The real Schlieffen plan

War in History

Volumn 13, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 91-115

  Foley, Robert T ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 60950145529     PISSN: 09683445     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1191/0968344506wh323xx     Document Type: Article

References (66)

1. Indeed, Zuber is not the first to argue this. However, he is the first to suggest that this was the prime reason for Schlieffen's memorandum. See Reichsarchiv, Der Weltkrieg, Bd I, Die Grenzschlachten im Westen (Berlin, 1925), p. 55
2. S. Förster, Der doppelte Militarismus: Die deutsche Heeresrüstungspolitik zwischen Status-Quo-Sicherung und Aggression, 1890-1913 (Stuttgart, 1985), p. 165
3. T. Zuber, 'The Schlieffen Plan Reconsidered', War in History VI (1999), pp. 262-305
4. T.M. Holmes, 'The Reluctant March on Paris: A Reply to Terence Zuber's "The Schlieffen Plan Reconsidered"', War in History VIII (2001), pp. 208-32
5. See T. Zuber, 'Terence Holmes Reinvents the Schlieffen Plan', War in History VIII (2001), pp. 468-76
6. TM. Holmes, 'The Real Thing: A Reply to Terence Zuber's "Terence Holmes Reinvents the Schlieffen Plan"', War in History IX (2002), pp. 111-20
7. T. Zuber, 'Terence Holmes Reinvents the Schlieffen Plan - Again', War in History X (2003), pp. 92-101
8. R.T. Foley, 'The Origins of the Schlieffen Plan', War in History X (2003), pp. 222-32
9. T.M. Holmes, 'Asking Schlieffen: A Further Reply to Terence Zuber', War in History X (2003), pp. 464-79
10. and T. Zuber, 'The Schlieffen Plan Was an Orphan', War in History XI (2004), pp. 220-25
11. W. Dieckmann, 'Der Schlieffenplan', unpublished manuscript in Bundesarchiv/Militärarchiv, Freiburg (hereafter, BA/MA), W10/50220
12. If Zuber had looked at the relevant secondary literature on the KGFA files, he would have known their provenance. See U. Löbel, 'Neue Forschungsmöglichkeiten zur preussisch-deutschen Heeresgeschichte: Zur Rückgabe von Akten des Potsdamer Heeresarchivs durch die Sowjetunion', Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen LI (1992), pp. 143-49
13. Zuber, 'Schlieffen Plan Reconsidered', pp. 274ff
14. Zuber, Inventing, pp. 141ff
15. Cf. L. Höbelt, 'Schlieffen, Beck, Potiorek und das Ende der gemeinsamen deutsch-österreichisch-ungarischen Aufmarschpläne im Osten', Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen II (1984), pp. 7-30
16. Zuber, 'Schlieffen Plan Was an Orphan', p. 222
17. A. Mombauer, Helmuth von Moltke and the Origins of the First World War (Cambridge, 2001), p. 39
18. Dieckmann, 'Schlieffenplan', pp. i-ii
19. Zuber, 'Schlieffen Plan Reconsidered', pp. 288-89, 291, 296
20. Holmes, 'Reluctant March', pp. 211-14
21. H.F. von Freytag-Loringhoven, Menschen und Dinge, wie ich in meinem Leben sah (Berlin, 1923), pp. 102-103
22. H. von Kuhl, Der deutsche Generalstab in Vorbereitung und Durchführung des Weltkrieges (Berlin, 1920), p. 129
23. Cf. Zuber, Inventing, p. 147
24. Zuber, 'Terence Holmes Reinvents ... Again', p. 97
25. Holmes, 'Real Thing', p. 116
26. P. Rassow, 'Schlieffen und Holstein', Historische Zeitschrift CLXXIII (1952), pp. 297-313
27. N. Rich, Friedrich von Holstein: Politics and Diplomacy in the Era of Bismarck and Wilhelm II, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1965), vol. II, pp. 678ff
28. See H. Rochs, Schlieffen: Ein Lebens- und Charakterbild (Berlin, 1940), pp. 84ff
29. W. Kloster, Der deutsche Generalstab und der Präventivkriegs-Gedanke (Stuttgart, 1932), pp. 34-44
30. See A. Moritz, Das Problem des Präventivkrieges in der deutschen Politik während der ersten Marokkokrise (Frankfurt, 1974)
31. F. Fischer, War of Illusions: German Policies from 1911 to 1914, trans. M. Jackson (London, 1975)
32. H. Raulff, Zwischen Machtpolitik und Imperialismus: Die deutsche Frankreichpolitik 1904-05 (Düsseldorf, 1976), pp. 126-93
