The travails of domestic visiting: Manchester, 1830-70

Historical Research

Volumn 71, Issue 175, 1998, Pages 196-227

  Hewitt, Martin ^a  

^a LEEDS TRINITY UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 60949773285     PISSN: 09503471     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1468-2281.00060     Document Type: Review

References (212)

1. G. Stedman Jones, Outcast London: a Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Harmoudsworth, 1984), pp. 239-61;
2. cf. idem, "Working-class culture and working-class politics in London, 1870-1900: notes on the remaking of a working class', in his Languages of Class: Studies in Working-Class History, 1832-1082 (Cambridge, 1983), p. 188.
3. See K. S. Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (1963), pp. 11-14;
4. D. M. Lewis, Lighten their Darkness: the Evangelical Mission to Working-Class London, 1828-60 (New York, 1986), pp. 34-8 etc.
5. For developments in Scotland see S. J. Brown, Thomas Chalmers and the Godly Commonwealth in Scotland (Oxford, 1982), esp. pp. 91-151.
6. Sir J. P. Kay-Shuttleworth, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufacture in Manchester (Manchester, 1969), p. 49;
7. cf. The plea in 1871 of James Fraser, the bishop of Manchester, for 'something that would bridge over those prodigious chasms which separated the high from the low, the learned from the ignorant, the refined from the coarse and brutal'. Anxiety about social cleavage was never far below the surface of the middle-class psyche (Manchester City News, 20 May 1871). The pervasiveness of such ideas in European culture has been nicely explored in A. Lees, Cities Perceived: Urban Society in European and American Thought, 1820-1940 (Manchester, 1985).
8. M. Poovey, Making a Social Body: British Cultural Formation, 1830-64 (Chicago, 1995). Figures 1-3 were first published in M. Hewitt, The Emergence of Stability in the Industrial City: Manchester 1832-67 (Aldershot, 1996), and are reproduced here by permission of the Scolar Press.
9. See, for example, Mission to the Poor, Annual Report (1870), p. 28.
10. For the culmination of this process, see R. Blatchford, 'Modern Athens [i.e. Manchester]: a City of Slums', in Saturday Chronicle (Manchester), 5 May [889, cited in D. Rubinstein, Victorian Homes (Newton Abbot, 1974), pp. 139-42.
11. There is of course a large literature on 'slums', culminating in recent works such as Slums, ed. S. M. Gaskell (Leicester, 1990) and A. J. C. Mayne, The Imagined Slum: Newspaper Representations in Three Cities, 1870-1914 (Leicester, 1993).
12. For fuller detail see M. Hewitt, The Emergence of Social Stability in the Industrial City: Manchester, 1832-67 (Aldershot, 1995);
13. see also V. Pons, 'Contemporary interpretations of Manchester in the 1830s and 1840s', in Manchester and SÃo Paulo: Problems of Rapid Urban Growth, ed. J. D. Wirth and R. L. Jones (Stanford, Calif, 1978)
14. See for example the series of articles, 'The census in the slums', run in the Manchester Guardian, 13-27 Apr. 1870.
15. 'A Salford clergyman", Manchester Courier, 18 Jan. 1834;
16. cf the argument in Class and Space: the Making of Urban Society, ed. N. Thrift and P. Williams (1987), p. 189.
17. 'Clericus', Manchester and Salford Advertiser, 31 Jan. 1846.
18. (Manchester) Critic, 29 June 1872.
19. Manchester City News, 29 March 1873.
20. For Germany see for example, H. Otte, '"More churches-more churchgoers": the Lutheran church in Hanover between 1850 and 1914', in European Religion in the Age of the Great City, ed. H. McLeod (1995), pp. 90-118;
21. for France see B. G. Smith, Ladies of the Leisure Class: the Bourgeoises of Northern France in the 19th Century (Princeton, NJ., 1991).
22. R. Price, Labour in British Society: an Interpretive History (1986), p. 63
23. J. Seed, 'Unitarianism, political economy and the antinomies of liberal culture in Manchester, 1830-50', Social History, vii (1982), 13-14 (it should be said that Seed is prepared to acknowledge the limited success of the domestic mission). Of course, as Prochaska has demonstrated, visiting societies were not an innovation of the 1830s, having roots back in the early 17th century (F. K. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in 19th-Century England (Oxford, 1980), pp. 97-9).
