The high places (bāmôt) and the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah: An archaeological investigation

Journal of the American Oriental Society

Volumn 122, Issue 3, 2002, Pages 437-465

  Fried, Lisbeth S ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 60949938324     PISSN: 00030279     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3087515     Document Type: Conference Paper

References (207)

1. References to the extensive literature on the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah can be found in N. Na'aman, "The Debated Historicity of Hezekiah's Reform in the Light of Historical and Archaeological Research, " ZAW 107(1995): 179-95.
2. For a recent history of Israelite cult sites and their implications forthe history of religion in Israel, see B. A. Nakhai, Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel (Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research, 2001). For reasons that should become clear below, I do not agree with many ofher conclusions.
3. See discussion in P. H. Vaughan, The Meaning of 'Bamah' in the Old Testament: A Study of the Etymological, Textual and Archaeological Evidence(London: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1974).
4. cf. M. Held, "Studies in Comparative Semitic Lexicography, " in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger, ed. H. G. Güterbock and T. Jacobsen(Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1965), 406.
5. S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire du culte dans la septante(Paris: Klincksieck, 1966), 33.
6. This idea is adumbrated with differences in L.-H. Vincent, "Lanotion biblique du hautlieu, " Revue Biblique 55 (1948): 438-45.
7. H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edn. (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1996), 334. D. Ussishkin (personal communication) suggests thatthis meaning of the word may have been adopted by the Greeks from the North Semitic world.
8. For a clear introduction to the topic and further references, see W. B.Barrick, "High /Place, " ABD III (1992), 196-200;
9. "On the Meaning of and and the Composition of the Kings History, " JBL 115 (1996): 621-42;
10. M. Gleis, Die Bamah (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1997), 1-26;
11. and B. A. Nakhati, "What's a Bamah? How Sacred Space Functions in Ancient Israel, " BAR 20 (1994): 18-29. Barrick and Nakhati find the originof present understanding in Jerome's fourth-century Latin Vulgate in whichbāmāh is translated as excelsus, "high place. " The Latinis doubtless based on the Greek, however.
12. J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel (New York:Meridian Books, 1957), 17-19.
13. M. Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1985), 18-25.
14. See also "Bāmôt and Sanctuaries: From Arad to Dan, "Beth Mikra 24 (1978): 94-105 (Hebrew).
15. Vaughan, 'Bamah', 25.
16. G. R. H. Wright, "Pre-Israelite Temples in the Land of Canaan, "PEQ 103 (1971): 17-32.
17. Haran, Temples, 23, argues that the verb hēsîr cannot be usedwith a building, but can be used with bāmôt, which he defines as"simple, solid, and exposed constructions. " The difference escapesme; buildings can be removed, stone by stone.
18. Pointed out by S. Daniel, Recherches, 33.
19. E. g. , P. K. McCarter, I Samuel (Garden City, N. Y. : Doubleday, 1980), 165;
20. H. W. Hertzberg, I & II Samuel: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964), 76.
21. McCarter, I Samuel, 169.
22. R. W. Klein, I Samuel (Waco, Tex. : Word Books, 1983), 81,
23. retains "city" in both verses with the versions, as does P. R.Ackroyd, The First Book of Samuel, The Cambridge Bible Commentary (Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. Press, 1971), 77. Ackroyd admits it is unclear whether thebāmāh is inside or outside the city, and acknowledges that eithervs. 14 or vs. 18 must be emended.
24. J. A. Emerton, "The Biblical High Place in the Light of Recent Study, " PEQ 129 (1997): 116-32.
25. See also Z. Herzog, "The Meaning of the Term 'Bāmāh' inthe Light of the Archaeological Finds, " Beth Miqra 72 (1977): 177-82(Hebrew).
26. For a translation, see W. F. Albright, "The Moabite Stone, "ANET, 320-21,
27. with references, and K. A. D. Smelik, "The Literary Structure of King Mesha's Inscription, " JSOT 46 (1990): 21-30.