33. P.M. Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of Anglo-German Antagonism, 1860-1914 (London, 1980), pp. 267ff
34. J. Steinberg, 'The Copenhagen Complex', Journal of Contemporary History I (1966), pp. 23-46
35. In this period, Schlieffen insisted that the French were making preparations for war. Foreign Office assessment came to the opposite conclusion. See Raulff, Zwischen Machtpolitik und Imperialismus, pp. 126ff
36. Cf. K. von Einem, Erinnerungen eines Soldaten, 1853-1933 (Leipzig, 1933), pp. 110ff
37. Rochs, Schlieffen, p. 51
38. See the report of the German military attaché in Paris, Mutius, 'Militär-Bericht Nr. 1: Kriegsbereitschaft', in the National Archives, Public Record Office (PRO), Kew, German Foreign Ministry files (GFM) 16/29, Frankreich 95, Bd. 58, 1 Jan. 1906-31 Dez. 06
39. C. Andrew, 'France and the German Menace', in E.R. May, ed., Knowing One's Enemies: Intelligence Assessment before the Two World Wars (Princeton, 1984), pp. 127-49
40. and D.G. Herrmann, The Arming of Europe and the Making of the First World War (Princeton, 1996), pp. 37-58
41. See S. Förster, 'Der deutsche Generalstab und die Illusion des kurzen Krieges, 1871-1914: Metakritik eines Mythos', Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen LIV (1995), p. 75
42. H. Herwig, The First World War: Germany and Austria-Hungary, 1914-1918 (London, 1997), p. 48
43. E.D. Brose, The Kaiser's Army: The Politics of Military Technology in Germany during the Machine Age (Oxford, 2001), pp. 73ff
44. Brose, Kaiser's Army, pp. 78ff
45. Holmes, 'Asking Schlieffen', pp. 467ff
46. B.I. Gudmundsson, 'Ersatz Divisions in 1914' and 'Mixed Ersatz Brigades', Tactical Notebook (July 1993)
47. E. von Wrisberg, Heer und Heimat, 1914-1918 (Leipzig, 1921), pp. 15ff
48. 7. Abteilung, Grosser Generalstab, 'Jahresbericht 1907', 1 December 1907, BayHStA-KA, GSt. 489
49. Moltke to Bethmann, 5 August 1910, PRO, GFM 10/89, Russland 72geh/15: 'Militär und Marine Angelegenheiten Russland, 1 Jan 1907-'
50. G. Frantz, Russlands Eintritt in den Krieg (Berlin, 1924), pp. 17-24
51. Stevenson, Armaments and Coming of War, pp. 153ff
52. D.N. Collins, 'The Franco-Russian Alliance and Russian Railways, 1891-1914', Historical Journal XVI (1973), pp. 777-88
53. See G. Frantz, 'Russlands Westaufmarsch seit 1880', Wissen und Wehr (1930), pp. 235-55
54. Förster, 'Deutsche Generalstab', pp. 83-95
55. Moltke to Kriegsministerium, 6 June 1906, BayHStA-KA, MKr. 990
56. Indeed, this use of Italian troops to guard southern Germany had long been planned. See W. Foerster, 'Die deutsch-italienische Militä rkonvention', Die Kriegsschuldfrage V (1927), pp. 395-416
57. G. Waldersee, 'Von Deutschlands militärpolitischen Beziehungen zu Italien', Berliner Monatshefte VII (1929), pp. 636-64
58. Ludendorff, Mein militärische Werdegang, pp. 126-29; Reichsarchiv, Der Weltkrieg, I, pp. 61-63
59. M. Salewski, 'Moltke, Schlieffen und die Eisenbahn', in R. Foerster, ed., Generalfeldmarschall von Moltke: Bedeutung und Wirkung (Munich, 1991), pp. 94-100
60. Bucholz, Moltke, p. 266
61. F. Uhle-Wettler, Erich Ludendorff in seiner Zeit (Berg, 1995), pp. 93ff
62. J.K. Tannenbaum, 'French Estimates of Germany's Operational War Plans', in E.R. May, ed., Knowing One's Enemies (Princeton, 1996), pp. 150-71
63. General Staff, 'Special Military Resources of the German Empire', February 1912, Archive of the Joint Services Command and Staff College, Shrivenham, Conf. 90M, pp. 19-30
64. A. Mombauer, 'A Reluctant Military Leader? Helmuth von Moltke and the July Crisis of 1914', War in History VI (1999), pp. 417-46
65. H. Herwig, 'Clio Deceived: Patriotic Self-Censorship in Germany after the War', International Security XII (1987), pp. 5-44
66. A. Mombauer, The Origins of the First World War: Controversies and Consensus (London, 2002), pp. 45-105