"Local" saints, art, and regional identity in the orthodox world after the fourth crusade

Speculum

Volumn 78, Issue 3, 2003, Pages 707-747

  Eastmond, Antony ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 60950113105     PISSN: 00387134     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0038713400131525     Document Type: Article

References (163)

1. These are Sts. Basil, Cosmas and Damian, Cyril of Alexandria, Davit Garejeli, Panteleimon, Stephen the Protomartyr, Simeon Stylites, the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste, George, and Nicholas. Of these only George and Nicholas appear in multiple locations. This list is adapted and extended from the pioneering work of Thalia Gouma-Peterson, "Narrative Cycles of Saints' Lives in Byzantine Churches from the Tenth to the Mid-fourteenth Century," Greek Orthodox Theological Review 30 (1985), 31-44. She stressed that her work was incomplete, and that must be taken into account when using her tables, which also contain a number of errors and confusions (the list does not include two of the lives considered in this paper and confuses Sts. Simeon Nemanja, Stefan Nemanjić, and Stephen the Protomartyr).
2. The clearest overview of the life of St. Simeon Nemanja is Bosko I. Bojović, L'idéologie monarchique dans les hagio-biographies dynastiques du moyen âge serbe, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 248 (Rome, 1995), pp. 33-59.
3. See also Jovanka Kalić, ed., Stefan Nemanja - Saint Simeon Myroblite: Histoire et tradition, Académie Serbe des Sciences et des Arts, Colloques Scientifiques, 94 (Belgrade, 2000).
4. Milan Kašanin, Vojislav Korać, Dušan Tasić, and Mirjana Sakota, Studenica (Belgrade, 1968);
5. Hilandar Monastery, ed. Gojko Subotić (Belgrade, 1998).
6. Simeon also founded the monastery of Djurdjevi Stupovi: Desanka Milošević and Jovan Nešković, Djurdjevi Stupovi (Belgrade, 1986).
7. On St. Sava see Dimitri Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits (Oxford, 1988), pp. 115-72.
8. On the restoration of 1569 see Mirjana Sakota, Studenica Monastery (Belgrade, 1987), pp. 19-28.
9. Branislav Cvetlović, "Studenichki eksonarteks i kral' Radoslav: Prilog datovanju," Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog lnstituta 37 (1998), 75-85;
10. French summary: "L'exonarthex de Studenica et le roi Radoslav: Contribution à sa datation," pp. 85-86, which argues for a date c. 1230-33.
11. One scene from the life of St. Nicholas survives on the north wall: Kašanin et al., Studenica, p. 88.
12. Vojislav J. Djurić, "Istorijske kompozitsije u srpskom slikarstvu srednjega veka i njikhove knjizhevne paralele III," Zbornik Radova Vizantolośkog lnstituta 11 (1968),99-119,esp. pp. 103-4;
13. French summary: "Compositions historiques dans la peinture médiévale serbe et leurs parallèles littéraires, " p. 124.
14. Djurić, "Istorijske kompozitsije I," Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog lnstituta 8 (1964), 69-90, esp. pp. 72-78;
15. French summary: "Compositions historiques," Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog lnstituta 11 (1968), 120-21;
16. Gordana Babić, Les chapelles annexes des églises byzantines: Fonction liturgique et programmes iconographiques, Bibliothèque de Cahiers Archéologiques 3 (Paris, 1969), pp. 142-58.
17. David Winfield, "Four Historical Compositions from the Medieval Kingdom of Serbia," Byzantinoslavica 19 (1958), 251-78, is now outdated.
18. See Cynthia Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart: Narrative Effect in Pictorial Lives of Saints from the Tenth through the Thirteenth Century (Berkeley, Calif., 2001 ), pp. 205-54;
19. André Vauchez, La sainteté en Occident aux derniers siècles du moyen âge, Bibliothèque des Ecoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 241 (Rome, 1981), pp. 187-97 and 204-15.
20. Spisi svetoga Save [The works of St. Sava], ed. Vladimir Ćorović (Belgrade, 1928), pp. 151-75;
21. trans. Stanislaus Hafner, Stefan Nemanja nach den Viten des hl. Sava und Stefans des Erstgekrönten, Serbisches Mittelalter, Altserbische Herrscherbiographen 1 (Graz, 1962), pp. 35-61.
