»Momentaufnahmen« of Israelite religion: The importance of the communal meal in narrative texts in I/II Regum and their ritual dimension

Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

Volumn 118, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 22-45

  Klingbeil, Gerald A ^a  

^a Universidad Adventista del Plata   (Argentina)

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EID: 60950218823     PISSN: 00442526     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1515/ZAW.2006.002     Document Type: Review

References (107)

1. See here, for example, the introductory chapter of S. Niditch, Ancient Israelite Religion, 1997, 10-25. However, in order to be fair, Niditch does not follow a historical layout in her presentation of the religion of the Hebrew Bible, but rather a thematic one.
2. A recent major contribution to the discussion can be found in R. Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period. Volume I: From the Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy, OTL, 1994
3. idem, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period. Volume II: From the Exile to the Maccabees, OTL, 1994, where the author seeks to integrate more sub-disciplines (such as comparative studies, sociology, archaeology and literary criticism) into the very historical discipline of describing religion (ibid., 1: vii,11-17).
4. More recently, Albertz has defended the historical focus of his Religionsgeschichte suggesting (in my view correctly) that up to now it has not been possible to write a history of the religion of Israel without accessing the Old Testament as an important source. Compare here R. Albertz, Biblische oder Nicht-Biblische Religionsgeschichte Israels?, in: 〉Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf.〈 Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient. Festschrift für Oswald Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres mit Beiträgen von Freunden, Schülern und Kollegen (M. Dietrich et al., Eds.), AOAT 250, 1998, 27-41.
5. Similar historically oriented studies (albeit integrative!) can be found in M. D. Coogan, Canaanite Origins and Lineage: Reflections on the Religion of Ancient Israel, in: Ancient Israelite Religion. Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross (P. D. Miller, Jr./P. D. Hanson/S. D. McBride, Eds.), 1987, 115-124;
6. P. K. McCarter, Jr., Aspects of the Religion of the Israelite Monarchy: Biblical and Epigraphic Data, in: Ancient Israelite Religion, 137-156;
7. W. G. Dever, The Contribution of Archaeology in the Study of Canaanite and Early Israelite Religion, in: Ancient Israelite Religion, 209-248.
8. Recently, a whole slate of new studies focusing upon the religion of Israel has been published. Compare here the studies by W. G. Dever, Z. Zevit, B. Levine and J. Smith found in B. M. Gittlen (Ed.), Sacred Time, Scared Space. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel, 2002
9. and also the extremely important monumental work by Z. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel. A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches, 2001.
10. For an appreciation of Zevit's monumental study which seeks to integrate more, while maintaining the underlying historical focus, see G. A. Klingbeil, review of Z. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel. A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches, AUSS 41/1 (2003), 157-160.
11. J. A. Soggin, Israel in the Biblical Period. Institutions, Festivals, Ceremonies, Rituals, 2001, on the other hand, is a rather conventional attempt based upon standard historical-critical presuppositions and dating schemes.
12. Compare here the remarks in G. A. Klingbeil's review of J. A. Soggin, Israel in the Biblical Period. Institutions, Festivals, Ceremonies, Rituals, HS 4 (2002), http://www.arts.ualberta.ca/JHS/reviews/review065.htm.
13. E. A. Martens, The History of Religion, Biblical Theology, and Esegesis, in: Interpreting the Old Testament: A Guide for Exegesis (C. C. Broyles, Ed.), 2001, 177-199, has provided a very helpful introduction to both disciplines.
14. Compare J. Barr, The Concept of Biblical Theology: An Old Testament Perspective, 1999, 605, who argues for the disappearance of the strict division between the history of religion approach and a theological approach.
15. Compare also Martens, History of Religion, 179 and 182-184.
16. An interesting example of the helpful interaction of historical and theological research (although not necessarily in the strict sense of the word) can be found in V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, HdO 15, 1994. Haas sets out the historical limits of his research, but uses as his main source of information the religious (ritual) texts (together with other secondary classical authors and the evidence of the material culture), which contain the »theology« of Hittite religion, resulting in the reconstruction of the religious universe and reality of the Hittites.
17. The study of worldview is important as has been demonstrated in many studies, including R. A. Simkins, Creator and Creation. Nature in the Worldview of Ancient Israel, 1994,
18. and C. Houtman, Der Himmel im Alten Testament. Israels Weltbild und Weltanschauung, OtSt 30, 1993.
