Spanish colonization literature, Powhatan geographies, and english perceptions of Tsenacommacah/Virginia

Journal of Southern History

Volumn 69, Issue 2, 2003, Pages 245-282

  Hatfield, April Lee ^a  

^a TEXAS A AND M UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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EID: 60949644217     PISSN: 00224642     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/30039922     Document Type: Article

References (126)

1. William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (1612), eds. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund (London, 1953), 32-37 (first quotation on p. 37)
2. John Martin, "How Virginia May Be Made a Royal Plantation," December 15, 1622, in Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London (4 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1906, 1933), III, 707-8 (second quotation)
3. Strachey described the boundaries of this section, which he initially termed "North-Virginia" but referred to thereafter as "Virginia," as "west and Nor-west upon the Falls and the Country of the Monocans, and North upon the Bocootawwonoukes [Ottawas?], East upon the Sea," and south by the James River. Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia, 35 n. 2, 36 (quotation)
4. All quotations in this article retain the original spelling and punctuation, though the typography has been modernized, changing u to v, for example, or i to j. For their comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this article, I thank Herman Bennett, Walter L. Buenger, Thomas R. Dunlap, Jack P. Greene, Carol L. Higham, James Horn, and the anonymous readers for the Journal of Southern History
5. Though the first charter, dated April 10, 1606, granted the Virginia Company stockholders the land between 34 and 45 degrees latitude, one hundred miles in from the coast, with adjacent islands, the second charter of May 23, 1609, granted the company and their successors "all those lands, countries, and territories, situate, lying, and being, in that part of America called Virginia, from the point of land, called Cape or Point Comfort, all along the sea coast, to the northward two hundred miles, and from the said point of Cape Comfort, all along the sea coast to the southward two hundred miles, and all that space and circuit of land, lying from the sea coast of the precinct aforesaid, up into the land, throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest; and also all the islands, lying within one hundred miles, along the coast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid. " William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, From the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619 (18 vols.; Richmond, 1809-1823), I, 57-58, 88 (quotation)
6. For the 1612 population see J. Frederick Fausz, "An 'Abundance of Blood Shed on Both Sides': England's First Indian War, 1609-1614," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 98 (January 1990), 56
7. For the 1622 population see Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York and London, 1975), 101
8. Wesley Frank Craven recognized parallels between Spanish methods of collecting tribute in Peru and Virginia Company plans to collect tribute from the Powhatans, but he did not develop the idea. Craven, The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1607-1689 (Baton Rouge, 1949), 81
9. Both Edmund Morgan and Neal Salisbury have noted that John Smith tried to imitate Hernán Cortés, and while Morgan mentioned that other English officials also used Spanish models, he did so only in passing. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 77, 99
10. Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500-1643 (New York and Oxford, 1982), 99-100
11. Though Tsenacommacah's political borders shifted, rough cultural-political outlines and patterns of contact with Indians beyond those borders were well established when the English arrived. Historians have rightly emphasized the importance of the Chesapeake's water systems and the significance of cleared Indian fields in determining English settlement patterns. See, especially, James Horn, Adapting to a New World: English Society in the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake (Chapel Hill and London, 1994), 132-41. This article proposes that English perceptions of Powhatan political, economic, and social geographies also mattered
12. Some contemporaries suggested other settlement sequences. One recommendation to settle outside Tsenacommacah was made in 1609, when the Virginia Company instructed Governor Thomas Gates to move the principal English residence away from a navigable river for safety from foreign enemies. The company suggested a location above the falls of the James River. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, III, 16
13. Jeanne Chase, in discussing James H. Merrell's "'The Customes of Our Country': Indians and Colonists in Early America," in Bernard Bailyn and Philip D. Morgan, eds., Strangers within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire (Chapel Hill and London, 1991), 117-56, notes that "[t]he English marchland may or may not also be an Indian core