22. The text is discussed by Stanislaus Hafner, Studien zur altserbischen dynastischen Historiographie, Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 62 (Munich, 1964), pp. 64-77.
23. All these comparisons have been studied by Djurić, "Istorijske kompozitsije I," pp. 78-90;
24. also Vojislav J. Djurić, "La peinture murale serbe au XIIIe siècle," in L'art byzantin du XIIIe siècle, ed. Vojislav J. Djurić (Belgrade, 1967), pp. 145-67.
25. The interest in the Joseph story can also be explained by its narrative of power going to younger sons. This is seen more explicitly in the wall paintings in the narthex at Sopoćani, which devotes the west wall to the narrative of Joseph's life: Radivoje Ljubinković, "Sur le symbolisme de l'histoire de Joseph du narthex de Sopoćani," in L'art byzantin du XIIIe siècle, pp. 207-37. Simeon's death is compared to that of famous saints, notably Sabas of Jerusalem.
26. Both cycles were repainted in the early fourteenth century by Archbishop Sava III, but it is likely that they copy the earlier iconography: Milan Kašanin, Djurde Bošković, and Pavle Mijović, Žiča: lstoriia, Arkhitektura, Slikarstvo (Belgrade, 1969), French and English summaries, pp. 203-25;
27. Gojko Subotić, Žiča Monastery (Belgrade, 1988), pp. 24-26.
28. The Vardzia images are now fragmentary and have not been studied in detail, but there are no iconographic or other connections with the Žiča cycle: Givi Gaprindashvili, Ancient Monuments of Georgia: Vardzia. Architecture, Wall Painting, Applied Arts (Leningrad, 1975), pl. 131.
29. Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits, pp. 165-68.
30. Mirjana Ćorović-Ljubinković, "Odraz kulta sv. Stefana u srpskoj srednjevekovnoj umetnosti," Starinar 12 (1961), 45-60;
31. French summary: "Reflets du culte de St. Etienne dans l'art médiéval serbe," pp. 61-62.
32. On St. Stephen Protomartyr and St. Stephen I of Hungary, see Gábor Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses: Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), p. 145.
33. Babić, Les chapelles annexes, figs. 123-24.
34. The impact of the images of St. Stephen the Protomartyr at Žiča was such that his image subsequently appears in all the later major royal commissions in Serbia, including Mileševa, Sopoćani, and Morača.
35. Trans. Hafner, Stefan Nemanja, pp. 73-129.
36. In either 1243 or 1254, a third, more extensive life was commissioned by Stefan I's son, Uroš I, and written by the monk Domentijan. This elaborates on the ideas contained in the two earlier lives and expounds a fully developed ideology of saintly monarchy: Bojović, L'idéologie monarchique, pp. 164-67.
37. On hagiographical narrative see Nancy P. Ševčenko, "The Vita Icon and the Painter as Hagiographer," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 53 (1999), 149-66.
38. The vast majority of saints' lives in art depict Sts. Nicholas and George: see Nancy P. Ševčenko, The Life of St. Nicholas in Byzantine Art, Centro Studi Bizantini, Monografie, 1 (Turin, 1983);
39. Temily Mark-Weiner, "Narrative Cycles of the Life of St. George in Byzantine Art" (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1977).
40. On St. Panteleimon, see Ida Sinkević, The Church of St. Panteleimon at Nerezi: Architecture, Programme, Patronage, Spätantike, frühes Christentum, Byzanz B/6 (Wiesbaden, 2000), pp. 68-71;
41. for other saints consult the tables in Gouma-Peterson, "Narrative Cycles of Saints' Lives" (above, n. 1), pp. 42-44.
42. On the cult of St. Mark see Otto Demus, The Mosaics of San Marco in Venice, 1 (Chicago, 1984), pp. 54-83;
43. Thomas E. A. Dale, "Inventing a Sacred Past: Pictorial Narratives of St. Mark the Evangelist in Aquileia and Venice, ca. 1000-1300," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 48 (1994), 53-104.
44. Evidence of artistic interchange between Venice and the Balkans is found at Traù, where in 1240 the sculptor Radovan, who had worked on the facade of San Marco, also carved the west portal of the cathedral: Majstor Radovan i njegovo doba [Master Radovan and his time], ed. Ivo Babić (Trogir/ Traù, 1994).
