Crown of the continent, backbone of the world: The American Wilderness ideal and blackfeet exclusion from Glacier National Park

Environmental History

Volumn 1, Issue 3, 1996, Pages

  Spence, Mark David ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

^b UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

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EID: 5844387656     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (113)

1. Quotation from advertisement in the Saturday Evening Post, 15 May 1926, reproduced in Great Northern Railway Company, Advertising and Publicity Department, "Magazine and Newspaper Advertisements, 1884-1970," microfilm edition, vol. 1, roll 1, frame 40, Minnesota Historical Society, Minneapolis.
2. Quotation from advertisement in the Saturday Evening Post, 15 May 1926, reproduced in Great Northern Railway Company, Advertising and Publicity Department, "Magazine and Newspaper Advertisements, 1884-1970," microfilm edition, vol. 1, roll 1, frame 40, Minnesota Historical Society, Minneapolis.
3. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that Blackfeet use of the Glacier area stretches back more than a thousand years; see Brian Reeves and Sandy Peacock, " 'Our Mountains Are Our Pillows': An Ethnographic Overview of Glacier National Park," draft submitted to the National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, May 1905, 70-82. See also Clark Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, vol. 5, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1910), 11-20. The Blackfeet are not the only native group with a strong connection to the Glacier area; the confederated Salish-Kutenai tribes of the Flathead Valley long used the mountains now contained within the national park, as did the Kalispell (Pen d'Oreille) and bands of Crow, Gros Ventre, Nakota, Cree, and Assinaboine See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 7-70; and James Sheire, Glacier National Park: Historic Resource Study (Washington: Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1970), 3-47. Unlike other tribes, however, the Blackfeet were used extensively in park promotions from the 1910s through the 1930s, and only the Blackfeet had recognized treaty rights to the Glacier region at the time of the park's creation in 1910.
4. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that Blackfeet use of the Glacier area stretches back more than a thousand years; see Brian Reeves and Sandy Peacock, " 'Our Mountains Are Our Pillows': An Ethnographic Overview of Glacier National Park," draft submitted to the National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, May 1905, 70-82. See also Clark Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, vol. 5, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1910), 11-20. The Blackfeet are not the only native group with a strong connection to the Glacier area; the confederated Salish-Kutenai tribes of the Flathead Valley long used the mountains now contained within the national park, as did the Kalispell (Pen d'Oreille) and bands of Crow, Gros Ventre, Nakota, Cree, and Assinaboine See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 7-70; and James Sheire, Glacier National Park: Historic Resource Study (Washington: Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1970), 3-47. Unlike other tribes, however, the Blackfeet were used extensively in park promotions from the 1910s through the 1930s, and only the Blackfeet had recognized treaty rights to the Glacier region at the time of the park's creation in 1910.
5. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that Blackfeet use of the Glacier area stretches back more than a thousand years; see Brian Reeves and Sandy Peacock, " 'Our Mountains Are Our Pillows': An Ethnographic Overview of Glacier National Park," draft submitted to the National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, May 1905, 70-82. See also Clark Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, vol. 5, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1910), 11-20. The Blackfeet are not the only native group with a strong connection to the Glacier area; the confederated Salish-Kutenai tribes of the Flathead Valley long used the mountains now contained within the national park, as did the Kalispell (Pen d'Oreille) and bands of Crow, Gros Ventre, Nakota, Cree, and Assinaboine See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 7-70; and James Sheire, Glacier National Park: Historic Resource Study (Washington: Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1970), 3-47. Unlike other tribes, however, the Blackfeet were used extensively in park promotions from the 1910s through the 1930s, and only the Blackfeet had recognized treaty rights to the Glacier region at the time of the park's creation in 1910.
6. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that Blackfeet use of the Glacier area stretches back more than a thousand years; see Brian Reeves and Sandy Peacock, " 'Our Mountains Are Our Pillows': An Ethnographic Overview of Glacier National Park," draft submitted to the National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, May 1905, 70-82. See also Clark Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, vol. 5, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1910), 11-20. The Blackfeet are not the only native group with a strong connection to the Glacier area; the confederated Salish-Kutenai tribes of the Flathead Valley long used the mountains now contained within the national park, as did the Kalispell (Pen d'Oreille) and bands of Crow, Gros Ventre, Nakota, Cree, and Assinaboine See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 7-70; and James Sheire, Glacier National Park: Historic Resource Study (Washington: Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 1970), 3-47. Unlike other tribes, however, the Blackfeet were used extensively in park promotions from the 1910s through the 1930s, and only the Blackfeet had recognized treaty rights to the Glacier region at the time of the park's creation in 1910.
7. For discussions of the cultural and historical construction of wilderness, see William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature (New York: W. W. Norton. 1995), 78-79; Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson, eds., Before the Wilderness Environmental Management by Native Califomians (Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993); and Gary Paul Nabhan, "Cultural Parallax in Viewing North American Habitats," in Michael E. Soulé and Gary Lease, eds., Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction (Washington: Island Press, 1995), 87-101. For works that examine Indian removal from Yosemite and Grand Canyon National Parks, see Mark Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864-1930," Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27-59; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja People of the Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 72-77.
8. For discussions of the cultural and historical construction of wilderness, see William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature (New York: W. W. Norton. 1995), 78-79; Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson, eds., Before the Wilderness Environmental Management by Native Califomians (Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993); and Gary Paul Nabhan, "Cultural Parallax in Viewing North American Habitats," in Michael E. Soulé and Gary Lease, eds., Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction (Washington: Island Press, 1995), 87-101. For works that examine Indian removal from Yosemite and Grand Canyon National Parks, see Mark Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864-1930," Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27-59; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja People of the Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 72-77.
9. For discussions of the cultural and historical construction of wilderness, see William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature (New York: W. W. Norton. 1995), 78-79; Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson, eds., Before the Wilderness Environmental Management by Native Califomians (Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993); and Gary Paul Nabhan, "Cultural Parallax in Viewing North American Habitats," in Michael E. Soulé and Gary Lease, eds., Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction (Washington: Island Press, 1995), 87-101. For works that examine Indian removal from Yosemite and Grand Canyon National Parks, see Mark Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864-1930," Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27-59; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja People of the Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 72-77.
10. For discussions of the cultural and historical construction of wilderness, see William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature (New York: W. W. Norton. 1995), 78-79; Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson, eds., Before the Wilderness Environmental Management by Native Califomians (Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993); and Gary Paul Nabhan, "Cultural Parallax in Viewing North American Habitats," in Michael E. Soulé and Gary Lease, eds., Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction (Washington: Island Press, 1995), 87-101. For works that examine Indian removal from Yosemite and Grand Canyon National Parks, see Mark Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864-1930," Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27-59; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja People of the Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 72-77.
11. For discussions of the cultural and historical construction of wilderness, see William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature (New York: W. W. Norton. 1995), 78-79; Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson, eds., Before the Wilderness Environmental Management by Native Califomians (Menlo Park, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1993); and Gary Paul Nabhan, "Cultural Parallax in Viewing North American Habitats," in Michael E. Soulé and Gary Lease, eds., Reinventing Nature? Responses to Postmodern Deconstruction (Washington: Island Press, 1995), 87-101. For works that examine Indian removal from Yosemite and Grand Canyon National Parks, see Mark Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864-1930," Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27-59; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja People of the Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 72-77.