24. D. Owen, English Philanthropy, 1660-1960 (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), p. [43.
25. Letter of W.J. Kidd, Manchester Courier, 29 Apr. 1837.
26. Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1863), p. 3.
27. G. Robson, The failures of success: working-class evangelists in early Victorian Birmingham', Studies in Church History, xv (1978), 382;
28. cf. The tentative conclusion of H. D. Rack that 'the habits and sources of alienation from the churches were too deep rooted and complex... to be removed by the limited efforts and aims of visitors' ('Domestic visitation: a chapter in early 19th-century English evangelical ism', Jour. Ecclcs. Hist., xxiv (1973), 375).
29. Note also the comment on the Leicester domestic mission that the effect of its activities was 'minimal' (B. Lancaster, Radicalism, Co-operation and Socialism: Leicester Working-Class Politics, 1860-1906 (Leicester, 1987), p. 52).
30. Stedman Jones, "Working-class culture', pp. 188-210.
31. M. A. Smith, Religion in Industrial Society: Oldham and Saddleiwrth, 1740-1865 (Oxford, 1994), pp. 101, 98-106 (cf. pp. 117-18).
32. Lewis, p. 42;
33. J. Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 1820-60 (Oxford, 1991), p. 187;
34. cf the tone of D. Englander, The word and the world: evangelicalism in the Victorian city', in G. Parsons, Religion in Victorian Britain (2 vols., Manchester, 1988), ii. 32.
35. A. S. Wohl, The Eternal Slum: Housing and Social Policy in Victorian London (1977), p. 58.
36. Prochaska, p. 106. This has become generally accepted (see for example The Uses of Charity: the Poor on Relief in the 19th-Century Metropolis, ed. P. Mandler (Philadelphia, Pa., 1990), pp. 13, 21).
37. Lewis, pp. 122, 175.
38. Wolffe is more circumspect, noting the general resistance of the Catholic population (Wolffe, passim).
39. Lewis, p. 276;
40. cf. The claims made for the Leicester domestic mission, in A. D. Little, 'Chartism and Liberalism', popular politics in Lancashire, 1842-74' (unpublished University of Manchester Ph.D. thesis, 1992), pp. 172-86.
41. C. G. Brown, 'Did urbanization secularize Britain?', Urban History Yearbook, xv (1988), 11. While accepting that the impact of the missions was never unproblematical, Seed nevertheless suggests that they comprised part of the broad front of active strategies by which liberal hegemony was constructed in these years ('Uuitarianism', p. 16).
42. See also Prochaska, p. 137;
43. Parsons, i. 69-71, 102-3.
44. Lewis, p. 3; Lewis's work itself has relatively little to say about the operations of the London City Mission, focusing rather on its significance in the development of dissenting-Anglican relations. Recent works such as Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade, and D. G. Paz, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Victorian England (Stanford, Calif, 1992) confine themselves to brief discussions of the activities of local auxiliaries of national Protestant societies.
45. Rack, p. 365.
46. See the handbill, 'The Social and Physical Influence of the Mission', dated 1 Feb. 1856 in volume of M.C.M. Annual Reports, Manchester Central Library (hereafter M.C.L.), 266 M21;
47. Manchester City Mission Magazine (Feb. 1849), pp. 11-12, Owen, p. 139
48. and for the sheer range of activity in London, Prochaska, pp. 103-5.
49. For examples of activities of individual parishes, see Manchester Guardian, 23 Feb. 1839 (St. Paul);
50. Manchester Courier, 11 May 1839 (St. Andrew);
51. Manchester Courier, 7 Dec. 1839. The returns of each parish taken by Archdeacon Rushton in the 1840s suggest that over half had either a lay agent of some sort, or a district visiting society.
52. See for example comments of Lingard that he had to abandon his own visiting society, Manchester Courier, 6 July 1839;
53. for later examples of parochial visiting societies see E. B. Chalmers at St. Matthias, Salford, The Priest, the Parish and the Working Man (1859).
54. Manchester City News, 29 May 1869;
55. Manchester Courier, 30 Nov. 1861;
56. Salford Weekly News, 6 Dec. [862;
57. Manchester Examiner and Times, 26 May 1864, 3 May 1866;
58. Manchester Guardian, 23 June 1865.
59. Unlike other centres, Manchester had not possessed an early city-wide Anglican organization (see R. J. Morris, Class, Sect and Party: the Making of the British Middle Class, Leeds 1820-50 (Manchester, 1990), pp. 267-8).