19. Compare also P. P. Jenson, Graded Holiness. A Key to the Priestly Conception of the World, JSOT.S 106, 1992, and his application to ritual texts. Niditch, Ancient Israelite Religion, 4f. seems to argue that worldview and religion are identical. I would suggest that worldview is bigger than religion and not necessarily religious in its underlying conceptions.
20. Compare also G. A. Klingbeil, Entre individualismo y colectivismo: hacia una perspectiva bíblica de la naturaleza de la iglesia, in: Pensar la iglesia hoy: hacia una eclesiología adventista. Estudios teológicos presentados durante el IV Simposio Bíblico- Teológico Sudamericano en honor a Raoul Dederen (G. A. Klingbeil et al., Eds.), 2002, 3-22, esp. 4-7.
21. Compare also the important contribution found in B. Janowski, Das biblische Weltbild. Eine methodologische Skizze, in: Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (B. Janowski/B. Ego, Eds.), FAT 32, 2001, 3-26,
22. and for more bibliographical resources now B. Ego/B. Janowski, Bibliographie zum biblischen Weltbild und seinen altorientalischen Kontexten, in: Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte (B. Janowski/B. Ego, Eds.), FAT 32, 2001, 543-558.
23. Compare the introduction of the terms in B. A. Levine, The Descriptive Tabernacle Texts of the Pentateuch, JAOS 85 (1965), 307-318
24. and also his earlier discussion of the phenomenon in Ugaritic literature (idem, Ugaritic Descriptive Rituals, JCS 17 [1963], 105-111).
25. Other works include idem, Ugaritic ritual Texts and the Literature of the Biblical Cult, Association for Jewish Studies Newsletter (1974), 12
26. and idem, The Descriptive Ritual Texts from Ugarit: Some Formal and Functional Features of the Genre, in: The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Sixtieth Birthday (C. L. Meyers/M. O'Connor, Eds.), 1983, 467-475.
27. See here the critical remarks found in G. del Olmo Lete, Canaanite Religion According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit, 1999, 14f.
28. See here also G. A. Klingbeil, Altars, Ritual and Theology: Preliminary Thoughts on the Importance of Cult and Ritual for a Theology of the Hebrew Scriptures, VT 54 (2004), 495-515. There are two further examples of altar-construction rituals in Gen 8,20 (2x) and 35,7, which were, however, not considered in the study, since they belong to narratives outside the Abraham cycle.
29. Clearly, the world of the Hebrew Bible cannot be easily compared to modern society with its widespread pluralism. However, some recent studies have looked at biblical examples of religious pluralism. K. van der Toorn, Ritual Resistance and Self-Assertion. The Rechabites in Early Israelite Religion, in: Pluralism and Identity. Studies in Ritual Behaviour (J. Platvoet/K. van der Toorn, Eds.), SHR 67, 1995, 229-259, argues that the description of the Rechabites in Jer 35 is one of those examples.
30. Recently, an entire issue of the journal Biblical Interpretation has been dedicated to the prodding of the ideological element in both Hebrew Bible and NT. Some relevant studies include J. C. Exum, Why Virtual History? Alternatives, Counterfactuals, and the Bible, BibInt 8/1-2 (2000), 1-7
31. and R. p. Carroll, The Loss of Armageddon, or, 621 and all that: Biblical Fiction, Biblical History and the Rewritten Bible, BibInt 8/1-2 (2000), 104-114.
32. See also Mertens, History of Religion, 179, who writes: »They [biblical theologians] see their task as summarizing the material by carefully weighing what is of fundamental significance. The objective is to make clear the dynamic of a religion and especially to identify its normative aspect. [...] The historian of religion tells us what was; the theologian describes what should be.«
33. Compare, for example, M. I. Marcus, Art and Ideology in Ancient Western Asia, in: Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (= CANE), 1995, 2487.
34. N. C. Habel, The Land is Mine. Six Biblical Land Ideologies, OBT, 1995, 10-13, argues for the close proximity of biblical theology to biblical ideology. However, »to push a point« (ibid., 10) - especially a theological one - does not necessarily translate into ideology. His definition is interesting (and rather broad): »A biblical ideology, I would argue, is a complex and contested set of ideas, values, symbols, and aspirations being promoted with social and political force in a given literary complex to persuade the implied audience within that text of the truth of a given ideology« (ibid., 11).