45. See, for example, Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art (Chicago, 1994), pp. 190-92.
46. Niketas Choniates, Historia, ed. Jan L. van Dieten, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, Series Berolinensis, 11 (Berlin, 1975), p. 531;
47. trans. Harry J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium: Annals of Niketas Choniates (Detroit, 1984), p. 292.
48. There was a gap of some seven years between the divorce and the second marriage, so these events should not be seen as a single change in policy: Donald M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice: A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations (Oxford, 1988), p. 100.
49. An earlier appeal to Innocent III in 1198 had failed because of opposition from Hungary, which remained important to the papacy as the major Catholic power in the Balkans. There is a clear parallel to the Serbian position in the Bulgarian use of an appeal to Rome as a way to increase pressure on Constantinople for similar recognition: Robert Lee Wolff, "The 'Second Bulgarian Empire': Its Origin and History to 1204," Speculum 24 (1949), 167-206, at pp. 192-95;
50. reprinted in Robert Lee Wolff, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, Collected Studies 55 (London, 1976), study 3.
51. Radoslav ended his life at Studenica as the monk Jovan. The only indication of the family dispute appears in the lower zone of paintings in the Chapel of St. Simeon, which depicts the parallel secular and religious dynasties founded by St. Simeon but omits Vladislav. The figures include Stefan Prvovenčani and Radoslav and his family following Simeon on the south wall and Sava I, Archbishop Arsenije I, and Sava the hieromonch (the younger brother of Radoslav, who was to become Archbishop Sava II) on the east wall. See Mirjana Ćorović-Ljubinković, "Uz problem ikonografije srpskikh svetitelja Simeona i Save," Starinar 7-8 (1956-57), 77-89;
52. French summary: "Sur le problème de l'iconographie de deux saints serbes St. Simeon et St. Sava," pp. 89-90.
53. Vojislav J. Djurić, Sopoćani (Leipzig, 1967);
54. Olivera Kandić, The Monastery of Gradac (Belgrade, 1987). Gradac also introduced a narrative cycle devoted to Sava I (by now regarded as a saint).
55. This seems to have been closely based on the iconography of the St. Simeon cycle and so echoed the ascendancy of Orthodoxy in the Nemanjić family: Vojislav J. Djurić, "Istorijske kompozitsije u srpskom slikarstvu srednjega veka i njikhove knjizhevne paralele II," Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog lnstituta 10 (1967), 121-48. After her husband's death, Helena retired to Zeta and started again to patronize Catholic institutions there.
56. The hagiographical texts are collected in Ilia Abuladze, Dzveli kartuli agiograpiuli lit'erat'uris dzeglebi, 1: V-X ss. [Monuments of ancient Georgian hagiographical literature, 1: Fifth to tenth centuries] (Tbilisi, 1963);
57. Moktsevai kartlisai is in Kartlis tskhovreba [The annals of Georgia], 1, ed. Simon Qaukhchishvili (Tbilisi, 1955), pp. 72-138;
58. trans. Robert W. Thomson, Rewriting Caucasian History: The Medieval Armenian Adaptation of the Georgian Chronicles. The Original Georgian Texts and the Armenian Adaptation (Oxford, 1996), pp. 84-153.
59. Normally the diakonikon is taken to refer to a chamber to the south of the main apse: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3, ed. Alexander Kazhdan (Oxford, 1991), p. 1594.
60. For a published photograph of the images, showing their poor state, see Shalva Amiranashvili, lstoriia gruzinskoi monumental'noi zhivopisi [The history of Georgian monumental painting], 1 (Tbilisi, 1957), pl. 28.
61. For a fuller discussion of the paintings at Udabno, see Antony Eastmond and Zaza Skhirtladze, "Innovation, Conservation and the Medieval Reinterpretation of Art at Udabno Monastery, Georgia," forthcoming.