60. Kay-Shuttleworth, pp. 67, 114-15.
61. For Cavendish Street Chapel, see T. T.James, Cavendish Street Chapel ([1948]), 13.
62. See J. M. de Baron, The Visitor of the Poor, trans. J. Tuckerman (1833), pp. i-xxxvi;
63. J. R. Beard, A Memoir (1907).
64. Also see Seed; H. E. Perry, A Century of Liberal Religion and Philanthropy: a History of the Manchester Domestic Mission Society, 1833-1933 (1933).
65. For the role of Nasmith see Lewis, pp. 5, 49-55.
66. For general histories of the M.C.M. see works of R. Lee, especially The Cry of Two Cities: being a Short History of the Manchester City Mission (1927). The papers of the M.C.M. were unfortunately destroyed by bombing during World War 2.
67. J. Garwood, The Importance of City and Town Missions Preserving a Strictly Catholic Character (Birmingham, 1858), p. 11.
68. Manchester and Salford Advertiser, 27 Nov. 1841;
69. Baptist Reporter (1843), p. 171.
70. 'De Facto', Manchester Courier, 5 Dec. 1846;
71. British Protestant, xviii (July 1862), 27;
72. 'George Richardson', Manchester Guardian, 8 Oct. 1878.
73. For a national perspective of the operations and distinctiveness of the various Protestant societies see Wolffe. In spite of the clear differences identified by Wolffe in Manchester and Salford it would seem that despite the various names used, including the 'Reformation Society', 'Manchester Tradesman's and Operative Protestant Association', 'Operative Protestant Association' and 'Protestant and Reformation Society', we are essentially dealing with a single loose organization under the dominating influence of Hugh Stowell. Stowell's activism derived in part from his refusal to throw his lot in with the M.C.M., which he considered had failed to keep to the design of the London City Mission (British Banner, 13 May 1858).
74. Manchester and Salford Advertiser, 11 Nov. 1843, 9 March 1844;
75. Manchester Guardian, 12 March 1845; this compares with the situation in other towns such as Nottingham (see Paz, pp. 110-24).
76. In 1857-8 it was claimed that 58,000 home visits were made and 645 tracts distributed by 30 distributors (Manchester Guardian, 2 Oct. 1858);
77. in 1859 it was claimed that nearly 50,000 tracts had been distributed (Salford Weekly News, 8 Oct. 1859).
78. For the 1860s, see Salford Weekly News, 13 Oct. 1860, 5 Dec. 1863;
79. Manchester Examiner and Times, 3 Dec. 1861;
80. Manchester Guardian, 2 Dec. 1863, 28 Oct. 1864, 12 Dec. 1865.
81. British Protestant, xvi (July 1860), pp. 27-8.
82. For a brief history of the D.P.S. see H. C. Irvine, The Old D.P.S.: a Short History of Charitable Work in Manchester and Salford 1833-1933 (Manchester, 1933). The papers of the D.P.S. are preserved in the Manchester Central Library; my thanks to the secretary of the Family Welfare Association of Manchester and Salford for permission to consult these.
83. For the launch meeting see Manchester and Salford Advertiser, 23 March 1833;
84. Manchester Courier, 23 March 1833.
85. The D.P.S. imitated other provincial societies such as the Liverpool District Provident Society, and in its mix of visiting and relief operated much like the Metropolitan General Society for the Promotion of District Visiting (Lewis, pp. 41-2 and J. C. Pringle, Social Work of the London Churches (1937), pp. 161-235).
86. District Provident Society, Annual Report (1834), pp. 5-7.
87. For the M. & S.S.A. see, in addition to its Annual Reports, A. Ransome, The History of the Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association (1902).
88. The early career of the Ladies Sanitary Reform Association can be traced in the newspaper accounts of its annual meetings and reports (see Manchester Examiner and Times, 1 Nov. 1862;
89. Salford Weekly News, 7 Nov. 1863;
90. Manchester Guardian, 24 Nov. 1864;
91. Manchester Examiner and Times, 30 Nov. 1865;
92. Salford Weekly News, 1 Dec. 1866;
93. Manchester Guardian, 30 Nov. 1867;
94. see also Sphinx (1870), p. 179).
95. Litde work has been done on the various Ladies Sanitary Associations, but see W. C. Dowling, 'The Ladies' Sanitary Association and the origins of the health visiting services' (unpublished University of London M.A. thesis, 1963).