35. J. Platvoet, Ritual in Plural and Pluralist Societies, in: Pluralism and Identity. Studies in Ritual Behaviour (J. Platvoet/K. van der Toorn, Eds.), STR 67, 1995, 25-51.
36. For an introduction to the envisioned multi-disciplinary exegetical method see G. A. Klingbeil/M. G. Klingbeil, La lectura de la Biblia desde una perspectiva hermenéutica multidisciplinaria (I) - Consideraciones teóricas preliminares, in: Entender la Palabra. Hermenéutica Adventista para el nuevo siglo (M. Alomía et al., Eds.), 2000, 147-173.
37. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 75-80, seems to favor a similar multi-disciplinary approach that takes seriously the textual biblical and extra-biblical data, as well as archaeological, sociological, iconographical, and anthropological data without necessarily determining beforehand the historical value and weight of each source.
38. It is interesting to note the recent contribution of D. P. Wright, Ritual in Narrative, 2001, 6-8, to the study of ritual in narrative texts from Ugarit. Wright is particularly interested in how ritual functions within the narrative context of stories and how this contributes to the development of the story.
39. See here, for example, J. H. Neygry, Wholeness, in: Biblical Social Values and Their Meaning (J. J. Pilch/B. J. Malina, Eds.), 1993, 180-184;
40. earlier also K. Koch, Gibt es ein hebräisches Denken?, PBl 108 (1968), 258-276,
41. republished in K. Koch, Spuren des hebräischen Denkens. Beiträge zur alttestamentlichen Theologie. Gesammelte Aufsätze Band 1 (B. Janowski/M. Krause, Eds.), 1991, 3-24.
42. An important work - although already a bit outdated - is J. Pedersen, Israel. Its Life and Culture. Vol. 1-2, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 28, 1991 (reprint), originally published between 1926-1940.
43. Compare also V. H. Matthews/D. C. Benjamin, Social World of Ancient Israel. 1250-587 BCE, 1993, xiii-xxiii.
44. For a discussion of the issue of anthropology in Judaism see A. Rodríguez Carmona, El hombre en el judai̧smo, EstBib 57 (1999), 589-611, esp. 595-601.
45. The following literature dealing with eating and drinking is significant: J.-J. Greschat, Essen und Trinken: Religionsphänomenologisch, in: Das Heilige Essen: Kulturwissenschaftliche Beiträge zum Verständnis des Abendmahls (M. Josuttis/G. M. Martin, Eds.), 1980, 29-39;
46. A. W. Jenks, Eating and Drinking in the Old Testament, AncB Dictionary 2, 1992, 250-254;
47. R. Smend, Essen und Trinken - ein Stück Weltlichkeit des Alten Testaments, in: Beiträge zur alttestamentlichen Theologie.
48. Festschrift für Walter Zimmerli (H. Donner et al., Eds.), 1977, 446-459;
49. idem, Essen und Trinken, NBL 1, 1991, 601-602;
50. A. Reinhartz, Reflection on Table Fellowship and Community Identity, Semeia 86 (1999), 227-233;
51. D. M. Sharon, When Fathers Refuse to Eat: The Trope of Rejecting Food and Drink in Biblical Narrative, Semeia 86 (1999), 135-148;
52. R. P. Carroll, YHWH's Sour Grapes: Images of Food and Drink in the Prophetic Discourses of the Hebrew Bible, Semeia 86 (1999), 113-131.
53. More specific studies include D. A. Appler, From Queen to Cuisine: Food Imagery in the Jezebel Narrative, Semeia 86 (1999), 55-73;
54. J. E. McKinlay, To Eat or Not to Eat: Where is Wisdom in this Choice?, Semeia 86 (1999), 73-84;
55. A. Brenner, The Food of Love: Gendered Food and Food Imagery in the Song of Songs, Semeia 86 (1999), 101-112;
56. K. L. Roberts, God, Prophet, and King: Eating and Drinking on the Mountain in First Kings 18:41; CBQ 62/4 (2000), 633-44;
57. S. A. Reed, Food in the Psalms, Ph.D. diss., The Claremont Graduate School, Faculty of Religion, 1987.
58. One of the most complete general works is E. Schmitt, Das Essen in der Bibel. Literaturethnologische Aspekte des Alltäglichen, Studien zur Kulturanthropologie 2, 1994.
