Anti-feminism, nationalism and the German Right, 1914-1920: A reappraisal

German History

Volumn 20, Issue 2, 2002, Pages 185-210

  Stibbe, Matthew ^a  

^a LIVERPOOL HOPE UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 60949741144     PISSN: 02663554     EISSN: 1477089X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1191/0266355402gh251oa     Document Type: Review

References (166)

1. See e.g. Jürgen Kocka, 'Ursachen des Nationalsozialismus', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 25-80 (21 June 1980), pp. 3-15
2. and Hans-Ulrich Wehler, The German Empire, 1870-1918 (Leamington Spa, 1985), esp. pp. 244-5
3. See in particular the case made by John C. G. Röhl, The Kaiser and his Court. Wilhelm II and the Government of Germany (Cambridge, 1994)
4. Tim Mason, 'Open Questions on Nazism', in Raphael Samuel (ed.), People's History and Socialist Theory (London, 1981), p. 208
5. See e.g. Paul Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945 (Cambridge, 1989)
6. Also Detlev Peukert, 'The Genesis of the "Final Solution" from the Spirit of Science', in Thomas Childers and Jane Caplan (eds.), Reevaluating the Third Reich (New York, 1993), pp. 234-52
7. Publications in this area are now too numerous to mention in full. Among the pioneering works in the 1970s and 1980s were Jill Stephenson, Women and Nazi Society (London, 1975)
8. Renate Bridenthal et al. (eds.), When Biology Became Destiny. Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York, 1984)
9. Gisela Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus. Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik (Opladen, 1986)
10. and Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland. Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (London, 1987)
11. See also Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany. Women's Reproductive Rights and Duties (London, 1992)
12. Geoff Eley, 'Introduction 1: Is There a History of the Kaiserreich?', in Geoff Eley (ed.), Society, Culture and the State in Germany, 1870-1930 (Ann Arbor, 1996), p. 19
13. Geoff Eley, Reshaping the German Right. Radical Nationalism and Political Change after Bismarck (2nd edn, Ann Arbor, 1991)
14. Wehler, The German Empire, passim
15. Dirk Stegmann, Die Erben Bismarcks. Parteien und Verbände in der Spätphase des Wilhelminischen Deutschlands. Sammlungspolitik, 1897-1918 (Cologne and West Berlin, 1970)
16. Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Von der Agrarkrise zum Präfaschismus (Wiesbaden, 1972)
17. See also Stegmann, 'Vom Neokonservatismus zum Proto-Faschismus. Konservative Partei, Vereine und Verbände 1893-1920', in Dirk Stegmann, Bernd-Jürgen Wendt and Peter-Christian Witt (eds.), Deutscher Konservatismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Festschrift für Fritz Fischer (Bonn, 1983), pp. 199-230
18. On the pre-war conservative women's associations see esp. Roger Chickering, '"Casting their Gaze more Broadly". Women's Patriotic Activism in Imperial Germany', Past and Present, 118 (1988), pp. 156-85
19. Also Karin Bruns, 'Völkische und deutschnationale Frauenvereine im "zweiten Reich"', in Uwe Puschner, Walter Schmitz and Justus H. Ulbricht (eds.), Handbuch zur 'Völkischen Bewegung', 1871-1918 (Munich, 1996), pp. 376-94
20. and Jean H. Quataert, 'Women's Wartime Services under the Cross. Patriotic Communities in Germany, 1912-1918', in Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (eds.), Great War, Total War. Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918 (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 453-83
21. On Schumacher see Anke Walzer, Käthe Schumacher. Eine deutsche Frauenrechtlerin auf dem Wege vom Liberalismus zum konservativen Nationalismus (Pfaffenweiler, 1991)
22. On Queen Luise of Prussia and her use as a symbol of patriotic femininity see Chickering, '"Casting their Gaze"', p. 164
23. and George L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality. Respectable and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern Europe (London, 1985), p. 95