14. Described from the Indian rather than from the English standpoint, that core contained powerful native societies which controlled the collection of commodities for trade from a wide hinterland of their own. Cultural encounters were mediated by relations of power which are contingent upon the presence or absence of an Indian core." Chase, "Porous Boundaries and Shifting Borderlands: The American Experience in a New World Order," Reviews in American History, 26 (March 1998), 54-69 (quotation on p. 59). In the case of the Chesapeake, not only the presence of an Indian core but English imagination about what that core meant affected cultural relations and English attitudes toward the region they both inhabited
15. Thus, this article illustrates the point, made by both James Merrell and James Axtell, that attention to Native Americans is necessary for our ability to understand early American history. See James H. Merrell, "Some Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 46 (January 1989), 94-119
16. and James Axtell, "Colonial America without the Indians: Counterfactual Reflections," Journal of American History, 73 (March 1987), 981-96
17. See Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia, 63; and John Smith's 1612 map of Virginia (printed herein on p. 263) for the numbers and locations of chiefdoms within Tsenacommacah
18. Powhatan inherited the towns of Powhatan, Appamattuck, and Arrohateck on the upper James River and its tributary, the Appomattox, and the Pamunkey, Mattaponi, and Youghtanund towns on the Pamunkey and Mattaponi Rivers, which combine to form the York. Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia, 63-64
19. Helen C. Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture (Norman, Okla., and London, 1989), 118
20. E. Randolph Turner observes that at the point where the Pamunkey and Mattaponi Rivers join to form the York, John Smith's 1612 map shows four "kings howses" - the only cluster of such houses together. That confluence also marked an important religious site. Additionally, the area had a higher population density than did the rest of Tsenacommacah. Turner, "Socio-Political Organization within the Powhatan Chiefdom and the Effects of European Contact, A.D. 1607-1646," in William W. Fitzhugh, ed., Cultures in Contact: The Impact of European Contacts on Native American Cultural Institutions, A.D. 1000-1800 (Washington, D.C., and London, 1985), 204
21. Indeed, Christian F. Feest believes that only those Algonquians (except the Chesapeakes and Chickahominies) living along the James and York Rivers were Powhatans. Feest, "Virginia Algonquians," in William C. Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. XV: Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger (Washington, D.C., 1978), 253-70
22. There has been considerable debate among historians over the political nature of Tsenacommacah, the exact number of Algonquian communities under Powhatan's control, and the strength of his control over lesser chiefdoms in Tsenacommacah. See Helen C. Rountree, "Introduction," in Rountree, ed., Powhatan Foreign Relations, 1500-1722 (Charlottesville and London, 1993), 1-3
23. and John Frederick Fausz, "The Powhatan Uprising of 1622: A Historical Study of Ethnocentrism and Cultural Conflict" (Ph.D. dissertation, College of William and Mary, 1977), 68-73
24. E. Randolph Turner III, "Native American Protohistoric Interactions in the Powhatan Core Area," in Rountree, ed., Powhatan Foreign Relations, 80
25. Jeffrey L. Hantman suggests that differences between the Monacans and the Mannahoacs were very slight and uses the term Monacan to refer to them jointly. Hantman, "Powhatan's Relations with the Piedmont Monacans," in ibid., 95
26. John Smith reported, "Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Savages report inhabit their most mortall enimies, the Massawomekes upon a great salt water, which by all likelyhood is either some part of Cannada[,] some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous." John Smith, A Map of Virginia: With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (1612), in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631) in Three Volumes (Chapel Hill and London, 1986), I, 165-66
27. For identification of Massawomecks as league Iroquois see Stephen R. Potter, Commoners, Tribute, and Chiefs: The Development of Algonquian Culture in the Potomac Valley (Charlottesville and London, 1993), 176-77
28. See also John Smith, The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia [1606-1612] (1612), in Barbour, ed., Complete Works of Captain John Smith, I, 232
29. and Henry Fleet, "A Brief Journal of a Voyage Made in the Bark 'Warwick,' to Virginia and Other Parts of the Continent of America," in Edward D. Neill, The Founders of Maryland as Portrayed in Manuscripts, Provincial Records and Early Documents (Albany, N.Y., 1876), 19-25
30. Francis Jennings notes that "Delaware tribal tradition insisted that all the Algonquian-speaking peoples of the east were allied against the Iroquois," in The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire: The Covenant Chain Confederation of Indian Tribes with English Colonies from its Beginnings to the Lancaster Treaty of 1744 (New York, 1984), 40