59. Discussion of extra-biblical material connected with eating and drinking and communal meals can be found in E. F. Beach, The Samaria Ivories, Marzeah, and Biblical Text, BA 56/2 (1993), 94-104;
60. J. L. McLaughlin, The marzeah at Ugarit: A Textual and Contextual S tudy, UF 23 (1991), 265-281;
61. P. J. King, The marzēah: Textual and Archaeological Evidence, in: Yigael Yadin Memorial Volume (A. Ben-Tor/J. C. Greenfield/A. Malamat, Eds.), Erlsr 20, 1989, 98-106
62. P. R. Davies, Food, Drink and Sects: The Question of Ingestion in the Qumran Texts, Semeia 86 (1999), 151-163;
63. M. Tsevat, Eating and Drinking, Hosting and Sacrificing in the Epic of Aqht, UF 18 (1986), 345-350;
64. W. G. Lambert, Donations of Food and Drink to the Gods in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East (J. Quaegebeur, Ed.), OLA 55, 1993, 191-201
65. and J. Bottéro, Boisson, banquet et vie sociale en Mésopotamie, in: Drinking in Ancient Societies: History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East (L. Milano, Ed.), History of the Ancient Near East Studies 6, 1994, 3-13.
66. More general discussion on food can be found in J. Soler, The Semiotics of Food in the Bible, in: Food and Drink in History (R. Forster/ O. Ranum, Eds.), Annales: Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 5, 1979, 126-138;
67. J. M. Eidelman, Be Holy for I am Holy: Food, Politics, and the Teaching of Judaism, JRitSt 14/1 (2000), 45-51;
68. J. Brumberg-Kraus, 〉Not by Bread Alone ...〈: The Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supper, Semeia 86 (1999), 165-191;
69. P. J. Tomson, Jewish Food Laws in Early Christian Community Discourse, Semeia 86 (1999), 193-212
70. and also V. E. Grimm, From Feasting to Fasting, The Evolution of Sin. Attitudes to Food in Late Antiquity, 1996.
71. Jenks, Eating and Drinking, 2: 252f.;
72. compare also Greschat, Essen und Trinken, 32-33, for a good explanation of the social dimension of eating and drinking with some modern examples.
73. Schmitt, Das Essen in der Bibel, 102-104.
74. G. A. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance. The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion, 1991, 19-26.
75. A good discussion of this can be found in Ø. S. LaBianca/R. W. Younker, The Kingdoms of Ammon, Moab and Edom: the Archaeology of Society in Late Bronze/Iron Age Transjordan (ca. 1400-500 BCE); IN: The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land (T. E. Levy, Ed.), 1998, 399-415, who base their observations upon the research undertaken by the Madaba Plains Project in Jordan.
76. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, 49-53. Other expressions include sexual continence, audible lamentations, putting ashes or dust on one's head and the wearing of sackcloth or torn clothing. Compare also Grimm, From Feasting to Fasting, 14-33, for the Hebrew Bible and Jewish background of feasting and fasting.
77. See here the discussion and manifold bibliographical references in G. A. Klingbeil, A Comparative Study of the Ritual of Ordination as Found in Leviticus 8 and Emar 369, 1998, 26-29,
78. Klingbeil, Ritual of Ordination, 48-52.
79. Helpful discussion of symbolism or symbolic acts can be found in P. A. Kruger, The Hem of the Garment in Marriage. The Meaning of the Symbolic Gesture in Ruth 3:9 and Ezek 16:8, JNSL 12 (1986), 79-86;
80. idem, Symbolic Acts Relating to Old Testament Treaties and Relationships, JSem 2/2 (1990), 156-170;
81. W. Jetter, Symbol und Ritual. Anthropologische Elemente im Gottesdienst, 2nd ed., 1985.
82. On legal symbolic acts see Å. Viberg, Symbols of Law. A Contextual Analysis of Legal Symbolic Acts in the Old Testament, CB.OT 34, 1992.
83. Symbolic acts in general have been described in M. I. Gruber, Aspects of Nonverbal Communication in the Ancient Near East, Studia Pohl 12/1-2, 1980.
84. Compare here M. Cogan/H. Tadmor, II Kings. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AncB 11, 1988, 231f., commenting on the propagandistic armory utilized by the Assyrian commander. Similarly also House, 1,2 Kings, 363.
