Finding gold, forming slavery: The creation of a classic slave society, Popayán, 1600-1700

Americas

Volumn 63, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 81-112

  Bryant, Sherwin K ^a  

^a NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 60949988813     PISSN: 00031615     EISSN: 15336247     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/tam.2006.0103     Document Type: Review

References (65)

1. Libros de los Cabildos de Quito, Tomo 1, Vol. 1, 1534-1538, pp. 3-5
2. The same text documents the presence of Pedro Salinas color negro, and Pedro Moreno (brown) among the 204 people present at the [re]founding of Quito. See also. Fernando Jurado Naboa, "Algunas reflexiones sobre la tenencia de los esclavos en la colonia: 1536-1826," Boletin del Archivo National (Quito, 1992), p. 93
3. See also, James Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), pp. 171-172
4. Frederick Bowser, The African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), pp. 3-7
5. and Matthew Restall, "Black Conquistadors: Armed Africans in Early Spanish America," The Americas, 57:2 (October 2000), pp. 174-176
6. See James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1972), pp. 36, 96-102, 380, 421-22, and 447
7. See also. Matthew Restall, "Black Conquistadors," pp. 174 and 184
8. David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 1-29
9. Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery, pp. 23-29
10. Kris E. Lane, Quito 1599: City and Colony in Transition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002), pp. 131-133
11. Scholars, for example, have only recently turned their attention to the Eastern Andes. See Lolita G. Brockington, "The African Diaspora in the Eastern Andes: Adaptation, Agency, and Fugitive Action, 1573-1677," The Americas 57:2 (October 2000), pp. 207-224
12. Manuel Lucena Slamoral, Sangre sobre piel negra: La esclavitud quiteña en el contexto del refomismo borbónico (Quito: Abya-Yala, 1991)
13. and Rafael Savoia, ed., Adas del primer congreso de historia del negro en el Ecuador y sur de Colombia (Quito: Centro Cultural Afro-Ecuatoriano, 1988). Both Michael Hammerly and Maria Luisa Laviana-Cuetos blazed important trails for scholars interested in the social history of the city and province of Guayaquil, highlighting the presence of African descended people
14. See Michael Hammerly, Historia social y económica de la Antigua provincia de Guayaquil, 1763-1842 (Guayaquil, 1973)
15. Hammerly, El comercio de cacao de Guayaquil durante el période colonial: un estudio cuantitativo (Guayaquil, 1976)
16. See María Eugenía Chavés, María Chiquinquirá Díaz un esclava del siglo VIII: Acerca de las identidades de amo y esclave en el Puerto colonial de Guayaquil (Guayaquil: Archivo Histórico del Guayas, 1998)
17. idem, "Slave Women's Strategies for Freedom and the late Spanish Colonial State," in Hidden Histories of Gender and the State in Latin America, edited by Elizabeth Dore and Maxine Molyneux (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000)
18. See also Bernard Lavallé, "Logica esclavista y resistencia negra en los andes ecuatorianos a finales del siglo XVIII. Revista de Indias 53 (1993), pp. 699-722
19. idem, "The Transition from Encomienda to Slavery in Seventeenth-Century Barbacoas (Colombia)," Slavery & Abolition 21:1 (April 2000), pp. 73-95
20. idem, "Captivity and Redemption: Aspects of Slave Life in Early Colonial Quito and Popayán, The Americas 57:2 (2000), pp. 225-46
21. nd edition [1979])
22. Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: Two Centuries of American Slavery (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Belknap Press, 1997), p. 8. Historian Eugene D. Genovese has argued that mainland Spanish America did not develop slave societies, insisting that it was a region home to "pockets of slaves and masters."
23. Eugene D. Genovese, The World the Slaveholders Made: Two Essays in Interpretation (New York: Vintage Books, 1971), p. 63
24. See also Moses I. Finely, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (New York: 1980), p. 86
25. Herman L. Bennett, Africans in Colonial Mexico: Absolutism, Christianity, and Afro-Creole Consciousness, 1570-1640 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003), pp. 14-32
26. Kris E. Lane, "Slaves, Rebels, Apprentices: The Captivity Gradient in Early Colonial Quito," Paper presented at the American Historical Association and Conference on Latin American History Annual Meetings, Chicago, IL. 2003
27. See also, Sherwin K. Bryant, "Enslaved Rebels, Fugutives, and Litigants: The Resistance Continuum in Colonial Quito," Colonial Latin American Review 13:1 (June 2004), pp. 13, 36 and 37, note 11
28. For discussions of population figures, see Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, pp. 37-44
29. For demographic histories of the region, see the works of historians Suzanne Alchon, Native Society and Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)
30. and Martin Minchom. The People of Quito (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988)