28. For general discussion and background of the text and the archaeology, see the articles in Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab, ed. J. A. Dearman(Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989).
29. The following discussion is based in large part on chapters 3 and 4 ofthat book: K. P. Jackson and J. A. Dearman, "The Text of the Mesha'Inscription" (93-95),
30. and K. P. Jackson, "The Language of the Mesha' Inscription"(96- 130).
31. A. D. Tushingham, The Excavations at Dibon (Dhībân) in Moab:The Third Campaign 1952-53 (Cambridge: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1972), 23.
32. More recent excavations have yielded similar results (W. H. Morton, "A Summary of the 1955, 1956 and 1965 Excavations at Dhiban, " in Dearman, Studies in the Mesha Inscription, 239-46.
33. Various translations have been suggested for this verse; these arediscussed in W. B. Barrick, "The Bamoth of Moab, " Maarav 7 (1991):67-89.
34. G. W. Ahlström, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 13-20;
35. Barrick, "The Bamoth of Moab"; M. Gleis, Die Bamah, 27-31.
36. Morton, "Excavations at Dhiban. "
37. G. L. Mattingly, "Moabite Religion and the Mesha' Inscription, "in Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab, 227, States that "it is hereassumed that Qarhcombining dot belowoh was simply another name for a part of Dibon,
38. perhaps its royal quarter or acropolis. " J. A. Dearman, "Historical Reconstruction, " 171, states that "many interpretershave concluded that Qrhcombining dot belowh is a quarter or suburb of Dibon, orperhaps the royal acropolis. This conclusion has much to commend it and is moresatisfactory than [other assumptions]. "
39. W. G. Dever, "Archaeological Methods and Results: A Review of Two Recent Publications, " Or 40 (1971): 459-71.
40. Dever, Or 40 (1971): 463. It is possible that the modern city of Beitinis not Bethel after all. It seems odd to find absolutely no cultic paraphernaliafrom the Iron Age if Beitin were truly Bethel.
41. For a discussion of these verses and the application of the termbāmāh to Bethel (primarily) and secondarily to Dan, see W. B.Barrick, JBL 115 (1996): 621-42.
42. A. Biran, Dan I: A Chronicle of the Excavations, the Pottery Neolithic, the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age Tombs (Jerusalem: Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, 1996), 1.
43. A. Biran, "Dan, " New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavationsin the Holy Land, ed. E. Stern, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Society for the Study of the Land of Israel and Her Antiquities, 1992), 323-32.
44. A. Biran, "Notes and News: Tel Dan, 1976, " IEJ 26 (1976):202-6, plate 35.
45. A. Biran, "An Israelite Horned Altar at Dan, " BA 37 (1974):106-7.
46. W. Zwickel, Der Tempelkult in Kanaan und Israel: Studien zur Kultgeschichte Palästinas von der Mittelbronzezeit bis zum Untergang Judas(Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr/Paul Siebeck, 1994), 255.
47. A. Biran, Biblical Dan (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, HUC-JIR, 1994), 168.
48. A. Mazar, "Temples of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages and the Iron Age, " in The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods, ed. A. Kempinski and R. Reich (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1992), 161-87;
49. L. Stager and S. Wolff, "Production and Commerce in Temple Courtyards: An Olive Press in the Sacred Precinct at Tel Dan, " BASOR 243(1981): 95-102;
50. Y. Shiloh, "Iron Age Sanctuaries and Cult Elements in Palestine, " in Symposia Celebrating the 75th Anniversary of the Founding ofthe American Schools of Oriental Research, ed. F. M. Cross (Cambridge, Mass. :ASOR, 1979): 147-57.
51. Pace Zwickel, Temple Kult, 254-56, who argues that since the platform wasmost likely the foundation of a building, the reason for labeling it a highplace ("Kulthöhe") is removed. This would be true if thefoundation were not for a temple, or if temples were automatically excluded fromthe definition of a bāmāh.