96. For temperance see account of Pollard, Preston Temperance Advocate, March 1834;
97. cf. later account of temperance 'rescue men' at work in Manchester (Alliance News, 20 Feb. 1864). Temperance visiting has been largely ignored by historians of the movement, although see L. L. Shiman, Crusade against Drink in Victorian England (New York, 1988), p. 66.
98. For Sunday schools see Sixth Report of St John's Church Sunday and Day Schools (1845), in Church of England Record Office, National Society Papers, St. John Deansgate File.
99. Although he acknowledges the presence of an ideal of aggressive visiting, T. W. Laqueur gives no evidence of widespread aggressive visiting by Sunday school teachers, and indeed his description of the teachers' life suggest that little time was left for regular visitation (Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class-Culture, 1780-1830 (New Haven, Conn., 1976), p. 175).
100. To give one Manchester example, it is clear from the minutes of the Wood Street Mission that the only aggressive activities in the later 1860s for this school were occasional bill distributions (see Wood Street School, 'Teachers Committee Minutes', 16 Jan. 1870, 27 Sept. 1870, M.C.L. Archives, M23/2/31). This clearly contradicts the claims of C. G. Brown, The Social History of Religion in Scotland since 1730 (1987), p. 145.
101. Manchester and Salford Temperance Reporter, 12 March 1836, 12 Nov. 1836.
102. Manchester and Salford Temperance Society, Annual Report (1854).
103. The precise extent of this activity is difficult to ascertain. Certainly one Daniel Hodson was appointed as temperance missionary in Sept. 1853, joined the following year by a second, James Hancock. Hodson was again active as a missionary in Salford in 1859, although it would appear that he had only recently renewed this activity (see Manchester and Salford Temperance Society, Annual Report (1854);
104. Manchester and Salford Examiner and Times, 12 July 1859;
105. Salford Weekly News, 17 Sept. 1859;
106. Manchester Examiner and Times, 20 March 1866.
107. Alliance News, 19 Feb. 1870;
108. James Bembridge, Journals, 1839-53, M.C.L. Archives, BR MS 259,61.
109. For another example see evidence of Robert Rumney, Rept, of the Select Committee on Scientific Instruction, H.C. 432, p. 297 (1867-8), xv, 297
110. For Madge see Travers Madge: a Memoir, ed. B. Herford (Manchester, 1867).
111. Manchester Guardian, 22 July 1846.
112. Cf complaints of W. J. Kidd that the M.C.M. instead of concentrating on neglected areas had moved into his neighbourhood, casting aspersions on his work ('W. J. Kidd", Manchester Guardian, 12 July 1837;
113. Manchester City Mission Magazine (Feb. 1853), p. 6.
114. For an account of conflict between different visitors see Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1844), pp. 25-6.
115. 'Report on Ludgate Street District', Rochdale Road Committee, M.C.L.A., M. & S.S.A. Papers, M126/2/6/6 fo. 3.
116. Archdeacon Rushton's Visitation Returns, vol. 37, St. Matthew, Campfield; Christ Church Moss Side, Parish Magazine (Nov. 1864), p. 38.
117. There is no reason to assume that the complaints culled by Morris from the parish magazines of the later 19th century would not have been repeated for the mid-century were such sources to survive in greater profusion (J. N. Morris, Religion and Urban Change: Croydon 1840-1918 (Woodbridge, 1992), p. 183).
118. R. Lamb, Free Thoughts on Many Subjects (1866), p. 342.
119. Reports of the United Presbyterian Church (Brunswick Street) (1863), p. 19.
120. District Provident Society, Annual Report (1835), p. 12.
121. D.P.S., Annual Report (1850), p. 5 (and passim);
122. Lewis suggests reasons for lack of volunteers included the 'squalor and misery of the slums combined with the social opprobrium connected with such religious activity' (Lewis, pp. 39-40)
123. In 1862 25 visitors remained, visiting 748 families; by 1865 there were only 14.
124. For the role of the H.M.B. students see Manchester Domestic Mission and Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1858), p. 18;
125. for the continued appointment of new visitors see, for example, 16 Jan. 1862, D.P.S. Minutes, M.C.L. Archives, M294/1/1/6; for the failure of the 1870s, see Manchester Guardian, 4 March 1880.
126. M. & S.S.A., Statement of the Proceedings of the Association Read at Two Public Meetings, on Monday April 18th, 1853, p. 9.
