The civic duty to hate: Stalinist citizenship as political practice and civic emotion (Kiev, 1943-53)

Kritika

Volumn 7, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 529-556

  Yekelchyk, Serhy ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 60949903119     PISSN: 1531023X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Conference Paper

References (65)

1. See, e.g., Margaret Somers, "Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere: Law, Community, and Political Culture in the Transition to Democracy," American Sociological Review 58, 5 (1993): 587-620
2. and Bryan Turner, Citizenship and Social Theory (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993).
3. As Golfo Alexopoulos shows in her Stalin's Outcasts: Aliens, Citizens, and the Soviet State, 1926-1936 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003)
4. See Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), chap. 5: "It was not necessary to believe. It was necessary, however, to participate as if one believed - a stricture that appears to have been well understood, since what could be construed as direct, openly disloyal behavior became rare" (220)
5. See, for instance, Igal Halfin, From Darkness to Light: Class, Consciousness, and Salvation in Revolutionary Russia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000)
6. Jochen Hellbeck, "Fashioning the Stalinist Soul: The Diary of Stepan Podlubnyi (1931-1939)," Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 44, 3 (1996): 344-73
7. Hellbeck, "Working, Struggling, Becoming: Stalin-Era Autobiographical Texts," Russian Review 60, 3 (2001): 340-59
8. and Anna Krylova, "The Tenacious Liberal Subject in Soviet Studies," Kritika 1, 1 (2000): 119-46, repr. in The Resistance Debate in Russian and Soviet History, ed. Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, and Marshall Poe (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2003), 168-207
9. Anthropologists have long studied rituals as organized symbolic practices that represent the social significance of certain events and in condensed form project certain myths or abstract ideas onto the external world. Historians, too, have viewed public ceremonies as symbolic representations of the ideal social order. See, e.g., "Ritual," in Key Concepts in Communication and Cultural Studies, ed. Tim O'Sullivan et al., 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1994), 267-69
10. and Mary Ryan, "The American Parade: Representations of the Nineteenth-Century Social Order," in The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 131-53. My emphasis, however, is on public events as sites of interaction between the state and its citizens and, in particular, on "civic emotions" that citizens were expected to express there
11. See Jeffrey Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin! Soviet Public Culture from Revolution to Cold War (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).
12. See, most recently, Anthony W. Marx, Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003)
13. See, e. g., Omer Bartov, "Defining Enemies, Making Victims: Germans, Jews, and the Holocaust," American Historical Review 103, 3 (1998): 771-816
14. Haggay Ram, "Mythology of Rage: Representations of the 'Self and the 'Other' in Revolutionary Iran," History and Memory 8, 1 (1996): 67-78
15. Timothy Tackett, "Conspiracy Obsession in a Time of Revolution: French Elites and the Origins of the Terror, 1789-1792," American Historical Review 105, 3 (2000): 690-713
16. See Richard Stites, Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society since 1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press)
17. Stites, ed. , Culture and Entertainment in Wartime Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995)
18. and Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin!
19. See, most recently, David Brandenberger, National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 1931-1956 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)
20. and Serhy Yekelchyk, Stalin's Empire of Memory: Russian-Ukrainian Relations in the Soviet Historical Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004)
21. Ehrenburg also claimed credit for introducing in the Soviet press the derogatory nickname "Fritz" for all Germans. For Ehrenburg's retrospective justification of his wartime writings, see his Liudi, gody, zhizn', in Il'ia Erenburg [Ilya Ehrenburg], Sobranie sochinenii, 9 vols. (Moscow: Khudozhestvennaia literatura, 1967), vol. 9, 289-91