62. Kartlis tskhovreba, 1:104-15; trans. Thomson, Rewriting Caucasian History, pp. 112-27.
63. On Natlismtsemeli and Bertubani monasteries see Antony Eastmond, Royal Imagery in Medieval Georgia (University Park, Pa., 1998), pp. 124-41 and 169-81, with further bibliography;
64. on Kolagiri see Zaza Skhirtladze, Istoriul pirta portretebi garejis mravalmtis kolagiris monastershi [Historical figures at Kolagiri monastery in the Gareja Desert] (Tbilisi, 2000). Udabno itself was the subject of royal patronage in the eleventh century, when the main church was painted, and later in the thirteenth century, when a chapel was painted devoted to the cult of Demetre II (1278-89), a martyr of the Mongols: Marina Bulia, "Davit garejis mokhatulobata ikonograpiuli programebis taviseburebani (udabnos kharebis eklesia)"
65. [On the iconographic programs in the painting of Davit Gareja (the Church of the Annunciation at Udabno)], Literatura da Khelovneba (1991), issue 4, 124-41.
66. Nikoloz Gulaberisdze, Sakitkhavi suetis tskhovelisay kuartisa sauploysa da katolike eklesiisa [Sermon on the living pillar, the Lord's tunic, and the Mother Church], ed. V. Karbelashvili (Tbilisi, 1908).
67. The earliest record of the hymns is MS H-1349, fols. 3-9, in the Institute of Manuscripts in Tbilisi: Kartul khelnatserta aghtseriloba H kolektsia [Description of Georgian manuscripts: H collection], 3, ed. Korneli Kekelidze (Tbilisi, 1948), pp. 228-29 and 304.
68. On the writings of Arsen Bulmaisimisdze see Michael Tarchnishvili, Geschichte der kirchlichen georgischen Literatur, Studi e Testi 185 (Vatican City, 1955), pp. 239-42.
69. On the cult of St. Nino in general, see Bernadette Martin-Hisard, "Jalons pour une histoire du culte de Sainte Nino (fin IVe-XIIe s.)," in From Byzantium to Iran: Armenian Studies in Honour of Nina G. Garsoïan, ed. Robert W. Thomson and Jean-Pierre Mahé (Atlanta, Ga., 1996), pp. 53-78.
70. Natela A. Aladashvili, "Vos'migrannaia kolonna iuzhnoi galerei khrama Oshki" [The octahedral column in the south gallery of the church of Oshki], Ars Georgica 10 (1991), 69-80;
71. David Winfield, "Some Early Medieval Figure Sculpture from North East Turkey," fournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 31 (1968), 33-72;
72. EkvtimeTaqaishvili, Arkheologicheskaiaekspeditsiia 1917-go goda v iuzhnye provintsii Gruzii [The archaeological expedition of 1917 to the southern provinces of Georgia] (Tbilisi, 1952), pls. 76 and 78.
73. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, pp. 93-184;
74. Alexei M. Lidov, The Mural Paintings of Akhtala (Moscow, 1991), pp. 76-77.
75. William E. D. Allen, A History of the Georgian People (London, 1932), pp. 101-8.
76. This issue is explored in more detail in Antony Eastmond, "Royal Renewal in Georgia: The Case of Queen Tamar," in New Constantines: The Rhythm of Imperial Renewal in Byzantium, 4th-13th Centuries, ed. Paul Magdalino, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies 2 (Aldershot, Eng., 1994), pp. 283-93.
77. According to Moktsevai kartlisai, St. Nino received a book inscribed with ten statements, three of which explicitly referred to the importance of women: Kartlis tskhovreba, 1:87;
78. On this earlier cycle see Zaza Skhirtladze and Antony Eastmond, "The Life of St. Davit Garejeli in the Tenth Century," forthcoming;
79. Guram Abramishvili, Davit garejelis tsikli kartul kedlis mkhatvrobashi [The cycle of St. Davit Garejeli in Georgian mural paintings] (Tbilisi, 1972).
80. Eastmond and Skhirtladze, "Innovation, Conservation."
81. The next cycle that is known is that on the ciborium in the cathedral of Svetitskhoveli in Mtskheta, which is dated to the reign of the catholicos Nikoloz Amilakhori (1678-88): Mtskheta, ed. Marina Bulia and Mzia Janjalia (Tbilisi, 2000), p. 90; images on pp. 27, 29, and 67.
82. Brigitta Schrade, "Byzantium and Its Eastern Barbarians: The Cult of Saints in Svanet'i," in Eastern Approaches to Byzantium, ed. Antony Eastmond, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies 9 (Aldershot, Eng., 2001), pp. 169-98.