52. M. D. Fowler, "Excavated Incense Burners: A Case for Identifying a Site as Sacred?" PEQ 117 (1985): 25-29;
53. M. Haran, "Incense Altars-Are They?" in Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, ed. A. Biran and J. Aviram (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1993), 237-47;
54. K. Nielsen, Incense in Ancient Israel (Leiden: Brill, 1986);
55. Y. Shiloh, "Iron Age Sanctuaries. "
56. L. G. Herr, "The Iron Age II Period: Emerging Nations, " BA 60(1997): 114-83;
57. R. Kletter, "Pots and Politics: Material Remains of Late Iron Age Judah in Relation to its Political Borders, " BASOR 314 (1999): 19-54.
58. The borders of Judah in 701 are also discussed in E. Stern, Archaeologyof the Land of the Bible, vol. 2: The Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian Periods(723-332 B. C. E. ) (New York: Doubleday, 2001), 134-63.
59. See too H. G. May, Oxford Bible Atlas (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984), 69.
60. The discussion of the Stratum V temple at Lachish is based on Y. Aharoni, Investigations at Lachish: The Sanctuary and the Residency (Lachish V) (Tel Aviv: Gateway Publishers, 1975), 26-32;
61. D. Ussishkin, "Lachish, " Anchor Bible Dictionary, IV (1992), 114-26;
62. and "Lachish, " NEAEHL, 905-11.
63. I. Finkelstein, "The Archaeology of the United Monarchy: AnAlternative View, " Levant 28 (1996): 177-87, dates this level to the earlyninth century according to his "Low Chronology";
64. but see S. Bunimovitz and A. Faust, "Chronological Separation, Geographical Segregation, or Ethnic Demarcation? Ethnography and the Iron Age Low Chronology, " BASOR 332 (2001): 1-10; and references in n. 112 below. Adiscussion of the low chronology is beyond the scope of this paper, but datingthe sites according to the low chronology would not affect its conclusions.
65. D. Ussishkin, The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib (Tel Aviv: Instituteof Archaeology, Tel Aviv Univ. , 1982), 26-27.
66. D. Ussishkin, "The 'Lachish Reliefs' and the City of Lachish, "IEJ 30 (1980): 174-95, has shown that the reliefs at Nineveh portray, in themain, actual features of Lachish and the siege, and do not simply depict animaginary event.
67. O. Borowski, "Hezekiah's Reforms and the Revolt against Assyria, " BA 58 (1995): 150;
68. Y. Aharoni, "Arad: Its Inscriptions and Temple, " BA 31 (1968):1-32.
69. Z. Herzog, M. Aharoni, and A. Rainey, "The Israelite Fortress at Arad, " BASOR 254 (1984): 1-34;
70. "Arad: An Ancient Israelite Fortress with a Temple to Yahweh, "BAR 13 (1987): 16-44.
71. A. Rainey apud Z. Herzog et al. , "The Israelite Fortress at Arad, " BASOR 254 (1984): 15.
72. The following discussion is based on Z. Herzog, Arad, part 2: The Arad Fortress (Tel Aviv: Hakkibbutz Hammeuchad Publishing House, Israel Exploration Society, Israel Antiquities Authority, 1997), 113-292 (Hebrew); on hisforthcoming manuscript, "The Date of the Temple at Arad: Reassessment ofthe Stratigraphy and the Implications for the History of Religion in Judah, " and on recent discussions with Herzog at the site itself. I thankhim for his time and for the manuscript.
73. M. Aharoni, "On the Israelite Fortress at Arad, " BASOR 258(1985): 73;
74. A. Mazar and E. Netzer, "Chronology of the Pottery Assemblages from Arad, " BASOR 263 (1986): 89-91. Based on the similarity of the pottery tothat of Level III at Lachish, these writers date all three strata to the eighthcentury. This may be correct, but one should remember that Level III at Lachishcovers 150 years.
