Transformations in deuteronomistic and biblical historiography: On »book-finding« and other literary strategies

Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

Volumn 109, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 1-11

  Römer, Thomas C ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LAUSANNE   (Switzerland)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 60950119100     PISSN: 00442526     EISSN: 16130103     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1515/zatw.1997.109.1.1     Document Type: Review

References (61)

1. Paper read on the SBL Meeting, 1994, Chicago, November 19-22.
2. 2.
3. S. L. McKenzie, Art. Deuteronomistic History, ABD 2, 1992, 160-168;
4. N. Lohfink, in: Die Botschaft und die Boten (FS H. W. Wolff), 1981, 87-100 = Studien zum Deuteronomium und zur deuteronomistischen Literatur II, SBA. AT 12, 1991, 125-142;
5. A. D. H. Mayes, The Story of Israel Between Settlement and Exile. A Redactional Study of the Deuteronomistic History, 1983;
6. see also M. O'Brien, The Deuteronomistic History Hypothesis, OBO 92, 1989;
7. E. Cortese, in: Pentateuchal and Deuteronomistic Studies. Papers Read at the XIIIth IOSOT Congress Leuven 1989, C. Brekelmans & J. Lust ed., 1990, 179-190.
8. For recent histories of research cf. H. D. Preuß, ThR 58 (1993), 229-264.342-395;
9. G. N. Knoppers, Two Nations Under God. The Deuteronimistic History of Solomon and the Dual Monarchies, HSM 52, 1994, Vol. I, 1-90.
10. T. L. Thompson, Art. Israelite Historiography, ABD 3, 206-212.
11. J. Van Seters, In Search of History. Historiography in the Ancient World and the Origins of Biblical History, 1983, esp. 1-6;
12. see also P. Gibert, Vérité historique et esprit historien. L'historien biblique de Gédéon face à Hérodote, 1990, esp. 9-20.
13. C. Westermann, Die Geschichtsbücher des Alten Testaments. Gab es ein deutoronomistisches Geschichtswerk?, TB 87, 1994.
14. These and other Near Eastern conquest accounts can easily be found in K. L. Younger, Jr., Ancient Conquest Accounts. A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writings, JSOT.S 98, 1990.
15. See also J. Van Seters, Search, 330-331.
16. E. Axel Knauf, Die Umwelt des Alten Testaments, NSK-AT 29, 1994, 115.
17. Cf. D. W. Jamieson-Drake, Scribes and Schools in Monarchic Judah. A Socio-Archeological Approach, JSOT.S 109, 1991, who points out to the poverty of written documents in the south of Palestine before the VIIIth century B.C.E.
18. A. Laato, Josiah and David Redivivus: The Historical Josiah and the Messianic Expectations of Exilic and Postexilic Times, ConBOT 33, 1992.
19. On this see E. Blum, Studien zur Komposition des Pentateuch, BZAW 189, 1990, 215-218.
20. See now J. Van Seters, The Life of Moses. The Yahwist as Historian in Exodus-Numbers, 1994, 29.
21. Most of the technical terms in Ex 1 are of Akkadian origin (see the commentaries), there is also a clear relation to Gen 11, which as C. Uehlinger has shown, reflects the situation of the Assyrian empire: Weltreich und »eine Rede«. Eine neue Deutung der sogenannten Turmbauerzählung (Gen 11,1-9), OBO 101, 1990.
22. Cf. T. Römer, Foi & Vie, CB 31 (1992), 3-14.
23. See esp. A. Steil, Krisensemantik. Wissenssoziologische Untersuchungen zu einem Topos moderner Zeiterfahrung, 1993.
24. For further details see T. Römer, L'Ancien Testament, une littérature de crise, RThPh 127 (1995), 321-338.
25. Especially H. W. Wolff, ZAW 73 (1961), 171-186
26. 2, 308-324.