31. Jeffrey Hantman points out that in the only English account about Monacans from a Monacan, Amoroleck told John Smith that he knew of only three worlds: those of the Powhatans, the Monacans, and the Massawomecks. Hantman, "Powhatan's Relations with the Piedmont Monacans," 101
32. Turner, "Native American Protohistoric Interactions in the Powhatan Core Area," 76-77
33. Wayne E. Clark and Helen C. Rountree, "The Powhatans and the Maryland Mainland," in Rountree, ed., Powhatan Foreign Relations, 132
34. Potter, Commoners, Tribute, and Chiefs, 150-55
35. Much of the copper in the Chesapeake probably came from Michigan's Keweenaw peninsula in Lake Superior, where the only large quantities of native (pure rather than ore, and therefore requiring no smelting) copper in the world occur. There were small deposits of native copper in western Virginia and in New Jersey, but they were so small that they could have produced only beads, not sheets. Copper from Michigan is known to have been traded as far south as Florida. Kiril Spiroff, "Sketch of Michigan's Geologic History," in Our Rock Riches: A Selected Collection of Reprinted Articles on Michigan's Mineral Resources (Lansing, Mich., 1964), 1
36. J. R. Van Pelt, "Boston and Keweenaw - An Etching in Copper," in ibid., 11-12
37. John R. Halsey, Miskwabik - Red Metal: The Roles Played by Michigan's Copper in Prehistoric North America ([Eagle Harbor, Mich.], 1992), 2, 5
38. Turner, "Native American Protohistoric Interactions in the Powhatan Core Area," 82
39. John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United States (Washington, D.C., 1946), 492-93
40. Helen C. Rountree, "Summary and Implications," in Rountree, ed., Powhatan Foreign Relations, 219-21
41. Copper and roanoke were luxury goods worn by elites. Rountree argues, "Those monopolizing the trade wielded real economic power. In Virginia, Powhatan is known to have held such a monopoly in most of his domain, probably getting his copper through the Tuscaroras rather than the hostile Monacans" (p. 219). The Powhatans also traded food. Smith reported, "Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, fowle, fish, flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is their chiefest riches." Smith, Map of Virginia, 164-68 (quotation on p. 168)
42. See also Thomas E. Davidson, "Relations between the Powhatans and the Eastern Shore," in Rountree, ed., Powhatan Foreign Relations, 137
43. According to Helen C. Rountree, "The most likely source [of copper] for the northern fringe people like the Patawomecks was indirectly through the Anacostians from the Massawomecks, with their ties to the Great Lakes region. . . . [S]uch a northwestern source of copper may have contributed materially to the rise of a paramount chiefdom in the Piscataway area . . . ." Rountree, "Summary and Implications," 219-21
44. E. Randolph Turner and Stephen R. Potter believe that other factors (primarily ecological) promoted Tsenacommacah's growth and shape. Nonetheless, both mention trade as a secondary determinant, and their views seem consistent with the argument that trade routes contributed significantly to the geography of the sociopolitical units that formed in response to other pressures. Turner, "Socio-Political Organization within the Powhatan Chiefdom," 193-224, esp. 209-10
45. Potter, Commoners, Tribute, and Chiefs, 150-52, 161
46. J. Frederick Fausz, "Patterns of Anglo-Indian Aggression and Accommodation along the Mid-Atlantic Coast, 1584-1634," in Fitzhugh, ed., Cultures in Contact, 225-68 (quotation on p. 236)
47. For the Spanish mission see Clifford M. Lewis and Albert J. Loomie, The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1570-1572 (Chapel Hill, 1953)
48. Helen C. Rountree and E. Randolph Turner argue that threats from the piedmont Siouan-speaking groups and from the Iroquoian Massawomecks provided a greater incentive for Powhatan's expansion of Tsenacommacah than did Spanish incursions. Rountree and Turner, "On the Fringe of the Southeast: The Powhatan Paramount Chiefdom in Virginia," in Charles Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser, eds., The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South, 1521-1704 (Athens, Ga., and London, 1994), 355-72, esp. 357, 360-61. The two pressures, however, were not mutually exclusive
49. James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil (Cambridge, Eng., and other cities, 1983), 253-304
50. Ross Hassig, Trade, Tribute, and Transportation: The Sixteenth-Century Political Economy of the Valley of Mexico (Norman, Okla., 1985), 102-10, 225-28, 276-80
51. Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, 31-70, 92-96
52. See also Patricia Seed's discussion of Spanish tribute in Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640 (Cambridge, Eng., and other cities, 1995), 78-97. English attempts to imitate Spanish tribute-collection mechanisms reveal little understanding of the Islamic jizya and Reconquista-inspired meanings that Seed argues tribute held for the Spanish
53. Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, 38-42, 82-83, 92-96
54. Stuart B. Schwartz, ed., Victors and Vanquished: Spanish and Nahua Views of the Conquest of Mexico (Boston and New York, 2000), 100-102
55. John Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles . . . (1624), in Barbour, ed., Complete Works of Captain John Smith, II, 299