75. I. Finkelstein, Near Eastern Archaeology 62 (1999): 35-52, esp. 39;
76. Levant 28 (1996): 177-87;
77. Levant 30 (1998): 167-74, dates Stratum XII to the tenth century and Stratum XI to the ninth.
78. Zimhoni dates Stratum XI at Arad to the ninth century and Stratum XII tothe tenth. She suggests that Stratum XII was the town destroyed by Sheshonq.That stratum was unfortified. N. Na'aman, "Arad in the Topographical Listof Shishak, " Tel Aviv 12 (1985): 91-92, suggests that the term hcombiningdot belowgr in Sheshonq's topographical list is not a determinative for"fort" but simply part of the name.
79. It does not require that the installation Sheshonq destroyed wasenclosed. Nonetheless, Stratum XII shows no sign of a destruction. Further, thepottery in Strata XII and XI resembles each other "very closely"-O.Zimhoni, Tel Aviv 12 (1985): 86;
80. The lack of a destruction level to end Stratum XII and the similarity ofpottery in the two strata suggest that the community of Stratum XII erected thefortress of the succeeding occupational stage-Z. Herzog, "Arad: Iron Age Period, " Oxford Encyclopedia of the Ancient Near East, Vol. 1, 174-76, esp.174.
81. Pace D. Ussishkin, "The Date of the Judaean Shrine at Arad, "IEJ 38 (1988): 142-57, who noticed that the temple was built over fill layersthat cover a water channel.
82. Herzog, Arad Fortress, 202-3.
83. Y. Aharoni, "The Horned Altar of Beer-Sheba, " BA 37 (1974):2-6.
84. Z. Herzog, Beth Mikra 72 (1977): 177-82;
85. contra Y. Yadin, "Beer-Sheba: The High Place Destroyed by King Josiah, " BASOR 222 (1976): 5-17. Herzog (personal communication) suggestthat an iron gate was used on the altar.
86. Y. Aharoni, "The Stratification of the Site, " in Beer-Sheba I:Excavations at Tel Beer Sheba, 1969-1971 Seasons, ed. Y. Aharoni (Tel Aviv:Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv Univ. , 1973), 4-8;
87. Z. Herzog, A. Rainey, Sh. Moshkovitz, "The Stratigraphy at Beer-Sheba and the Location of the Sanctuary, " BASOR 225 (1977): 49-58;
88. A. Rainey, "Hezekiah's Reform and the Altars at Beer-Sheba and Arad, " in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, ed. M. C. Coogan, J. C. Exum, and L. E.Stager (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1994), 333-54.
89. Aharoni, Beer-Sheba I, 5.
90. N. H. Gadegaard, "On the So-Called Burnt Offering Altar in the Old Testament, " PEQ 110 (1978): 35-45. He argues they were ordinarily not usedfor burning the animal, but for exposing it and spilling its blood.
91. Stern, "Limestone Incense Altars, " in Beer-Sheba I, 52-53.
92. Yadin, "Beer-Sheba: The High Place, 5-17.
93. Herzog, Rainey, Moshkovitz, BASOR 225 (1977): 49-58.
94. Borowski, BA 58 (1995): 148-55;
95. P. Jacobs and O. Borowski, "Tel Halif, 1992, " IEJ 43 (1993):66-70.
96. Pace W. Dever, "Asherah, Consort of Yahweh? New Evidence from Kuntillet 'Ajrud, " BASOR 255 (1984): 21-37.
97. H. Shanks, "Antiquities Director Confronts Problems and Controversies: BAR Interviews Avraham Eitan, " BAR 12 (1986): 30-38;