22. Radians'ka Ukraina, 3 November 1944: 1
23. See Karel C. Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2004), 30-32 - reviewed in Kritika 7, 1 (2006): 143-52
24. See Jeff Mankoff, "Babi Yar and the Struggle for Memory," Ab Imperio, no. 2 (2004): 393-415
25. Kyivs'ka pravda, 15 December 1943: 3
26. On the evidence collected by the commission, see Marian R. Sanders, "Extraordinary Crimes in Ukraine: An Examination of Evidence Collection by the Extraordinary State Commission of the U.S.S.R, 1942-1946" (Ph.D. diss., Ohio University, 1995)
27. On its political/propaganda activities, see Marina Sorokina, "People and Procedures: Toward a History of the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in the USSR," Kritika 6, 4 (2005): 797-831.
28. Kyivs'ka pravda, 1 March 1944: 1-2
29. Pro ruinuvannia i zvirstva, zapodiiani nimets'ko-fasbysts'kymy zaharbnykamy v m. Kyievi (Kiev and Kharkiv: Ukrains'ke derzhavne vydavnytstvo, 1944)
30. See Yekelchyk, Stalin's Empire of Memory, chap. 1
31. K. K. Dubyna, 778 trahichnykh dniv Kyieva (Kiev: Ukrains'ke derzhavne vydavnytstvo, 1945)
32. Dubina [Dubyna], Zlodeianiia nemtsev v Kieve (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1945).
33. Dubina, Zlodeianiia nemtsev v Kieve, 5.
34. Kyivs'ka pravda, 7 March 1945: 2
35. Compare Radians'ka Ukraina, 18 August 1944: 3
36. The verdict appears in ibid., 2 October 1946: 4-5
37. Kyivs'ka pravda, 18 January 1946: 1, 4
38. Leonid Abramenko, "Vid uporiadnyka," in Kyivs'kyi protses: Dokumenty ta materialy, ed. Abramenko (Kiev: Lybid', 1995), 5-7
39. Kyivs'ka pravda, 18 January 1946:4
40. Abramenko, Kyivs'kyi protses, 201-2.
41. O. Kasymenko, "Ukrains'ko-nimets'ki natsionalisty - nailiutishi vorohy ukrains'koho narodu," Bil'shovyk Ukrainy, no. 11 (1944): 18-24
42. Kyivs'ka pravda, 20 September 1947: 3
43. See Informatsionnoe soveshchanie predstavitelei nekotorykh kompartii v Pol'she v kontse sentiabria 1947 goda (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1948)
44. "Radians'kyi Soiuz - oplot myru i bezpeky narodiv," Bil'shovyk Ukrainy, no. 5 (1948): 8
45. Vechirnii Kyiv, 10 February 1953: 3 (Zionism)
46. "Velyke sviato trudiashchykh vsoho svitu," Bil'shovyk Ukrainy, no. 4 (1951): 6
47. "Velychna peremoha radians'koho narodu," ibid., no. 5 (1951): 2
48. "SRSR - oplot myru i bezpeky narodiv,"ibid., no. 4 (1949): 5
49. Iu. Rovins'kyi, "Fashyzatsiia politychnoho ladu v krainakh amerykano-anhliis'koho bloku," ibid., no. 11 (1950): 48-60 (fascism)
50. B. Vrons'kyi, "Vyrodzhennia i rozklad amerykans'koi burzhuaznoi kul'tury," ibid., no. 7 (1950): 68-80 (decadent culture)
51. M. Vil'baum, "Rasova i natsional'na dyskryminatsiia v SShA," ibid., no. 4 (1951): 46-55
52. H. Iemel'ianenko, "Rasyzm - ideolohiia amerykans'kykh imperialistiv," Kotnunist Ukrainy, no. 8 (1952): 42-53 (racism)
53. Kyivs'ka pravda, 3 February 1950: 4 (way of life)
54. Vechirnii Kyiv, 16 July 1952: 2
55. Kyivs'ka pravda, 4 October 1949: 1
56. Radians'ka Ukraina, 11 September 1952: 3
57. See O. Alent'ev, "Proty nyz'kopoklons'tva pered burzhuaznym Zakhodom," Bil'shovyk Ukrainy, no. 11 (1948): 53-62
58. "Vyshche riven' kerivnytstva ideolohichnoiu robotoiu," ibid., no. 3 (1949): 11-16
59. Vechhnii Kyiv, 13 January 1953: 1, 3
60. On the ideological significance of the "Doctors' Plot," see Amir Weiner, "Nature, Nurture, and Memory in a Socialist Utopia: Delineating the Soviet Socio-Ethnic Body in the Age of Socialism," American Historical Review 104, 4 (1999): 1114-55. "Joint" stands for American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee
61. In the first years after Kiev's liberation, antisemitic incidents in the city were particularly frequent, as returning Jewish residents reclaimed their prewar apartments from their temporary occupants. Some manifestations of antisemitism could be explained by the lasting influence of Nazi propaganda, but there was also a widespread belief that Jews had not fought at the front and thus had not contributed to the Soviet victory. See Martin J. Blackwell, "Regime City of the First Category: The Experience of the Return of Soviet Power to Kyiv, Ukraine, 1943-1946" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 2005), chap. 6
62. S. V. Kulchytskyi makes the same point in his "Vektor antysemityzmu," Polityka i chas, no. 1 (1998): 70-77
63. See also A. Lokshin, "Delo vrachei: 'Otkliki trudiashchikhsia, '" Vestnik Evreiskogo universiteta v Moskve, no. 5 (1994): 52-62
64. and Amir Weiner, Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 290-97.
65. Vechhnii Kyiv, 13 June 1953:2