83. This was despite the attempts by members of the local nobility to take over some elements from the court, such as the employment of the court artist, Tevdore, in the early twelfth century: Natela A. Aladashvili, Gaiane V. Alibegashvili, and Aneli Vol'skaia, Zhivopisnaia shkola Svaneti [The school of painting of Svaneti] (Tbilisi, 1983), pp. 30-32.
84. Eva M. Synek, "The Life of St Nino: Georgia's Conversion to Its Female Apsotle," in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Armstrong and Ian N. Wood, International Medieval Research 7 (Turnhout, 2000), pp. 3-13.
85. On the historical background see Kalistrat Salia, History of the Georgian Nation (Paris, 1980), pp. 220-24.
86. The principal publication on the church is now Jean-Michel Thierry and Nicole Thierry, L'église Saint-Grégoire de Tigran Honenc'à Ani (1215), Archéologies 1 (Louvain, 1993), with full bibliography (hereafter cited as "Thierry").
87. For other images of St. Gregory see Sharpie Der Nersessian, "Les portraits de Grégoire l'Illuminateur dans l'art byzantin," Byzantion 36 (1966), 386-95;
88. For the most recent overview see Raymond H. Kévorkian, ed., Ani: Capitale de l'Arménie en l'an mil (Paris, 2001).
89. See also Paulo Cuneo, Armen Zarian, Gabriella Uluhogian, Jean-Michel Thierry, and Nicole Thierry, Ani, Documenti di Architettura Armena 12 (Milan, 1984);
90. Nikolai I. Marr, Ani: Knizhnaia istoriia goroda i raskopki na meste gorodishcha (Leningrad, 1934), trans. Aïda Tcharkhtchian, Ani: Rêve d'Arménie (Paris, 2001);
91. and Vladimir Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History (London, 1953), pp. 79-106.
92. J. Michael Rogers, "The Mxargrdzelis between East and West," Bedi Kartlisa 34 (1976), 315-25;
93. Hakob Manandian, The Trade and Cities of Armenia in Relation to Ancient World Trade, trans. Nina G. Garsoïan (Lisbon, 1965), pp. 179-202.
94. Attempts have been made to date the paintings as late as 1251, based on Muradian's 1849 record of an inscription of that date on the east facade of the church: A. I. Kakovkin, "O datirovke rospisei khrama Sv. Grigoriia (1215 g.) v Ani, ego chasovni i pritvora" [On the dating of the paintings of the Church of St. Gregory (1215) in Ani, its chapel and porch], Vizantiiskii Vremennik 48 (1987), 108-14;
95. and "De la datation des fresques de la chapelle, du parvis et de l'église Saint-Grégoire (1215) d'Ani," in Quatrième Symposium International sur l'Art Arménien: Rapports (Erevan, 1985), pp. 174-77.
96. The wall paintings of the life of St. Nicholas at Bojana (1259) are the first to exceed the St. Gregory cycle in length, although earlier vita icons contain up to sixteen scenes: Ševčenko, The Life of St. Nicholas in Byzantine Art (above, n. 21), pp. 29-31 and 34-35.
97. The other most popular saint in art, St. George, is limited to cycles of no more than ten scenes before the fourteenth century: see the compilations in Mark-Weiner, "Narrative Cycles of the Life of St. George" (above, n. 21), pp. 35-97.
98. In terms of scale, the only comparable cycle is the life of St. Mark in the side chapels of San Marco, Venice (c. 1130), which contains eighteen scenes: Demus, The Mosaics of San Marco (above, n. 22), 1:54-83.
99. Agathangelos, History of the Armenians, trans. Robert W. Thomson (Albany, N.Y., 1976).
100. A. I. Kakovkin, "Stsena 'chudesnoe iavlenie zhivotvoriashchego stolpa' v rospisi khrama Grigoriia (1215 g.) v Ani" [The scene of "the miracle of the appearance of the lifegiving pillar" in the paintings of the Church of St. Gregory at Ani (1215)], Zograf 20 (1989), 30-32.
101. trans. Thomson, Rewriting Caucasian History, pp. 90-91;
102. whereas the Armenian chronicle of Moses Khorenatsi places Nino among Hripsime's servants: Moses Khorenats'i, History of the Armenians, trans. Robert W. Thomson, Harvard Armenian Texts and Studies 4 (Cambridge, Mass., 1978), pp. 238-40.