98. A. Eitan, "Rare Sword of the Israelite Period Found at Vered Jericho, " Israel Museum Journal 12 (1994): 61-64.
99. E. Stern, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 134.
100. The discussion is based on K. Kenyon, Digging Up Jerusalem (London:Ernest Benn Limited, 1974), 130-43;
101. H. J. Franken and M. L. Steiner, Excavations in Jerusalem 1961-1967, vol.2: The Iron Age Extramural Quarter on the South-East Hill (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1990), 1-60, 123-31;
102. I Eshel and K. Prag, Excavations by K. M. Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961-1967, vol. 4: The Iron Age Cave Deposits on the South-East Hill and Isolated Burialsand Cemeteries Elsewhere (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), 3-26, 209-20;
103. D. T. Ariel and A. De Groot, "The Iron Age Extramural Occupation atthe City of David and Additional Observations on the Siloam Channel, " in City of David 1978-1985, vol. 5: Extramural Areas (Jerusalem: Hebrew Univ.Press, 2000), 155-69.
104. I. Eshel, "The Architecture of the Cave Structures and their Stratigraphical Setting, " in I. Eshel and K. Prag, Excavations by K. M.Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961-1967, 6.
105. H. J. Franken and M. L. Steiner, Excavations in Jerusalem 1961-1967, vol.2: 49;
106. H. J. Franken, "Cave I at Jerusalem-an Interpretation, " in Trade, Contact, and the Movement of Peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean:Studies in Honour of J. Basil Hennessy, ed. S. Bourke and J.-P. Descoeudres(Sydney: Meditarch, 1995), 233-40;
107. M. Steiner, "Two Popular Cult Sites of Ancient Palestine, " SJOT11 (1997): 16-28;
108. "The Archaeology of Ancient Jerusalem, " Currents in Research:Biblical Studies 6 (1998): 143-68;
109. J. S. Holladay, Jr. , "Religion in Israel and Judah under the Monarchy: An Explicitly Archaeological Approach, " in Ancient Israelite Religion: Festschrift Frank Moore Cross, ed. P. D. Millar, Jr. , P. D. Hanson, and S. D. McBride (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), 249-99;
110. as well as Kenyon, Digging Up Jerusalem, 130-43.
111. C. F. Graesser, "Standing Stones in Ancient Palestine, " BA 35(1972): 34-63;
112. L. Stager, "The Archaeology of the East Slope of Jerusalem and the Terraces of the Kidron, " JNES 41 (1982): 111-21;
113. Franken and Steiner, Excavations in Jerusalem 1961-1967, vol. 2: 1-60, 123-31;
114. M. Ottosson, Temples and Cult Places in Palestine (Motala:Borgströms Tryckeri AB, 1980), 105;
115. Y. Shiloh, Excavations at the City of David I: Interim Report of the First Five Seasons (1978-1982) (Jerusalem: Hebrew Univ. Press, 1984), 28;
116. D. T. Ariel and A. De Groot, City of David, 156;
117. R. Reich and E. Shukron, "A Wall from the End of the First Temple Period in the Eastern Part of the City of David, " in New Studies on Jerusalem: Proceedings of the Fourth Conference, December 10th, 1998, ed. E.Baruch (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan Univ. Press, 1998), 14-26 (Hebrew);
118. H. Shanks, "Everything You Ever Knew About Jerusalem is WRONG (Well, Almost)" BAR 25:6 (1999): 20-29;
119. Ariel and De Groot, City of David, 159-64.
120. Franken, "Cave I at Jerusalem. "
121. T. Dothan and S. Gitin, "Miqne, Tel (Ekron), " NEAEHL, vol. 3, 1054.
122. S. Gitin, "Incense Altars from Ekron, Israel and Judah: Context and Typology, " EI 20 (1989): 52z. ast;-67z. ast;;
123. "New Incense Altars from Ekron: Context, Typology and Function, " EI 23 (1992): 43z. ast;-49z. ast;.
124. See the articles listed in n. 58 above. N. Na'aman, "The Kingdom of Judah under Josiah, " Tel Aviv 18 (1991): 3-71, suggests that the extent ofthe kingdom of Judah in Josiah's time is reflected in the town lists for Judahand Benjamin in the Book of Joshua.