27. On this point see F. Smyth-Florentin, in: Le livre de traverse. De l'exégèse biblique à l'anthropologie, O. Abel & F. Smyth-Florentin ed., 1992, 15-21.
28. For »seven« as a literary strategy in Deut see G. Braulik, in: Ein Gott, eine Offenbarung. Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese, Theologie und Spiritualität (FS N. Füglister), 1991, 37-50.
29. T. R. Hobbs, 2Kings, WBC 13, 1985, xxv.
30. Recent surveys of research may be found in G. N. Knoppers, Two Nations, Vol. II, 1994, 121-169;
31. B. Gieselmann, ZAW 106 (1994), 223-242.
32. H.-D. Hoffmann, Reform und Reformen: Untersuchungen zu einem Grundthema der deuteronomistischen Geschichtsschreibung, AThANT 66, 1980, esp. 169-270.
33. C. Levin, ZAW 96 (1984), 351-371, 355.
34. W. Dietrich, VT 27 (1977), 13-35; 21;
35. I have argued in Israels Väter. Untersuchungen zur Väterthematik im Deutoronomium und in der deuteronomistischen Tradition, OBO 99, 1990, 319, that the »fathers« refer to all disobedient generations since the conquest.
36. The role of Hulda may also be described as playing the part of »the double-check on the will of the deity«. According to L. K. Handy, ZAW 106 (1994), 40-53, Huldah's role is an adaptation of omen deities which appear in Babylonian propaganda documents.
37. W. Speyer, Bücherfunde in der Glaubenswerbung der Antike. Mit einem Ausblick auf Mittelalter und Neuzeit, Hyp. 24, 1970;
38. cf. also B. J. Diebner, C. Nauerth, DBAT 18 (1984), 95-118.
39. Cf. P. Barguet, Le livre des Morts des anciens Egyptiens, LAPO, 1967, 12-13.
40. 2, 221-222. For variants, see 217.221).
41. These parallels are presented and discussed in S. Euringer, BZ 9 (1911), 230-243.337-349;
42. See also J. Herrmann, ZAW 28 (1908), 291-302.
43. Quoted from F. E. Peiser, in: Keilschriftliche Bibliothek. Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Übersetzung, III/2, E. Schrader ed., 1890, 80-121.108-113.
44. English translation by P. Levi: Pausanias, Guide to Greece. Volume 2: Southern Greece, 1971, reprint 1979, 162-163.
45. C. T. D. Isbell, JSOT 8 (1978), 33-45;
46. C. Minette de Tillesse, ZAW 105 (1993), 352-376.
47. For the redactional problems of Jer see C. R. Seitz, Theology in Conflict. Reactions to the Exile in the Book of Jeremiah, BZAW 176, 1989.
48. R. F. Person, Second Zechariah and the Deuteronomic School, JSOT.S 167, 1993, 193-199.
49. E. Würthwein, ZThK 73 (1976), 395-423
50. Studien zum deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk, BZAW 227, 1994, 188-216;
51. P. R. Davies, In Search of 〉Ancient Israel〈, JSOT.S 148, 1992, 40-41;
52. Cf. for instance M. Rose, Der Ausschließlichkeitsanspruch Jahwes. Deuteronomistische Schultheologie und die Volksfrömmigkeit der späten Königszeit, BWANT 106, 1975. Even if Rose brings too far his interpretation of the archeological data, it is quite clear that the kingdom of Judah became important only in the VIIth century B. C. E.
53. A. G. Auld, JSOT 27 (1983), 41-44.
54. C. Trebolle, BIOSCS 15 (1982), 12-35;
55. S. L. McKenzie, The Chronicler's Use of the Deuteronomistic History, HSM 33, 1985;
56. See on this point E. Zenger, BZ.NF 12 (1968), 16-30.
57. A. Meinhold, ZAW 87 (1975), 306-324;
58. ZAW 88 (1976), 72-93.
59. For a postexilic date of the Joseph-Story see also T. Römer, in: Le livre de traverse, 73-85;
60. J. A. Soggin, in: Understanding Poets and Prophets. Essays in Honour of G. W. Anderson, JSOT.S 152, 1993, 336-349.
61. See for a similar literary strategy the end of Luke's Acts, and on this topic, P. Davies, Expository Times 94 (1983), 334-335.