56. Philip L. Barbour, "Brief Biography of Captain John Smith," in Barbour, ed., Complete Works of Captain John Smith, I, lviii
57. Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and . . . a Relation of the Barbarous Massacre (London, 1622), in Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, III, 558-60
58. However, even precedents in Ireland provided an indirect route for Spanish models to influence Virginia colonization. Nicholas P. Canny has shown that the English applied Spanish colonization models (especially their perceptions about Spanish treatment of indigenous Americans) to their conquest of Ireland. Richard Eden's 1555 translation of portions of Peter Martyr Anglerius's De Orbe Novo, as The Decades of the newe worlde or West India, was the most important means by which Spanish experiences influenced English actions in Ireland. Nicholas P. Canny, "The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 30 (October 1973), 593-95
59. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Totowa, N.J., 1984), 78, 164-65
60. Kupperman argues that the Virginia Company would have learned from Ralph Lane's account of his 1585-86 exploration north from Roanoke that the Chesapeake was ruled by a strong king with a courageous army, who would resist strangers, especially any who wanted pearls. Lane's account, "Discourse on the First Colony," was printed in Richard Hakluyt's The Principall Navigations: Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation (2 vols.; London, 1589; facsimile reprint, Cambridge, Eng., and other cities, 1965), II, 737-47, and was therefore available to English readers by 1589
61. it can also be found in David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590: Documents to Illustrate the English Voyages to North America under the Patent Granted to Walter Raleigh, 1584 (2 vols.; London, 1955), I, 255-94
62. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 6-24
63. See, especially, Henry Hawkes, "A relation of the commodities of Nova Hispania, and the maners of the inhabitants," in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, II, 545-48
64. and John Chilton, "A notable discourse of Master John Chilton, touching the people, manners, Mynes, Cities, riches, forces, and other memorable things of the west Indias," in ibid., II, 587-94
65. Fausz, "Powhatan Uprising of 1622," 207
66. Christopher Hill, The Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution (Oxford, 1965), 159
67. David B. Quinn, ed., "A List of Books Purchased for the Virginia Company," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 77 (July 1969), 349, 358 n. 28, 359 n. 30
68. Philip L. Barbour suggests that the outline of Smith's Map of Virginia text may have been influenced by Acosta's Naturall and Morall Historie, as the two are "broadly similar." Barbour, ed., Complete Works of Captain John Smith, I, 124
69. Strachey refers to Acosta in Historie of Travell into Virginia, 55
70. See also Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom, 7 n. 7, 8, 18
71. Smith, Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia, 258
72. Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1929), 13
73. Gregory A. Waselkov, "Indian Maps of the Colonial Southeast," in Peter H. Wood, Gregory A. Waselkov, and M. Thomas Hatley, eds., Powhatan's Mantle: Indians in the Colonial Southeast (Lincoln, Nebr., and London, 1989), 324. The English Carolinians' use of the term may have reflected the prominence of the Caribbean experiences of those colonists migrating from Barbados, or perhaps their keen awareness of their proximity to Florida, which connected Carolina and its Indians to Spanish America
74. Smith, Generall Historie of Virginia, 163-80
75. Davidson, "Relations between the Powhatans and the Eastern Shore," 143-46, 150 (second quotation on p. 144)
76. John Smith, A True Relation of such occurrences and accidents of note, as hath hapned in Virginia . . . (1608), in Barbour, ed., Complete Works of Captain John Smith, I, 31
77. Strachey described a Monacan-Powhatan alliance during the First Anglo-Powhatan War in Historie of Travell into Virginia, 105-6
78. See also Hantman, "Powhatan's Relations with the Piedmont Monacans," 110
79. For a discussion of the differences between Powhatan and English cartographic representations, see Waselkov, "Indian Maps of the Colonial Southeast," 292-343
80. At some of the falls Smith erected actual crosses as well. Smith, True Relation, 31
81. Martin H. Quitt, "Trade and Acculturation at Jamestown, 1607-1609: The Limits of Understanding," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 52 (April 1995), 232
82. Stephen R. Potter, "Early English Effects on Virginia Algonquian Exchange and Tribute in the Tidewater Potomac," in Wood, Waselkov, and Hatley, eds., Powhatan's Mantle, 151
83. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, III, 22 (first and second quotations), 16 (third quotation), 18 (fourth quotation)
84. and Frederic W. Gleach, Powhatan's World and Colonial Virginia: A Conflict of Cultures (Lincoln, Nebr., 1977), 25-26
85. e Kinges corne" received beads for their effort. Henry Spelman, Relation of Virginea (ca. 1613), in Edward Arber, ed., Travels and Works of Captain John Smith (2 vols.; Edinburgh, 1910), I, cxii
86. Turner, "Socio-Political Organization within the Powhatan Chiefdom," 202