125. These do not extend further north than Bethel. For a more completetreatment see "Town-lists of Judah and Benjamin and the Kingdom of Judah inthe Days of Josiah, " Zion 54 (1989): 17-71 (Hebrew).
126. Herr, BA 60 (1997): 114-83.
127. D. Ussishkin, "Megiddo, " OEANE, vol. 3, 467.
128. G. Loud, Megiddo II: Seasons of 1935-39, Text (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1948).
129. D. Ussishkin, "The Destruction of Megiddo at the End of the Late Bronze Age and its Historical Significance, " Tel Aviv 22 (1995): 240-64.
130. Stratum VI appears to be Philistine: A. Mazar, "The Emergence of the Philistine Material Culture, " IEJ 35 (1985): 95-107. Finkelstein dates VIAto the United Monarchy according to his low chronology.
131. The following discussion is based on D. Ussishkin, "Schumacher's Shrine in Building 338 at Megiddo, " IEJ 39 (1989): 149-72.
132. Pace Shiloh, "Iron Age Sanctuaries, "
133. and E. Stern, "Schumacher's Shrine in Building 338 at Megiddo, "IEJ 39 (1989): 149-72.
134. Ussishkin, "Schumacher's Shrine, " 166. (Ussishkin reports herefrom Schumacher's findings. )
135. D. Ussishkin, "Notes on Megiddo, Gezer, Ashdod, and Tel Batash inthe Tenth to Ninth Centuries B. C. , " BASOR 277-78 (1990): 71-91, arguesthat Pharaoh Sheshonq would not destroy a city in which he had set up hisinscription. He suggests the city would have continued under Egyptian controlbut was destroyed later. Of course, the occupants would not have known thattheir town would not have been destroyed, and may have buried their shrine inanticipation of attack.
136. D. Ussishkin, "Gate 1567 at Megiddo and the Seal of Shema, Servantof Jeroboam, " in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, 410-28.
137. He dates Megiddo Stratum VA-IVB to the early ninth century according tohis "Low Chronology. " But see the responses by A. Zarzeki-Peleg, "Hazor, Jokneam and Megiddo in the Tenth Century B. C. E. , " Tel Aviv24 (1997): 258-88;
138. A. Ben Tor, "Hazor and the Chronology of Northern Israel: A Reply to Israel Finkelstein, " BASOR 317 (2000): 9-16;
139. Ussishkin, "Schumacher's Shrine. " This interpretation has beendisputed: Stern, IEJ 40 (1990): 102-7, but no one has suggested an additionalcult site had been built there.
140. Ussishkin, "Gate 1567 at Megiddo and the Seal of Shema, Servant of Jeroboam. " The function of these tripartite pillared buildings is unknown.Various interpretations have been suggested: stables, storehouses, barracks, and most recently marketplaces: M. Kochavi, "Tripartite Buildings: Divided Structures Divide Scholars, " BAR 25:3 (1999): 44-50;
141. "The Eleventh Century B. C. E. Tripartite Pillar Building at Tel Hadar, " in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, ed. S. Gitin, A. Mazar, and E. Stern (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society Press, 1998), 468-78;
142. See now H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria. Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations and Commentary(Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994),
143. and N. Na'aman, "Tiglath-Pileser III's Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel (734-732 B. C. E. ), " Tel Aviv 22 (1995): 268-78.
144. H. May, Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1935), 12 and pl. XII.
145. According to S. Gitin, "Incense Altars from Ekron, Israel and Judah:Context and Typology, " El 20 (1989): 65z. ast;, the excavation records anddisposition information relating to this altar and presumed to be at the Oriental Institute are missing.
146. G. J. Wightman, "Megiddo VIA-III: Associated Structures and Chronology, " Levant 17 (1985): 117-29.
147. E. Stern and I. Beit-Arieh, "Excavations in Tel Kedesh (Tel Abu Qudeis), " in Excavations and Studies: Essays in Honor of S. Yeivin, ed. Y.Aharoni (Tel Aviv: Univ. of Tel Aviv Press, 1973), 93-122 (Hebrew);
148. "Excavations at Tel Kedesh (Tel Abu Qudeis), " Tel Aviv 6(1979): 1-25.