103. Kartlis tskhovreba 2 (Tbilisi, 1959), p. 111;
104. trans. Katharine Vivian, The Georgian Chronicle: The Period of Giorgi Lasha (Amsterdam, 1991), p. 141.
105. Nikolai I. Marr, "Nadpis Epifaniia, katalikosa Gruzii (iz raskopok v Ani 1910 g.)" [The inscription of Epiphane, catholicos of Georgia (from the excavations at Ani of 1910)], Izvestiia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk 4 (1910), 1433-42;
106. Jean-Pierre Mahé, "L'étude de P.M. Muradyan sur les inscriptions géorgiennes d'Arménie," Bedi Kartlisa 38 (1980), 295-309, esp. pp. 296-97.
107. This title had already been used by Georgian monarchs, along with that of sharvanshah: T. P. Enukidze, V. I. Shoshiashvili, and N. Sologava, Kartuli historikuli dokument'ebi XI-XIII s. [Georgian historical documents, eleventh-thirteenth centuries] (Tbilisi, 1984), p. 77.
108. Hayrapet Margarian, "Ani au temps des Zak'arides (XIIIe siècle)," in Ani, ed. Kévorkian (above, n. 58), pp. 110-15.
109. See, for example, the inscription of 1217 on the Church of the Holy Apostles in Ani: Mahé, "L'étude de P.M. Muradyan," p. 298.
110. Lidov, The Mural Paintings of Akhtala (above, n. 46).
111. Paruyr M. Muradian, "Problemy konfessional'noi orientatsii tserkvi Onentsa (kriticheskii analiz istochnikov i literatury)" [On the problem of the confessional orientation of the church of Honents (critical analysis of the sources and literature)], Kavkaz i Vizantiia 5 (1987), 36-66;
112. Alexei M. Lidov, "L'art des Arméniens chalcédoniens, " in Atti del Quinto Simposio Internazionale di Arte Armena (Venice, 1992), pp. 479-95.
113. Moses Khorenats'i, History of the Armenians, pp. 238-40, and commentary: pp. 37, 41, and 44.
114. See Stephen H. Rapp, "Imagining History at the Crossroads: Persia, Byzantium, and the Architects of the Written Georgian Past" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1997), p. 341.
115. Otar Piralishvili, Qintsvisi Murals (Tbilisi, 1979);
116. Ekaterina Privalova, Rospis' Timotesubani[The paintings of Timotesubani] (Tbilisi, 1980).
117. In general see Ekaterina Privalova, "La peinture monumentale géorgienne à la limite des XIIe-XIIIe siècles," offprint from IIe Symposium International sur l'Art Géorgien (Tbilisi, 1977), 26 pp.
118. For a brief summary of the objections to this identification see Wachtang Djobadze's review of V. A. Arutiunova-Fidanian, Armiane-Chalkidonity na vostochnykh granitsakh vizantiiskoi imperii (XI v.), in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 76 (1983), 59-61.
119. The most accessible literature is Viada A. Arutiunova-Fidanian, "Les Arméniens chalcédoniens en tant que phénomène culturel de l'Orient chrétien," in Atti del Quinto Simposio Internazionale di Arte Armena, pp. 463-77;
120. Viada A. Arutiunova-Fidanian, "The Ethno-Confessional Self-Awareness of Armenian Chalcedonians," Revue des études arméniennes 21 (1988-89), 345-63;
121. Viada A. Arutiunova-Fidanian, Armiane-khalkidonity na vostochnykh granitsakh vizantiiskoi imperii [Chalcedonian Armenians on the eastern frontier of the Byzantine Empire] (Erevan, 1980);
122. Lidov, "L'art des Arméniens chalcédoniens," pp. 479-95;
123. Paruyr M. Muradian, "Kul'turnaia deiatel'nost' Armian-Khalkedonitov v XI-XIII vekakh" [Cultural activities of Chalcedonian Armenians, the eleventh-thirteenth centuries], in Second International Symposium on Armenian Art (Erevan, 1981), pp. 325-35.
124. Cyril Toumanoff, "The Bagratids of Iberia from the Eighth to the Eleventh Century," Le Muséon 74 (1961), 5-42 and 233-316.
125. This is a very contentious issue; a useful summary of the modern dispute is given by Rapp, "Imagining History at the Crossroads," pp. 507-22.