12. See Frank Clifford, "Tribe's Claim on Death Valley Raises Questions for Park," Los Angeles Times, 29 October 1995.
13. The term "Blackfeet" is confusing and deserves some clarification. I use it to refer to the Piikáni or Piegan Indians residing on the Blackfeet Reservation in northern Montana, who officially refer to themselves as the Blackfeet Nation. The Piikáni are historically and culturally affiliated with the Siksiká (Blackfoot) and Kainaa (Bloods), and together they comprise the Nitsitapii. More commonly known as the "Blackfoot Confederacy," the Nitsitapii is made up of three bands which are divided between Canada and the United States. The Kainaa, Siksiká, and North Piikáni live on three reserves in Alberta; the largest group within the Confederacy, the South Piikáni, live on their reservation in Montana. The Glacier area is important to all the Blackfoot tribes, but the Piikáni have the strongest connection. For a comparative study of these three groups and their relations with the Canadian and United States governments, see Hana Samek, The Blackfoot Confederacy, 1880-1920: A Comparative Study of Canadian and U.S. Indian Policy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987). For a broader discussion of the sacred importance of the Glacier National Park area for the Blackfeet, see J. Hansford C. Vest, "Traditional Blackfeet Religion and the Sacred Badger Two-Medicine Wildlands," Journal of Law and Religion 6 (June 1988):455-89. The Blackfeet have a rich oral tradition; many of their stories concern the Glacier region. The most accessible written collection of stories is Percy Bullchild, The Sun Came Down: The History of the World as My Blackfeet Elders Told It (New York: Harper and Row, 1985).
14. The term "Blackfeet" is confusing and deserves some clarification. I use it to refer to the Piikáni or Piegan Indians residing on the Blackfeet Reservation in northern Montana, who officially refer to themselves as the Blackfeet Nation. The Piikáni are historically and culturally affiliated with the Siksiká (Blackfoot) and Kainaa (Bloods), and together they comprise the Nitsitapii. More commonly known as the "Blackfoot Confederacy," the Nitsitapii is made up of three bands which are divided between Canada and the United States. The Kainaa, Siksiká, and North Piikáni live on three reserves in Alberta; the largest group within the Confederacy, the South Piikáni, live on their reservation in Montana. The Glacier area is important to all the Blackfoot tribes, but the Piikáni have the strongest connection. For a comparative study of these three groups and their relations with the Canadian and United States governments, see Hana Samek, The Blackfoot Confederacy, 1880-1920: A Comparative Study of Canadian and U.S. Indian Policy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987). For a broader discussion of the sacred importance of the Glacier National Park area for the Blackfeet, see J. Hansford C. Vest, "Traditional Blackfeet Religion and the Sacred Badger Two-Medicine Wildlands," Journal of Law and Religion 6 (June 1988):455-89. The Blackfeet have a rich oral tradition; many of their stories concern the Glacier region. The most accessible written collection of stories is Percy Bullchild, The Sun Came Down: The History of the World as My Blackfeet Elders Told It (New York: Harper and Row, 1985).
15. The term "Blackfeet" is confusing and deserves some clarification. I use it to refer to the Piikáni or Piegan Indians residing on the Blackfeet Reservation in northern Montana, who officially refer to themselves as the Blackfeet Nation. The Piikáni are historically and culturally affiliated with the Siksiká (Blackfoot) and Kainaa (Bloods), and together they comprise the Nitsitapii. More commonly known as the "Blackfoot Confederacy," the Nitsitapii is made up of three bands which are divided between Canada and the United States. The Kainaa, Siksiká, and North Piikáni live on three reserves in Alberta; the largest group within the Confederacy, the South Piikáni, live on their reservation in Montana. The Glacier area is important to all the Blackfoot tribes, but the Piikáni have the strongest connection. For a comparative study of these three groups and their relations with the Canadian and United States governments, see Hana Samek, The Blackfoot Confederacy, 1880-1920: A Comparative Study of Canadian and U.S. Indian Policy (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987). For a broader discussion of the sacred importance of the Glacier National Park area for the Blackfeet, see J. Hansford C. Vest, "Traditional Blackfeet Religion and the Sacred Badger Two-Medicine Wildlands," Journal of Law and Religion 6 (June 1988):455-89. The Blackfeet have a rich oral tradition; many of their stories concern the Glacier region. The most accessible written collection of stories is Percy Bullchild, The Sun Came Down: The History of the World as My Blackfeet Elders Told It (New York: Harper and Row, 1985).