31. Kris E. Lane, "The Transition from Encomienda to Slavery in Seventeenth-Century Barbacoas (Colombia)," Slavery and Abolition, 21:1 (April 2000), pp. 73-95
32. See also. Luis F. Calero, Chiefdoms Under Siege: Spain's Rule and Native Adaptation in the Southern Colombian Andes, 1535-1700 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997)
33. Germán Colmenares, Historia Economíca y Social de Colombia, 3 vols. (Bogóta: Institute) Colombiano de Cultura Hispánica, 1995)
34. and Robert C. West, Colonial Placer Mining in Colombia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1952)
35. See also Robert J. Ferry, "Encomienda, African Slavery and Agriculture in 17th Century Caracas," Hispanic American Historical Review 61:4 (November 1981), 609-635
36. and Timothy J. Yeager, "Encomienda or Slavery? The Spanish Crown's Choice of Labor Organization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America," Journal of Economic History 55:4 (December 1995), pp. 842-859
37. RHGQ, 1:550, 567, 518-526
38. see also Lane, "Captivity and Redemption."
39. Peter Marzahl, Town in the Empire: Government, Politics, and Society in Seventeenth-Century Popayán (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978), p. 75
40. Marzahl, Town in the Empire, pp. 75-76
41. María Elena Díaz finds the crown employed 'royal slaves' consistently in state-sponsored public works projects, most notably in fortification efforts throughout the Spanish Caribbean. For a thorough explication of the peculiarities of royal slavery in the context of copper mines in the Spanish Caribbean see Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000)
42. Lane, Quito 1599, p. 166
43. Robert C. West, Colonial Placer Mining in Colombia, pp.10, 36-37
44. See Pilar Ponce Leiva, ed., Relaciones histórico- geográficas de la Audienica de Qutio, 2 vols. (1991-1994), 1: pp. 16-56, 445-457; 2: pp. 203-206
45. See, for example, ACC. PN Tomo 9; 14 septiembre 1633, folio 329v; and Marzahl, Town in the Empire, p. 45
46. West, Colonial Placer Mining
47. and Guido Barona, "Estructura de la producción de oro en las minas de la Real Corona: Chisquío (Cauca) en el Siglo XVII," Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura (ACHSC) 11 (1983), pp. 5-42
48. See Kris E. Lane, "Captivity and Redemption," pp. 243-245
49. Piezas de esclaves (pieces of slaves), used interchangeably at times with piezas de indias, was used in slave trading parlance to signify the equivalent of a mature, male or female captive, who was thought to be in good physical condition. Not to be confused with cabeza de esclaves or literally heads of slaves, which signified the actual number of captives, pieaza de indias was an attempt to account for and appraise accurately the value of all captives in a given sale, including those who lived "como alma en boca" (with their very souls in their mouths, or on the brink of death). See also, Enriqueta Vila Vilar's discussion of these term and their import in quantifying slave imports in Enriqueta Vila Vilar, Hispanoamérica y el comercio de esclavos (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1977)
50. ACC. PN. Tomo 13; 9 julio 1661 folios 53, and 56. See also. Marzahl, Town in the Empire, p. 26
51. ACC. PN. Tomo II, 735v (19-vi-1603)
52. ACC. PN. Tomo I, folio 257v
53. See RHGQ, Vol. 1, pp. 1-15, 332-334
54. West, p. 87
55. Kathleen J. Higgins, "Licentious Liberty" in a Brazilian Gold-Mining Region, p. 5
56. Bryant, "Enslaved Rebels, Fugitives, and Litigants," pp. 7-19
57. ACC. Sig. 1391 (Col.-J I-1cv). 28 Marzo de 1611, folios 1-12
58. RHGQ, Vol. 2, pp. 203-207
59. Kris E. Lane, "Mining the Margins," p. 104
60. Another Babacoan elite purchased an entire mining operation in 1676, an enterprise that included 28 slaves, water rights, plantations groves, and other items. See Lane, "From Encomienda," 84. Drawing from the work of John Thornton and Hernán Colmenares, Lane correctly asserts that Juan Philupo de los Rios was likely to have come from the Fulupo Kingdom situated along the Casamance River in West Africa. See also, Hernán Colmenares, Popayán: una sociedad esclavista, pp. 48-54
61. and John Thornton, African and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic world, 1400-1800, pp. 184-205. While Colmenares argues that "most" of Popayán's slaves (after 1680) embarked from the coasts of West Africa that surround the mouth of the Niger and the Congo River in the south, as will be illustrated in coming pages Popayán's slave market was characterized by ethno-regional heterogeneity from beginning to end
62. Lane, "From Encomienda," p. 85
63. Caroline A. Williams, "Resistance and Rebellion on the Spanish Frontier: Native Responses to Colonization in the Colombian Chocó, 1670-1690," Hispanic American Historical Review 79:3, pp. 397-424
64. Just twelve years later, in 1682, this same minero, Gaspar Estacio Armal y Villada held an even larger cuadrilla (slave gang) consisting of 77 enslaved Africans and Afro-criollos. See Lane, "The Transition From Encomienda to Slavery," p. 85
65. See Germán Colmenares, Historía cconómica y social II (Santafé de Bogotá: Tercer Mundo, SA, 1997 [1979])