126. The Kurdish origin of the Zakarids is reported, but otherwise ignored, by Kirakos Gandzaketsi in Deux historiens arméniens: Kiracos de Gantzac, XIIIe siècle, Histoire d'Arménie; Oukhtanès d'Ourha, Xe siècle, Histoire en trois parties, trans. Marie-Félicité Brosset (St. Petersburg, 1870-71), p. 81. An English translation can be found at http://www.rbedrosian.com/kg1.htm (consulted 8 September 2002).
127. Jerry H. Bentley, Old World Encounters: Cross-Cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-modern Times (Oxford, 1993), pp. 3-28.
128. For examples of the various motivations for conversion from Christianity to Islam in Anatolia at this time see Irène Mélikoff, La geste de Melik Danismend: Etude critique du Danismendname, Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie d'Istanbul 10-11 (Paris, 1960), 1:223, 273-74, 370-71, 396, and 426-27.
129. Parallels are found in Elizabethan England: Michael C. Questier, Conversion, Politics and Religion in England, 1580-1625 (Cambridge, Eng., 1996).
130. This issue is argued at greater length in Antony Eastmond, Art and Identity in the Thirteenth-Century Caucasus (Los Angeles, 2000), pp. 3-40.
131. Gandzaketsi, Deux historiens arméniens, pp. 83-88. The eight demands were that the liturgy should be performed by priests and deacons; that the principal feast days should be celebrated on the dates that they occur (rather than the nearest Sunday); that fasting at Easter should be maintained until evening; that "icons of the Savior and all the saints should be accepted, and not despised as though they were pagan images"; that mass could be performed for the living as well as the dead; that clerics should not eat meat; that priests should be ordained only after a period as clerks and deacons; and that cenobites should reside in monasteries where no one should have private property.
132. Wall paintings are not unknown in Armenia, but their rarity means that their presence in any particular church must be explained. For a discussion of possible political reasons see Nicole Thierry, "Du développement comparé des peintures murales dans les royaumes arméniens," in L'Arménie et Byzance: Histoire et culture, Byzantina Sorbonensia 12 (Paris, 1996), pp. 203-11.
133. see Patrick Donabédian and Jean-Michel Thierry, Les arts arméniens (Paris, 1987), pp. 536, 579-80, 474-75, 487-88, 533-34, 534-35, 546, 547-48, 568-69, and 588-89.
134. Nikolai I. Marr, "Kreshchenie Armian', Gruzin', i Alanov' sviatym' Grigoriem" [The baptism of Armenians, Georgians, and Alans by St. Gregory], Zapiski vostochnogo otdeleniia imperatorskogo russkogo arkheologicheskogo obshchestva [Transactions of the Oriental Department of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society] 16 (1905), 63-211.
135. For comparisons see the donors at the church of Zemo Krikhi, c. 1030: Gaiane V. Alibegashvili, Svetskii portret v gruzinskoi srednevekovoi monumental'noi zhivopisi [The secular portrait in Georgian medieval monumental painting] (Tbilisi, 1979), ps. 25-27.
136. Demetre I is recorded by Ibn al-Azraq as showing "such esteem towards the Muslims as they would not enjoy even if they were in Baghdad" (Vladimir Minorsky, "Caucasica [I] in the History of Mayyafariqin," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 13 [1949], 34;
137. see also Carole Hillenbrand, A Muslim Principality in Crusader Times: The Early Artuqid State [Istanbul, 1990], p. 43). This policy is notably absent from all Georgian accounts, which prefer to celebrate his capture of the gates of Gandza, which were brought to the royal monastery at Gelati.
138. On administration see Michael Angold, A Byzantine Government in Exile: Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea, 1204-1261 (Oxford, 1975);
139. on imperial philosophy see Ruth Macrides, "From the Komnenoi to the Palaiologoi: Imperial Political Models in Decline and Exile," in New Constantines, ed. Magdalino (above, n. 48), pp. 269-82.
140. Slobodan Ćurčić, "The Nemanjić Family Tree in the Light of the Ancestral Cult in the Church of Joachim and Anna at Studenica," Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta 14-15 (1973), 191-96.