24. Ute Planert, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich. Diskurs, soziale Formation und politische Mentalität (Göttingen, 1998)
25. According to Planert, almost one-quarter of the Anti-League's members were women (ibid, p. 131)
26. See also Planert, 'Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich. Indikator einer Gesellschaft in Bewegung', Archiv für Sozialgeschichte, 38 (1998), pp. 93-118
27. Raffael Scheck, 'German Conservatism and Female Political Activism in the Early Weimar Republic', German History, 15, 1 (1997), pp. 34-55
28. On this theme see also the recent essay by Kirsten Heinsohn, 'Im Dienste der deutschen Volksgemeinschaft. Die "Frauenfrage" und konservative Parteien vor und nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg', in Ute Planert (ed.), Nation, Politik und Geschlecht. Frauenbewegungen und Nationalismus in der Moderne (Frankfurt/Main, 2000), pp. 215-33
29. For an interesting interpretation of the events of July and August 1914 and their long-term significance for the course of German history see Peter Fritzsche, Germans into Nazis (London, 1999), esp. pp. 13-82
30. Nancy Reagin, A German Women's Movement. Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 (Chapel Hill and London, 1995), p. 197
31. See e.g. Ute Daniel, The War from Within. German Working-Class Women in the First World War (Oxford, 1997), p. 22
32. and Belinda J. Davis, Home Fires Burning. Food, Politics and Everyday Life in World War I Berlin (Chapel Hill and London, 2000), esp. pp. 48-75
33. Also Davis, 'Reconsidering Habermas, Gender and the Public Sphere: The Case of Wilhelmine Germany', in Eley (ed.), Society, Culture and the State in Germany, p. 411
34. Regina Schulte, 'The Sick Warrior's Sister. Nursing during the First World War', in Lynn Abrams and Elizabeth Harvey (eds.), Gender Relations in German History. Power, Agency and Experience from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century (London, 1996), pp. 121-41
35. Cornelie Usborne, "'Pregnancy is the Woman's Active Service". Pronatalism in Germany during the First World War', in Richard Wall and Jay Winter (eds.), The Upheaval of War. Family, Work and Welfare in Europe, 1914-1918 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 389-416
36. Elisabeth Domansky, 'Militarization and Reproduction in World War I Germany', in Eley (ed.), Society, Culture and the State in Germany, p. 437
37. On Augspurg and Heymann see Richard J. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany, 1894-1933 (London, 1976), pp. 214-23
38. On Zetkin see Ute Frevert, Women in German History. From Bourgeois Emancipation to Sexual Liberation (Oxford, 1989), pp. 163-7
39. and Ursula Herrmann, 'Sozialdemokratische Frauen in Deutschland im Kampf um den Frieden vor und während des Ersten Weltkrieges', Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 33 (1985), pp. 213-30
40. On the difficulties faced by bourgeois women pacifists see also Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland, 1894-1933 (Göttingen, 1981), p. 155
41. On the German feminist movement, apart from the works by Evans and Greven-Aschoff cited above, see also Amy Hackett, 'The Politics of Feminism in Wilhelmine Germany, 1890-1918' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 1976)
42. Usborne, "'Pregnancy is the Woman's Active Service'", p. 400
43. Cf. Usborne, The Politics of the Body, p. 25
44. See e.g. the many examples cited in Planert, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich, pp. 226-9
45. Paula Mueller, Volkswohl und Sittlichkeit (Berlin, 1916), p. 6
46. Quoted in Doris Kaufmann, 'Die Ehre des Vaterlandes und die Ehre der Frauen oder der Kampf an der äußeren und inneren Front. Der Deutsch-Evangelische Frauenbund im Übergang vom Kaiserreich zur Weimarer Republik', Evangelische Theologie, 46 (1986), p. 288
47. See also Kaufmann, Frauen zwischen Aufbruch und Reaktion. Protestantische Frauenbewegung im ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1988), pp. 36-7