85. The MT utilizes the verb (1,9, 25). which has undoubtedly ritual connotations. Compare here B. A. Levine, In the Presence of the Lord. A Study of Cult and Some Cultic Terms in Ancient Israel, SJLA 5, 1974, 29, who suggest that I Reg 1 might be an indication of the presence of sacrificial rites in connection with the proclamation of kingship. Compare also his appendix discussing the term (ibid., 115-117).
86. Compare Wegner, 〉Coming before the LORD〈, 81-83.
87. Compare J. Koenig, Hospitality, AncB Dictionary 3, 1992, 299-301;
88. B. J. Malina, Hospitality, in: Biblical Social Values and Their Meaning (J. J. Pilch/B. J. Malina, Eds.), 1993, 104-107,
89. and Matthews/Benjamin, Social World of Ancient Israel, 82-95.
90. Compare also the recent contribution of T. R. Hobbs, Hospitality in the First Testament and the 〉Teleological Fallacy〈, JSOT 95 (2001), 3-30, who analyses recent discussions of hospitality in modern scholarship and provides an alternative interpretation of this cultural expression based upon textual and recent ethno-sociological work.
91. D. W. van Winkle, 1 Kings XIII: True and False Prophecy, VT 39/1 (1989), 31-43, has argued that the point of the story is obedience to God's commandments. A true prophet is not only verified by the fulfillment of his prophecies, but rather by his personal and total obedience to God. Compare also House's (1, 2 Kings, 188-190) pertinent remarks.
92. J. L. Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect upon Israelite Religion, BZAW 124, 44.
93. This theme has been developed convincingly by A. Reinhartz, 〉Why Ask My Name?〈 Anonymity and Identity in Biblical Narrative, 1998, 148-153, esp. 151 and 153.
94. Roberts, God, Prophet, and King, 633-637. Interestingly, I had come to similar conclusions long before I had a chance to read Roberts' suggestion.
95. F. M. Cross, Jr., Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel, 1973, 190-194,
96. On the important narrative strategy of reversals see R. L. Hubbard, Jr., Ganzheitsdenken in the Book of ruth, in: Problems in Biblical Theology. Essays in Honor of Rolf Knierim (H. T. C. Sun et al., Eds.), 1997, 192-209;
97. Z. Stefanovic, Daniel: A Book of Significant Reversals, AUSS 30/2 (1992), 139-150,
98. and idem, The Great Reversal: Thematic Links Between Genesis 2 and 3, AUSS 32/1-2 (1994), 47-56.
99. The importance of mountains as point of contact in divine-human relations has been widely documented in the ANE. See here K. C. Hanson, Transformed on the Mountain: Ritual Analysis and the Gospel of Matthew, Semeia 67 (1995), 147-170
100. for the discussion of NT evidence; T. B. Dozeman, God on the Mountain. A Study of Redaction, Theology and Canon in Exodus 19-24, SBLMS 37, 1989;
101. N. Wyatt, Le centre du monde dans les littératures d'Ougarit et d'Israël, JNSL 21/2 (1995), 123-142;
102. also idem, The Significance of SPN in West Semitic Though. A Contribution to the History of a Mythological Motif, in: Ugarit. Ein ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum im Alten Orient. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven der Forschung (M. Dietrich/O. Loretz, Eds.), Ugarit und seine altorientalische Umwelt 1, 1995, 213-237.
103. Compare also the earlier seminal work by R. J. Clifford, The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament, HSM 4, 1972.
104. F. Pinnock, Considerations on the 〉Banquet Theme〈 in the Figurative Art of Mesopotamia and Syria, in: Drinking in Ancient Societies: History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East (L. Milano, Ed.), History of the Ancient Near East Studies 6, 1994, 15-26, esp. 24.
105. P. Carstens, Why Does The God Have A Cup In His Hand? An Examination of the Ahiram Sarcophagus and the Drinking Vessels at the Table of Display in the Hebrew Bible from a Ritualistic Point of View, SJOT 12/2 (1998), 214-232, esp. 221.
106. See here also M. W. Dube, Villagizing, Globalizing, and Biblical Studies, in: Reading the Bible in the Global Village: Cape Town (J. S. Ukpong et al., Eds.), Global Perspectives on Biblical Scholarship 3, 2002, 41-63,
107. and F. F. Segovia, Reading-Across: Intercultural Criticism and Textual Posture, in: Interpreting Beyond Borders (F. F. Segovia, Ed.), The Bible and Postcolonialism 3, 2000, 59-83.