141. Enukidze et al., Kartuli historikuli dokument'ebi (above, n. 71), p. 77 (shahanshah translates as "king of kings";
142. sharvanshah as "ruler of Sharvan" [the eastern Caucasus]).
143. Early evidence of imperial aspirations comes from the reign of Davit IV the Builder (1089-1125): Darejan Kldiashvili, "L'icône de Saint Georges du Mont Sinaï avec le portrait de Davit Aghmašenebeli," Revue des études géorgiennes et caucasiennes 5 (1989), 107-28.
144. Wolff, "The 'Second Bulgarian Empire'" (above, n. 27), pp. 192-95.
145. Helen C. Evans, "Imperial Aspirations: Armenian Cilicia and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century," in Eastern Approaches to Byzantium, ed. Eastmond (above, n. 53), pp. 243-56.
146. The giving of status to an idea through depiction has an equivalent in the West in the thirteenth century, in Venice, where Martino da Canal, in his Les estoires de Venise (1267-75), challenged his readers to confirm the truth of his writings by looking at the narrative of the life of St. Mark in the facade mosaics of San Marco: Patricia Fortini Brown, Venetian Narrative Painting in the Age of Carpaccio (London, 1988), pp. 79-80.
147. Histoire universelle par Etienne Asolic de Taron, trans. Frédéric Macler (Paris, 1917), 2:114.
148. Cecil L. Striker and Y. Doǧan Kuban, Kalenderhane in Istanbul: The Buildings, Their History, Architecture, and Decoration (Mainz, 1997), pp. 128-42.
149. Archimandrate Kliment Rilets, Sv. Ivan Rilski i Rilskiiat Manastir [St. John of Rila and Rila monastery] (Sofia, 1947), pp. 31-42.
150. On St. Tryphon see Clive Foss, Nicaea: A Byzantine Capital and Its Praises, Archbishop Iakovos Library of Ecclesiastical and Historical Sources 21 (Brookline, Mass., 1996), pp. 104-7;
151. and Hans W. Buchwald, "Lascarid Architecture," Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik 28 (1979), 263.
152. On St. Eugenios, see the records in Joseph Lazaropoulos, A Further Partial Collection from among the Saint's Numerous Miracles, ed. and trans. Jan O. Rosenqvist, in The Hagiographic Dossier of St. Eugenios of Trebizond in Codex Athous Dionysiou 154, Studia Byzantina Upsaliensia 5 (Uppsala, 1996), pp. 246-358.
153. The records of Russian pilgrims in the fourteenth century, which show no signs of their seeing second-rate collections, indicate that this fiction was successfully transformed into fact: George P. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 19 (Washington, D.C., 1984).
154. The creation of a cycle devoted to St. Euphemia in her church by the Hippodrome in the 1260s perhaps represents an adoption of the use of saints' lives by the Palaeologan emperors, as the cycle affirms Chalcedonian Orthodoxy in the city: Rudolf Naumann and Hans Belting, Die Euphemie-Kirche am Hippodrom zu Istanbul und ihre Fresken, Istanbuler Forschungen 25 (Berlin, 1966), pp. 113-17.
155. On national identity in the Middle Ages see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London, 1991), pp. 5-7;
156. the essays by Lesley Johnson and Anthony Smith in Concepts of National Identity in the Middle Ages, ed. Simon Forde, Lesley Johnson, and Alan V. Murray, Leeds Texts and Monographs, n.s., 14 (Leeds, 1995);
157. and the recent critique in Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge, Eng., 1997).
158. Similar conclusions are reached by Paul Stephenson, Byzantium's Balkan Frontier: A Political Study of the Northern Balkans, 900-1204 (Cambridge, Eng., 2000), p. 320;
159. and John V. A. Fine, Jr., The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1987), p. 43.
160. Allen, A History of the Georgian People (above, n. 47), pp. 104-5.
161. On Hasan Jalal-Dawla: Iosif A. Orbeli, "Hasan Dzhalal kniaz' khachenskii" [Hasan Jalal, prince of Kachen], Izvestiia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk 3 (1909), 146-74;
162. On the debate within Byzantium on the unity of the Orthodox Church at a time of political division see Michael Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261 (Cambridge, Eng., 1995), pp. 530-63;
163. and Ruth Macrides, "Bad Historian or Good Lawyer? Demetrios Chomatenos and Novel 131," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 46 (1992), 187-96.