48. and Ursula Baumann, Protestantismus und Frauenemanzipation in Deutschland, 1850 bis 1920 (Frankfurt/Main, 1992), pp. 229-44
49. On the NFD see Ursula von Gersdorff, Frauen im Kriegsdienst, 1914-1945 (Stuttgart, 1969), esp. pp. 15-20
50. Reagin, A German Women's Movement, pp. 187-201
51. Baumann, Protestantismus und Frauenemanzipation, pp. 238-9
52. Frevert, Women in German History, pp. 160-5
53. Fritzsche, Germans into Nazis, pp. 42-8
54. and Catherine E. Boyd, '"Nationaler Frauendienst". Middle-Class German Women in Service to the Fatherland, 1914-1918' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Georgia, 1979). Also the archival materials in Niedersächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Hanover (henceforth NHStA Hanover), Hann. 122a, nos. 4526 and 7018
55. Cf. Mechthild Bereswill and Leonie Wagner, 'Nationalism and the Women's Question - The Women's Movement and the Nation. Orientations of the Bourgeois Women's Movement in Germany during the First World War', The European Journal of Women's Studies, 5, 2 (Feb. 1998), pp. 233-47
56. See e.g. Elsbeth Krukenberg-Conze, 'Frauen-Mitarbeit nach dem Kriege', Preußische Jahrbücher 169 (July-Sept. 1917), pp. 268-70. Here Krukenberg-Conze called for the 'the eligibility of women for election to all public bodies which make decisions on issues affecting their own specific interests', i.e. in all those areas of public administration 'which touch upon the important questions of education and childcare, and the maintenance of our national strength and public health system'
57. Cf. Kaufmann, 'Die Ehre des Vaterlandes', pp. 288-9
58. See e.g. Julius Werner, 'Demokratie und Frauenstimmrecht', Reichsbote, no. 600 (24 November 1917); copy in Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde, Pressearchiv des Reichslandbundes (henceforth BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv), no. 7971, Bl. 61-2. Here Werner writes: 'One has the feeling ... that certain modern suffragette women, given their well-known talent for political intrigue, are also planning to use the issue of women's war work as the basis for their demands for equality; just like the bourgeois and social democrats are increasingly using men's contribution to the war effort as a means of forging a new weapon in the struggle for the democratization of our national and state life.'
59. 'Warum müssen Kirche, Gemeinde und Staat das Frauenstimmrecht grundsätzlich ablehnen'. Denkschrift des Deutschen Bundes gegen die Frauenemanzipation (Berlin, 1915), p. 23; copy in Staatsarchiv Bremen (henceforth StA Bremen), Senatsregistratur, 3-V.2., no. 1042
60. Ibid
61. See also Berliner Neueste Nachrichten, 22 January 1917, containing details of a further petition sent to the Reichstag and both houses of the Prussian parliament at the beginning of 1917; copy in Staatsarchiv Hamburg (henceforth StA Hamburg), Bestand Politische Polizei, S18846, Bl. 59
62. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany, p. 218
63. Cf. Gersdorff, Frauen im Kriegsdienst, p. 19
64. Also Davis, Home Fires Burning, p. 15, n. 37
65. For a good discussion of the auxiliary service law see Gerald Feldman, Army, Industry and Labor in Germany, 1914-1918 (Princeton, 1966), pp. 149-249
66. For further details see Gersdorff, Frauen im Kriegsdienst, pp. 22-7
67. Also Young-Sun Hong, 'World War I and the German Welfare State. Gender, Religion and the Paradoxes of Modernity', in Eley (ed.), Society, Culture and the State in Germany, pp. 345-69
68. Cf. Wilhelm Groener, Lebenserinnerungen, ed. Friedrich Freiherr Hiller von Gaetringen (Göttingen, 1957), p. 355: 'Shortly after the establishment of the War Office I recruited Fräulein Dr. Marie-Elisabeth Lüders and Fräulein Dr. Agnes v. Harnack to my staff. They were put in charge of the Office for Women's Work, which, with the help of numerous volunteers, many of them unpaid, began to build up an organization for the direction of the female workforce and its maintenance and welfare.'