127. Sphinx (1870), p. 179;
128. [874; see in particular 'A believer in women's work among women', Manchester Guardian, 7 Dec. 1871. In these circumstances, as Prochaska has noted, the working-class paid agents tended to do most of the visiting, while middle-class 'superintendents' did some occasional inspections, but otherwise concentrated on broader oversight (Prochaska, pp. 128-9).
129. In this sense Prochaska is wrong to imply that the City Mission practice of paid missionaries was 'exceptional' in the mid-century period (Prochaska, p. 109); while voluntary visiting remained the ideal, in practice most societies relied in part, and many in large part, on paid visitors.
130. Christian Reformer (1858), p. 364
131. This issue has been noted, but often skirted around, in the literature on visiting (see Prochaska, pp. 108-9).
132. Report on Convocation, The Guardian, 24 Feb. 1858.
133. See especially D.P.S., Annual Report (1836), p. 6.
134. In May 1850 Bembridge, noting the continued activity of the D.P.S., made it clear that there were no D.P.S. visitors in the Bradford Road or Newton areas of Ancoats (Journal, 7 May 1850).
135. Considerable detail on the workings of the visiting committees of the M. & S.S.A, can be found in the surviving papers of the committees at M.C.L. Archives M126/2/1-7. For example, Ancoats was divided into 10 sections, 1 of which was never occupied by visitors, another of which only briefly had 1 visitor; within 6 months of the formation of the sections 6 of the 10 were unoccupied, and no report was ever produced for 4 of the 10 sections (M126/2/1/1-14).
136. Rack, p. 373.
137. Wheeler's Manchester Chronicle, 21 Sept 1833.
138. District Provident Society, Annual Report (1842-3), p. 11.
139. 'Charles Burton', Manchester Examiner and Times, 15 March 1853;
140. cf early comment of W. J. Kidd, Manchester Courier, 19 Nov. 1836.
141. See Manchester City Mission Magazine (May 1851), p. 17;
142. British Protestant, xvii 0uly 1861), p. 28;
143. See for example, Church Pastoral Aid Society, Occasional Papers, pp. 5-6;
144. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1860), p. 28;
145. cf. Wolffe, pp. 187-91.
146. Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1841), p. 10;
147. Bernbridge, Journal, 13 Feb. 1851 (Ridgeway Street).
148. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1837), p. 13;
149. Christian Reformer (1860), pp. 374-5.
150. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1836), p. 78;
151. Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1847), p. 17.
152. In contrast, the target set by the M. & S.S.A. was every 3 months ('Hints on District Visiting' (Tract Series No. 6), M.C.L.A., M126/5/1/37. The L.C.M. imposed a schedule of visiting each of the 500-550 families allocated to each missionary once a month (Lewis, p. 121).
153. For M.C.M. see Annual Report (1838), p. 7;
154. Manchester City Mission Magazine (Feb. 1852) (May 1853), p. 15.
155. Manchester Examiner and Times, 21 Apr, 1855.
156. For Hale see E. C. Gaskell, North and South;
157. for Floyd see M. E. Braddon, Aurora Floyd, p. 15 (cited by Paz, pp. 270-1).
158. For an expansion of these themes see M. Hewitt, 'District visitors and the constitution of domestic space in the mid 19th century', in Reading the Interior: lath-Century Domestic Space, ed. I. Bryden and J. Floyd (forthcoming, Manchester, 1998).
159. Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association, 'Hints on District Visiting' (Tract Series No. 6), 2, M.C.L.A, M [ 26/5/1 /37. Compare the instructions to M.C.M. missionaries (Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1845), pp. 5-6). These in turn were quite typical of similar societies (see S. Benson, The District Visitor's Manual (1840), pp. 105-11, 266-72, passim).
160. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1852), p. 54;
161. Salford Weekly News, 23 Apr. 1864.
162. See, for example, Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1862), p. 7;
163. 'Four hours with a city missionary', Manchester Weekly Advertiser, 18 Apr, 1857.
164. For the fullest statement of the mission-worker's contempt for the working classes, see A. Alsop, Ten Years in the Slums (Manchester, 1879), pp. 38-40 and passim;
165. see also F. Hirst, The Slums of Manchester (1888);
166. and the notice of the work of one of the officers of the Manchester Ladies' Sanitary Association in "The Sanitary mission woman', Meliora, xii (1869), 88-9.
167. The fact that some individuals adopted a more flexible approach to the working class scarcely sustains the contrary contention of Morris that 'there was no sharp division between middle-class religion and working-class culture' (Morris, p. 13).
