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Volumn 17, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 239-250

Postcolonialism: Subverting whose empire?

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EID: 5844395083     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599650035662     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (36)

References (50)
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    • While one may speak of postcolonial critics' post-structuralism it is important to remember that, of my three main examples, each author's main influence is an incredibly diverse and complicated writer (Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault and Jacques Lacan respectively) whose work, in some cases, defies conflation.
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    • Introduction
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    • See B Anderson, Imagined Communities, London: Verso, 1991; E Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983; and E J Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
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    • Introduction
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    • Both modernisation theory and dependency theory perhaps being the most pervasive responses to this situation. For important initial examples of this see W Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960; and A G Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1967.
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    • note
    • Obviously this is not meant as a truism. I use this example only to problematise the reductio ad absurdam of much postcolonial theory with its calls for heterogeneity.
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    • note
    • This is in fact how most 'analytical' media coverage concerning the bombing occurred, ie a heavy emphasis on the bomber's alienation from the army with light coverage concerning his philosophies of militant libertarianism. The coverage that did examine the 'militias' tended, however, to fetishise and mock what is a heavily armed and violent group by depicting them as overweight middle-aged men.
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    • As Ahmad (The politics of literary postcoloniality', p 12) argues in orthodox Marxist terms, 'the structural dialectic of imperialism includes ... the deepening penetration of all available global spaces by the working of capital and intensification of the nation-state form Simultaneously. This dialectic produces contradictory effects in the realms of culture and ideology. The same Arab magnates and Irani mullahs who chase petrodollars across the globe - those same saffron yuppies who are opening up the Bombay Stock Exchange and the computer industry of Bangalore for foreign capital - organise their own lives around the fetishism of commodities bequeathed to them by advanced capital but are also the ones most vociferous in propagating the discourse of authenticity and cultural differentialism in the name of Islam in one space, Hinduism in another, in order to forge protofascist nationalisms for the working masses of their own nations, so as to wean them away from the progressive projects of socialism and anti-imperialist nationalisms. Within this context, speaking with virtually mindless pleasure of transnational cultural hybridity, and of politics of contingency, amounts, in effect, to endorsing the claims of transnational capital itself.' (original emphasis).
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    • note
    • Nor in many cases have writers been willing to identify cases of recolonisation.


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