69. Cf. Lüders, 'Frauenarbeit', n.d. [1918], in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin-Dahlem (henceforth GStA Berlin-Dahlem), Rep. 92, Nachlaß Wolfgang Kapp, no. 582, Bl. 17-22
70. and Lüders, Das unbekannte Heer. Frauen kämpfen für Deutschland, 1914-1918 (Berlin, 1937)
71. On the situation in Hanover see the newspaper cuttings and police reports in NHStA Hanover, Hann. 122a, no. 7035, Bl. 9 ff
72. For popular protests by women in other parts of Germany see Daniel, The War from Within, esp. pp. 246-50
73. and, for Berlin in particular, Davis, Home Fires Burning, esp. pp. 76-88
74. See e.g. the minutes of a meeting at the War Office on 26 April 1917 called by Wilhelm Groener in response to the strike movement, in Wilhelm Deist (ed.), Militär und Innenpolitik, 1914-1918, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf, 1970), vol. 2, no. 289, pp. 724-35
75. Cf. Wilhelm Deist, 'Censorship and Propaganda in Germany During the First World War', in Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Jean-Jacques Becker (eds.), Les Sociétés européennes et la guerre de 1914-1918 (Paris-Nanterre, 1990), p. 206
76. Kriegspresseamt, Richtlinien für die Aufklärungsarbeit (Berlin, 1917), p. 9
77. 'Richtlinien für die Aufklärungs- und Propagandatätigkeit im Bereich des stellv. Generalkommandos des X. AK.', Hanover, 10 May 1917; copy in NHStA Hanover, Hann. 122a, no. 7037, Bl. 5-6
78. See also the pamphlet Ziele und Wege der Kriegsaufklärung (Hanover, 1917), in ibid., Bl. 82-93
79. Deist (ed.), Militär und Innenpolitik, vol. 2, nos. 326a and 326b, pp. 824-33
80. Kriegspresseamt, Richtlinien für die Aufklärungsarbeit, p. 15
81. Hindenburg to Bethmann Hollweg, 23 October 1916; reproduced in Erich Ludendorff, Urkunden der Obersten Heeresleitung über ihre Tätigkeit 1916-1918 (Berlin, 1920), pp. 78-81
82. Major Walter Nicolai's comment on the Easter Message at the above mentioned meeting at the Prussian War Ministry on 25 May 1917, 'Bis hierher und nicht weiter', can also be interpreted in this sense - see Deist (ed.), Militär und Innenpolitik, vol. 2, no. 326a, p. 827
83. See e.g. the report on this meeting in Berliner Lokalanzeiger, no. 484, 24 September 1917; copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7971, Bl. 20
84. Cf. Hindenburg's reply, as printed in Vossische Zeitung, no. 449, 30 September 1917 ('Hindenburg an die Frauenverbände'): 'We German men bow our heads out of respect for German women'
85. copy in ibid., Bl. 22
86. Von Lieres's appeal as reported in Neue Zeiten. Aufgaben und Pflichten der christlichen Frau, 10 (Oct. 1917), p. 218
87. copy in GStA Berlin-Dahlem, Nachlaß Kapp, no. 574, Bl. 2-15
88. On the Fatherland Party see the new study by Heinz Hagenlücke, Deutsche Vaterlandspartei. Die nationale Rechte am Ende des Kaiserreiches (Düsseldorf, 1997)
89. See Rundschreiben an die Landesvereine der Deutschen Vaterlandspartei, Berlin, 25 March 1918
90. copy in Archiv der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (henceforth ABBAW), Nachlaß Dietrich Schäfer, no.2, Bl. 64
91. Cf. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany, p. 212
92. See e.g. 'Die Frauen und die Vaterlandspartei', in Deutsche Tageszeitung, no. 489, 21 September 1918
93. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7972, Bl. 16
94. Also Die Frauenabteilung der Deutschen Vaterlands-Partei an die Deutschen Frauen-Verbände, n.d. [1918]
95. copy in ABBAW, Nachlaß Schäfer, no.2, Bl. 106