168. Visit of the Manchester and Salford Town Missionaries to Knott Mill Fair, held in Easter Week 1841 (n.p.d.);
169. Manchester City Mission Magazine (July 1856), p. 4.
170. Manchester City Mission Magazine (Oct. 1857), p. 26;
171. cf. The attempt of another to persuade a conjuror to give up 'such unworthy means' of earning a living (ibid. (May 1851), pp. 22-3). Similarly, Bembridge solemnly informed one working man whom he visited, "who made a little money making dominoes, that this was a sin (Journal, 22 Sept. 1845).
172. Chalmers, p. 5. The thrust of this paragraph mirrors the argument of Robson, pp. 389-90.
173. A to the City Mission', Manchester Examiner and Times, 26 May 1852;
174. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1858), p. 16;
175. See Wolffe, pp. 187-90;
176. Lewis, pp. 120-3.
177. Information on the background of paid visitors is difficult to find, but for a brief biography of one Manchester City Missionary see Methodist New Connexion Magazine (1862), pp. 366-71.
178. Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1869), p. 39.
179. Cf. comments of Henry Cosgrove, Manchester Illuminator and General Catholic Record, 29 Dec. 1849.
180. Bembridge, Journal, 15 Nov. 1841. Tracts were often justified on the basis that, irrespective of their moral content, they could encourage a taste for the simple and domestic enjoyments which may be derived from reading' (comment of J. T. Robberds, Ministry to the Poor, Annual Report (1833), p. 7).
181. Bembridge, Journal, 11 June 1842, 20 June 1843.
182. See Travers Madge, p. 161;
183. Cavendish Street Chapels Day and Sunday Schools, Annual Report (1866), p. 14.
184. Cf. comments of Travers Madge (Travers Madge, p. 161);
185. 'The tract distributor', Sphinx (1871), pp. 232-3'
186. See, for example, Bembridge, Journal, 4 June 1850.
187. Relatively little work has been done on the working-class definition of public and private space; but see M.J. Daunton, House and Home in the Victorian City: Working-Class Housing, 1850-1914 (1983), especially pp. 12-37;
188. and Hewitt, 'District visitors'.
189. 'A Catholic', Manchester Examiner and Times, 1 May 1857;
190. see also comments of Henry Cosgrove, Manchester Illuminator and General Catholic Record, 29 Dec. 1849.
191. 'Diaries of Samuel Bamford', 22 July 1861, M.C.L. Archives, MS. 923.2.1399;
192. For interesting comparative material on such lack of communication see Uses of Charity, pp. 14-16.
193. For one example among many of such transitory response see Manchester City Mission, Magazine (1850), p. 101.
194. See Shiman, pp. 20-1.
195. Samuel Warren to National Society, 29 March 1844, Church of England Record Office, National Society Papers, All Souls Ancoats File
196. Annual Report (1839), p. 30
197. Ministry to the Poor Annual Report (1846), p. 17;
198. Travers Madge, p. 59.
199. Manchester City Mission Magazine (May 1850), p. 101.
200. Manchester Shadow, ii (1869-70), p. 75, Freelance (1870), p. 196;
201. cf Sphinx (1870), p. 179
202. Anti-Pauperism, Manchester Guardian, 26 Apr. 1871.
203. Select Committee on Scientific Instruction.
204. Foucault himself makes passing reference to the disciplinary significance of Paris's parochial charity associations (M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, trans. A. Sheridan (Harmondsworth, 1991), p. 212)
205. Brown, pp. 143-4. For an example of the legacy of Chalmers's ideals, see J. Wells, Life of James Hood Wilson (1904).
206. For evidence of the developing activity of the Manchester Methodists, see W. Russell Shearer, These 60 Years [A History of the Manchester and Salford Methodist Mission] ( [1946] ).
207. See, for example, the work of the Manchester and Salford Baptist Union after its formation in July 1867.
208. Manchester City Mission Magazine (Jan. 1859), p. 7;
209. Manchester City Mission, Annual Report (1861), pp. 4-5.
210. See, for example, D. Vincent, 'Secrecy and the city, 1870-1939', in Urban History, xxii (1995), 365-82';
211. J. Lewis, "The working-class wife and mother and state intervention, 1870-1918', in Labour and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, ed. J. Lewis (Oxford, 1996).
212. I would like to thank Jane Garnett, Peter Mandler, and especially Donald Lewis, who gave generously of his expertise even though my approach is quite different from his own, for commenting on an earlier draft of this article.