149. P. Lapp, "The 1963 Excavations at Tel Ta'annek, " BASOR 173(1964): 4-44;
150. "The 1966 Excavations at Tel Ta'annek, " BASOR 185 (1967): 2-39;
151. "The 1968 Excavations at Tel Ta'annek, " BASOR 195 (1969): 2-49;
152. "Taanach by the Waters of Megiddo, " BA 30 (1967): 2-27;
153. W. Rast, Ta'anach I: Studies in the Iron Age Pottery (Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. Press, 1978).
154. W. Rast, "Priestly Families and the Cultic Structure at Ta'anach, " in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, 355-65.
155. The identification of this basin, and indeed of the entire building, ascultic has been disputed: M. Fowler, "Concerning the 'Cultic' Structure at Taanach, " ZDVP 100 (1984): 30-34.
156. But see W. Rast, "Priestly Families"; EI 20 (1989): 172z. ast;.
157. G. Edenstein and N. Feig, "Tel 'Amal, " NEAEHL, vol. 4, 1447-1450;
158. S. Levy and G. Edelstein, "Cinq années de fouilles àTel 'Amal (Nir David), " RB 79 (1972): 325-67.
159. A. Chambon, "Far'ah, Tel El-(North)" NEAEHL, vol. 2, 433-40;
160. T. Briend, "Tell el-Far'ah et son identification ancienne, " in P. Amiet, J. Briend, L. Coutois, and J.-B. Dumortier, Tel el-Far'ah: Histoire, Glyptique et Ceramologie (Freiburg: University Press, 1996), 8-14.
161. J. Emerton, "The 'High Places of the Gates' in 2 Kings XXIII8, " VT 44 (1994): 455-67.
162. N. Avigad, "Samaria (City)" NEAEHL, vol. 4, 1300-1310.
163. J. W. Crowfoot, K. M. Kenyon, and E. L. Sukenik, The Buildings at Samaria(London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1942), 5-20;
164. K. Kenyon, "The Summit Buildings and Constructions II: From Israelite Period I to Hellenistic Fort Wall Period, " in The Buildings at Samaria, 93-117.
165. Kenyon, "The Summit Buildings, " 97.
166. M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, II Kings (New York: Doubleday, 1988), 199, affirmthat Shalmaneser V besieged Samaria for at least two calendar years andcaptured it before his death, in the winter of 722/21.
167. "Chronicle 1: 27-28, " in A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (rpt. Winona Lake, Ind. : Eisenbrauns, 2000), 73, reads: On thetwenty-fifth day of the month Tebet, Shalmaneser (V) ascended the throne in Assyria 〈and Akkad〉. He destroyed Samaria.
168. 3, 284-85).
169. E. L. Sukenik, "Outside the City, " in The Buildings at Samaria, 23-24;
170. G. M. Crowfoot, "Israelite Pottery, General List, " in The Objects from Samaria, ed. J. W. Crowfoot, G. M. Crowfoot, and K. M. Kenyon(London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1957), 134-98.
171. Sukenik, "Outside the City, " 24.
172. G. E. Wright, Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City (New York:McGraw-Hill, 1965).
173. R. J. Bull, "A Re-examination of the Shechem Temple, " BA(1960): 110-26.
174. W. Dever, "The MB IIC Stratification in the Northwest Gate Area at Shechem, " BASOR 216 (1974): 31-52.
175. R. J. Bull, J. A. Callaway, E. F. Campbell, Jr. , J. F. Ross, and G. E.Wright, "The Fifth Campaign at Balatah (Shechem), " BASOR 180 (1965):7-41.