96. Appeal 'An die Landbevölkerung!', published in Bremer Nachrichten, 30 September 1917
97. copy in StA Bremen, Senatsregistratur 3.V-2, no. 1098
98. Copy of flysheet, which was signed by Frau Domänenrat Lemcke from Dewitz, Frau von Maltzahn from Schöneberg, Frau Zimmermeister Schenckel from Mirow, Frau Rat Voß from Neubrandenburg and Frau von Yorry from Neustrelitz, in GStA Berlin-Dahlem, Nachlaß Kapp, no. 574, Bl. 32
99. 'Vaterlandspartei und Frauen', Vossische Zeitung, no. 532, 18 October 1917
100. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7971, Bl. 31
101. 'Die Agitation der Deutschen Vaterlandspartei in der Berliner Universität', Berliner Tageblatt, no. 610, 29 November 1917
102. copy in ibid., Bl. 58a
103. Aufruf an Deutschlands Frauen zum Eintritt in die Deutsche Vaterlandspartei, January 1918
104. copy in Bundesarchiv Koblenz, Zeitgeschichtliche Sammlungen, ZSg. 1-252/3 (9)
105. Hagenlücke, Deutsche Vaterlandspartei, p. 184
106. Cf. Planert, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich, p. 131
107. See e.g. the correspondence between Wolfgang Kapp (second chairman, in practice chief organizer of the Fatherland Party) and Boehm and Behm in GStA Berlin-Dahlem, Nachlaß Kapp, no. 574
108. Cf. Kathechismus der Deutschen Vaterlandspartei, n.d. [1917]
109. copy in GStA Berlin-Dahlem, Nachlaß Kapp, no. 582, Bl. 4-7
110. Eiffe to the Landesverein Schleswig-Holstein, 9 February 1918
111. quoted in Hagenlücke, Deutsche Vaterlandspartei, p. 185
112. The leading anti-feminist Ludwig Langemann also regularly attacked Martha Voß-Zietz in newspaper articles, accusing her of being a secret feminist and supporter of female suffrage. See e.g. his article 'Hausfrauenvereine und Frauenstimmrecht. Eine Entgegnung', Tag, no. 122, 28 May 1918
113. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7971, Bl. 178
114. See e.g. the comments made by the Social Democratic deputy Hirsch during a debate in the Prussian House of Deputies on 15 January 1918. Here Hirsch attacked the hypocritical stance of the Conservative Party on the question of female suffrage, saying: 'We see at the moment that it is precisely the Conservatives who place the greatest store on encouraging women to attend political meetings, albeit meetings they cannot hope to learn anything from, namely the meetings of the Fatherland Party and similar organizations'; quoted in Wörtliche Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Preußischen Abgeordnetenhauses, 22. Legislaturperiode, III. Tagung 1916/18 (Berlin, 1917-18), vol. 7, p. 7246
115. Cf. Käthe Schirmacher, 'Die Notwendigkeit einer völkischen Frauenbewegung', Tag, no. 69, 22 March 1918
116. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7971, Bl. 135-7
117. Otto Stählin, 'Krieg und Mädchenerziehung', Deutschlands Erneuerung, 2 (1918), p. 132
118. Also quoted in Planert, 'Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich', p. 116
119. See e.g. the speech made by the Conservative deputy Walter Graef in the Prussian House of Deputies on 15 January 1918, in Wörtliche Berichte über die Verhandlungen des Preußischen Abgeordnetenhauses (as note 68), 22. Legislaturperiode, III. Tagung 1916/18, vol. 7, pp. 7210-8
120. 'Das neue Reich der Frau', Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten, no. 80, 31 March 1918
121. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7971, Bl. 141
122. 'Nationalliberale Frauenkundgebung', Hamburger Nachrichten, 20 June 1918
123. copy in StA Hamburg, Bestand Politische Polizei, S9001, vol. 4