87. Additionally, Thomas Ludwell wrote in 1678 that some Powhatans remembered a tribute or tax system but that it had ended with Opechancanough's death in 1646. See Martha W. McCartney, "Cockacoeske, Queen of Pamunkey: Diplomat and Suzeraine," in Wood, Waselkov, and Hatley, eds., Powhatan's Mantle, 188-89
88. See also Potter, Commoners, Tribute, and Chiefs, 17-18, 210
89. Quitt, "Trade and Acculturation at Jamestown," 247
90. Potter, "Early English Effects on Virginia Algonquian Exchange," 152-56
91. and Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia, 63, 87
92. Gleach, Powhatan's World and Colonial Virginia, 113-22
93. Historians and anthropologists identify several factors that contributed to the start of the first Anglo-Powhatan war. When copper lost much of its value, Powhatan demanded payment for corn in more valuable goods such as arms, which angered the English. The establishment of English settlements beyond Jamestown, the fact that the colonists there stole corn from the Powhatans, and the November 1608 English overture to the Monacans all angered Powhatan, and he refused to trade more corn. Quitt, "Trade and Acculturation at Jamestown," 252, 257
94. Fausz, "Patterns of Anglo-Indian Aggression and Accommodation along the Mid-Atlantic Coast," 239
95. Fausz, "'Abundance of Blood Shed on Both Sides,'" 18-22
96. Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York and Oxford, 1994), 42
97. Potter, "Early English Effects on Virginia Algonquian Exchange," 157
98. Salisbury, Manitou and Providence, 100
99. Fausz, "Patterns of Anglo-Indian Aggression and Accommodation along the Mid-Atlantic Coast," 241
100. Steele, Warpaths, 43
101. Ralph Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia (London, 1615; reprint, Richmond, 1957), 26-35 (quotation on p. 27)
102. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York, 1983)
103. Horn, Adapting to a New World, 134
104. Francis Jennings, "Virgin Land and Savage People," American Quarterly, 23 (October 1971), 520-21
105. Waterhouse, Declaration of the State of the Colony, 557
106. Hamor, True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia, 24
107. Warren M. Billings, John E. Selby, and Thad W. Tate, Colonial Virginia: A History (White Plains, N.Y., 1986), 40
108. For locations of early English settlements, see the map in Charles E. Hatch Jr., The First Seventeen Years: Virginia, 1607-1624 (Charlottesville, 1957; reprint, Baltimore, 1993), 32-33
109. David R. Ransome, "Pocahontas and the Mission to the Indians," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 99 (January 1991), 81-94
110. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, III, 161
111. Turner, "Socio-Political Organization within the Powhatan Chiefdom," 212
112. Fausz, "Powhatan Uprising of 1622," 400, 550-51
113. Craven, Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 173
114. J. Frederick Fausz and Jon Kukla, "A Letter of Advice to the Governor of Virginia, 1624," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 34 (January 1977), 108, 126
115. The vast differences between English and Spanish conquest styles noted by Patricia Seed have roots in their respective European histories, but such stark contrasts may also reflect the change in English methods that followed the second Anglo-Powhatan war, representing the English rejection of Spanish models. Seed, Ceremonies of Possession, chaps. 1, 3, conclusion
116. Indeed, some colonial officials responded to the uprising with an even more dramatic attitude shift. In May 1623 Governor Francis Wyatt wrote that as "nothing can be more dishonorable to o[u]r nation, then to stand in need of suplies of o[u]r most necessarie food from these base Salvages nor more dangerous," all colonists were to plant enough corn for themselves and families. Henceforth, license to trade with Indians would be "very sparingly grannted to any," and not at all to those who needed corn because they had neglected to plant it. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, IV, 172-73
117. J. Frederick Fausz, "Present at the 'Creation': The Chesapeake World That Greeted the Maryland Colonists," Maryland Historical Magazine, 79 (Spring 1984), 7-20 (quotations on p. 9)
118. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, IV, 10, 507
119. Martin, "How Virginia May Be Made a Royal Plantation," 707-8
120. For English Virginians' activity north of the Potomac see J. Frederick Fausz, "Merging and Emerging Worlds: Anglo-Indian Interest Groups and the Development of the Seventeenth-Century Chesapeake," in Lois Green Carr, Philip D. Morgan, and Jean B. Russo, eds., Colonial Chesapeake Society (Chapel Hill and London, 1988), 59-86
121. and Fleet, "Brief Journal of a Voyage Made in the Bark 'Warwick,'" 19-37
122. See n. 53
123. Kingsbury, ed., Records of the Virginia Company, III, 669-70
124. Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas's People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries (Norman, Okla., and London, 1990), 79. Much of the population decline had occurred by the end of the 1620s
125. For the conflict between Virginians and the new colony of Maryland see Fausz, "Merging and Emerging Worlds," 65-75
126. For the settlement of the third Anglo-Powhatan War see Hening, ed., Statutes at Large, I, 322-25