176. Wright, Shechem: Biography, 123ff.
177. Campbell, "Shechem, " 1352.
178. Finkelstein, "Bible Archaeology, " 167-74, suggests the Iron Agesettlement process at Shechem covers a time span of two centuries, not three.This would not prevent the destruction of Stratum VII from being dated to the Assyrians and to 723.
179. L. E. Toombs and G. E. Wright, "The Fourth Campaign at Balatah(Shechem), " BASOR 169 (1963): 38.
180. E. Sellin, "Die Ausgrabung von Sichern: Kurze vorläufige Mitteilung über die Arbeit im Fruhjahr 1926, " ZDPV 49 (1926): 232-33, pls. 31b, 31c.
181. R. J. Bull et al. , "Fifth Campaign"; Wright, Shechem:Biography, 32.
182. W. G. Dever, "Gezer, " OEANE, vol. 2, 396-400;
183. "Gezer, " NEAEHL, vol. 2, 496-506.
184. W. G. Dever, Gezer II: Report of the 1967-70 Seasons in Fields I and II, vol. 2 (Jerusalem: Annual of the Hebrew Union College/Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology, 1974, 64-68.
185. Finkelstein, "Archaeology of the United Monarchy, " 177-87 dates Stratum VIII at Gezer to the ninth, not tenth century.
186. R. Amiran, "The Tumuli West of Jerusalem: Surveys and Excavations, 1953, " IEJ 8 (1958): 205-27, plates 37-40.
187. Z. Yeivin, "Excavation of Tumulus 3 Near Orah, " EI 25 (1996):175-83 (Hebrew).
188. Amiram, "The Tumuli West of Jerusalem, " 211.
189. Yeivin, "Excavation of Tumulus 3. "
190. Stern, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 161;
191. L. Tatum, "King Manasseh and the Royal Fortress at Hcombining dotbeloworvat 'Usa, " BA 54 (1991): 136-45.
192. J. R. Bartlett, Edom and the Edomites (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1989), 157-61.
193. I. Beit-Arieh, Hcombining dot beloworvat Qitmit: An Edomite Shrine in the Biblical Negev (Tel Aviv: Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv Univ. , 1995), 9;
194. "Qitmit, Hcombining dot beloworvat, " OEANE, vol. 4, 390.
195. Beit-Arieh, Hcombining dot beloworvat Qitmit, 13-18.
196. I. Beit-Arieh and B. C. Cresson, "Horvat 'Uza: A Fortified Outposton the Eastern Negev Border, " BA 54 (1991): 126-35;
197. I. Beit-Arieh, "'Uza, Hcombining dot beloworvat, " NEAEHL, vol.4, 1495-97.
198. Beit-Arieh and Cresson, "Hcombining dot beloworvat 'Uza, " 131.
199. R. Cohen and Y. Yisrael, "The Iron Age Fortresses at 'En Hcombiningdot belowascombining dot beloweva, " BA 58 (1995): 223-35;
200. M. D. Coogan, "Of Cults and Cultures:, Reflections on the Interpretation of Archaeological Evidence, " PEQ 119 (1987): 1-8.
201. A. Abu Assaf, "Der Tempel von 'Ain Dara in Nordsyrien, " Antike Welt 24 (1993): 155-71.
202. See now J. Monson, "The New 'Ain Dara Temple: Closest Solomonic Parallel, " BAR 26:3 (2000): 20-35, 67. I thank Paul Zimansky for callingthis site to my attention.
203. M. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B. C. E. (Missoula, Mont. : Scholars Press, 1974), 22-41.
204. Cited in Cogan, Imperialism, 29.
205. I develop this point in "The Land Lay Desolate: Conquest and Restoration in the Ancient Near East, " in Judah and Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period, ed. O. Lipschits (Winona Lake, Ind. : Eisenbrauns, 2002).
206. See R. D. Nelson, The Double Redaction of the Deuteronomistic History(Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1981);
207. G. N. Knoppers, The Nations Under God: The Deuteronomistic History of Solomon and the Dual Monarchies, vols. 1 and 2 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993-1994).