124. This view is put forward by e.g. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany, p. 227
125. and more recently by David Welch, Germany, Propaganda and Total War, 1914-1918. The Sins of Omission (London, 2000), pp. 150-1
126. 'Rundschreiben an die Landesvereine der Deutschen Vaterlands-Partei', Berlin, 27 October 1918, in ABBAW, Nachlaß Schäfer, no. 2, Bl. 105/1-8
127. In Britain, the idea of a female 'blood-lust' was a post-war reaction to the famous propaganda posters, 'Women of England say go!', which seemed to suggest that men who did not volunteer to fight were cowards. For negative reactions to women's involvement in politics in Weimar Germany see also Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford, 1993), pp. 272-3
128. and Annemarie Tröger, 'Die Dolchstoßlegende der Linken: "Frauen haben Hitler an die Macht gebracht'", in Frauen und Wissenschaft. Beiträge zur Berliner Sommeruniversität für Frauen (West Berlin, 1976), esp. pp. 350-2
129. See e.g. Oberst von Hake (Detmold) to Frau Dr. Hoernecke, 15 December 1918, in GStA Berlin-Dahlem, Nachlaß Kapp, no. 607, Bl. 64
130. Still one of the best studies of the early history of the DNVP is Werner Liebe's Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, 1918-1924 (Düsseldorf, 1956)
131. See also Lewis Hertzman, 'The Founding of the German National People's Party (DNVP), November 1918 - January 1919', Journal of Modern History, 30 (1958), pp. 24-36
132. The appeal read as follows: 'Through her admirable achievements during the war the German woman has earned the right to an equal say in the shaping of our public life. We extend a hearty welcome to women as equal participants in the resurrection of our nation'; quoted in Liebe, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p. 110
133. On the National Women's Committee of the DNVP see Annagrete Lehmann, 'Ziel und Entwicklung der deutschnationalen Frauenarbeit', in Max Weiß (ed.), Der Nationale Wille. Werden und Wirken der Deutschnationalen Volkspartei, 1918-1928 (Essen, 1928), pp. 319-36
134. and Scheck, 'German Conservatism and Female Political Activism', pp. 41-53. Also the correspondence of the committee in BA Berlin, Bestand DNVP, vols. 485-8
135. See e.g. Deutsche Tageszeitung, no. 630, 11 December 1918
136. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7972, Bl. 57
137. The Agrarian League itself issued a manifesto at the beginning of December 1918 which called, among other things, for a 'greater involvement of women in politics, especially in the countryside'. For further details see Dieter Fricke, 'Zur Rolle des Bundes der Landwirte zu Beginn der Novemberrevolution 1918/19', Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 31 (1983), pp. 506-22, esp. the documentary appendix, doc. 1 ('Richtlinien des Bundes der Landwirte'), pp. 513-14
138. Neue Preußische (Kreuz-) Zeitung to Walter Graef, 24 December 1918
139. copy in BA Berlin, Bestand DNVP, vol. 486, Bl. 71
140. See e.g. L. Geifrig, 'Nicht umgefallen, sondern umgelernt', Deutsche Zeitung, no. 50, 2 February 1919, in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7972, Bl. 93
141. Also Planert, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich, p. 244
142. and Deutsche Zeitung to the Reichsfrauenausschuß der DNVP, 12 December 1918, in BA Berlin, Bestand DNVP, vol. 485, Bl. 50
143. Scheck, 'German Conservatism and Female Political Activism', p. 43
144. Heinsohn, 'Im Dienste der deutschen Volksgemeinschaft', pp. 224-5
