figs. 142, 143, 147
99. The same configuration is also found in sculptural form at Wutaishan's Tang dynasty temple Foguansi. See Marylin M. Rhie, The Fo-kuang ssu: Literary Evidences and Buddhist Images (New York: Garland, 1977)
100. Chun Rong, "Cifusi," 22
101. See Lubtsangdamba, Qingliang shan xinzhi, juan 4, 12
102. See James Robson, "Sites of Conversion: Locating Buddhist Sacred Sites within the Chinese Religious Landscape" (lecture, international symposium "Images, Relics, and Legends: Formation and Transformation of Buddhist Sacred Sites," University of British Columbia, October 15-16, 2004)
103. "Subjugation" and "conversion" are topoi often used to describe ways by which demons and mountain spirits were quelled by Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and Buddhists. They are also frequently seen in the gazetteers of Wutaishan. For an analysis of these topoi in the Chan tradition Bernard Faure, Chan Insights and Oversight: An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 161-74
104. for a rereading of subjugation tales in the Tibetan mythology Janet Gyatso, "Down with the Demoness: Reflection on a Feminine Ground in Tibet," in Feminine Ground: Essays on Women and Tibet, ed. Janice Willis (New York: Snow Lion, 1987), 33-51
105. For examples of surrogate pilgrimages in China Kenneth Pomeranz, "Power, Gender, and Pluralism in the Cult of the Goddess of Taishan," in Culture and State in Chinese History: Conventions, Accommodations, and Critiques, ed. Theodore Huters, R. Bin Wong, and Pauline Yu (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 182-204
106. For examples of surrogate pilgrimages in medieval Europe Kathryn Rudy, "A Guide to Mental Pilgrimage: Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal Ms. 212," Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 63 (2000): 494-513
107. and Daniel Connolly, "Imagined Pilgrimage in the Itinerary Maps of Matthew Paris," Art Bulletin 91 (1999): 598-622