145. On conservative women's opposition to the anti-clerical policies of the SPD and especially the USPD see also Doris Kaufmann, 'Die Begründung und Politik einer evangelischen Frauenbewegung in der Weimarer Republik', in Jutta Dalhoff, Uschi Frey and Ingrid Schöll (eds.), Frauenmacht in der Geschichte. Beiträge des Historikerinnentreffens 1985 zur Frauengeschichtsforschung (Düsseldorf, 1986), pp. 380-9
146. Traub's article in the Eiserne Blätter as quoted in Monatsblatt des Deutschen Bundes gegen die Frauenemanziaption, 7/1 (Jan. 1919), pp. 3-4
147. On the parallel attempts by the Catholic Centre Party to enlist the support of women in 1918/19 see Gisela Breuer, Frauenbewegung im Katholizismus. Der Katholische Frauenbund, 1903-1918 (Frankfurt/Main, 1998), esp. pp. 212-16
148. and Doris Kaufmann, 'Vom Vaterland zum Mutterland. Frauen im katholischen Milieu der Weimarer Republik', in Karin Hausen (ed.), Frauen suchen ihre Geschichte. Historische Studien zum 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1983), pp. 250-75
149. In 1920 the results from eighteen constituencies which counted men's and women's votes separately indicated that the DNVP had received 56% of its votes from women, compared to 59% for the Centre Party, 47% for the DDP, 43% for the SPD and 41% for the USPD. See Deutsche Rundschau, no. 89, 18 April 1921, which reports on the publication of a study conducted by the Reich Statistical Office
150. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7973, Bl. 149
151. Quoted in Lehmann, 'Ziel und Entwicklung der deutschnationalen Frauenarbeit', p. 321
152. See e.g. Julius Werner, 'Ganz unpolitische Politisierung', Deutsche Tageszeitung, no. 401, 28 August 1921
153. copy in BA Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7973, Bl. 188
154. The same trend was also evident within the Catholic Centre Party - see e.g. 'Wahlberechtigung, nicht Politisierung der Frau', Germania, no. 608, 31 December 1918
155. copy in ibid., no. 7972, Bl. 70
156. Quoted in Wilhelm Mommsen (ed.), Deutsche Parteiprogramme (Munich, 1960), pp. 537-8
157. Cf. 'Die Frau in der Justiz', Berliner Tageblatt, no. 42, 26 January 1921
158. copy in BA-Berlin, RLB-Pressearchiv, no. 7973, Bl. 126
159. See e.g. Kaufmann, 'Die Ehre des Vaterlandes', p. 291
160. Also Elizabeth Harvey, 'Pilgrims to the "Bleeding Border": Gender and Rituals of Nationalist Protest in Germany, 1919-1939', Women's History Review, 9/2 (2000), pp. 201-29
161. Cf. Chickering, '"Casting their Gaze"', pp. 184-5
162. For the debate on the Fatherland Party and its significance in German history see also Hans-Ulrich Wehler, 'Wilhelminischer Honoratiorenklüngel oder protofaschistische Massenbewegung: Die "Deutsche Vaterlandspartei" von 1917/18', in Wehler, Politik in der Geschichte. Essays (Munich, 1998), pp. 172-7
163. Cf. the recent essay by Raffael Scheck, 'Zwischen Volksgemeinschaft und Frauenrechten. Das Verhältnis rechtsbürgerlicher Politikerinnen zur NSDAP 1930-1933', in Planert (ed.), Nation, Politik und Geschlecht, pp. 234-53
164. On the ideology of the Männerbund and male comradeship see the excellent essay by Jürgen Reulecke, 'Männerbund versus the Family. Middle-Class Youth Movements and the Family in Germany during the Period of the First World War', in Wall and Winter (eds.), The Upheaval of War, pp. 439-52
165. Also Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality, esp. pp. 114-32
166. and me more controversial work of Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1987-9)