16. As with all oral traditions, variations occur over time and between different storytellers, and much is altered in the process of transcription and translation. Nevertheless, the Napi stories have remained constant in nearly all of their geographic particulars since their first recording by an outsider in 1810. For comparison, see Alexander Henry and David Thompson, The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Fur Company, and of David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company, 1799-1814, ed. by Elliott Coues (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897); John Mason Brown, "Traditions of the Blackfeet," Galaxy (15 January 1867): 157-64; Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall, Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, pt. 1 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1908); and Jack Holterman, "Seven Blackfeet Stories," Indian Historian 3 (September 1970): 39-43.
17. As with all oral traditions, variations occur over time and between different storytellers, and much is altered in the process of transcription and translation. Nevertheless, the Napi stories have remained constant in nearly all of their geographic particulars since their first recording by an outsider in 1810. For comparison, see Alexander Henry and David Thompson, The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Fur Company, and of David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company, 1799-1814, ed. by Elliott Coues (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897); John Mason Brown, "Traditions of the Blackfeet," Galaxy (15 January 1867): 157-64; Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall, Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, pt. 1 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1908); and Jack Holterman, "Seven Blackfeet Stories," Indian Historian 3 (September 1970): 39-43.
18. As with all oral traditions, variations occur over time and between different storytellers, and much is altered in the process of transcription and translation. Nevertheless, the Napi stories have remained constant in nearly all of their geographic particulars since their first recording by an outsider in 1810. For comparison, see Alexander Henry and David Thompson, The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Fur Company, and of David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company, 1799-1814, ed. by Elliott Coues (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897); John Mason Brown, "Traditions of the Blackfeet," Galaxy (15 January 1867): 157-64; Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall, Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, pt. 1 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1908); and Jack Holterman, "Seven Blackfeet Stories," Indian Historian 3 (September 1970): 39-43.
19. As with all oral traditions, variations occur over time and between different storytellers, and much is altered in the process of transcription and translation. Nevertheless, the Napi stories have remained constant in nearly all of their geographic particulars since their first recording by an outsider in 1810. For comparison, see Alexander Henry and David Thompson, The Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry, Fur Trader of the Northwest Fur Company, and of David Thompson, Official Geographer and Explorer of the Same Company, 1799-1814, ed. by Elliott Coues (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1897); John Mason Brown, "Traditions of the Blackfeet," Galaxy (15 January 1867): 157-64; Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall, Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 2, pt. 1 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1908); and Jack Holterman, "Seven Blackfeet Stories," Indian Historian 3 (September 1970): 39-43.
20. Alfred Runte's "worthless lands" thesis, which argues that only those scenic lands with no residential or economic value have ever become national parks, may serve well for European-American valuations of these areas; but his assertion that such lands were also worthless to Native Americans is unfounded. Even tribes greatly dependent on buffalo hunting spent a large part of every year in the foothills and high mountain areas of the Rockies. Far from "worthless," these places often were the most frequently inhabited areas since they provided shelter from winter storms and summer heat, sustained large seasonal herds of important game animals such as elk, and served as the locale for large tribal gatherings and important religious celebrations. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2nd ed., (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 48-64. For studies that examine native use of mountainous national park areas, see Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness"; Ake Hultkrantz, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957), 129-49. and The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1974); and D.B. Shimkin, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography," in A.L. Kroeber, ed., Anthropological Records, vol. 5 (Berkeley: University of California, 1947), 5:245-88.
21. Alfred Runte's "worthless lands" thesis, which argues that only those scenic lands with no residential or economic value have ever become national parks, may serve well for European-American valuations of these areas; but his assertion that such lands were also worthless to Native Americans is unfounded. Even tribes greatly dependent on buffalo hunting spent a large part of every year in the foothills and high mountain areas of the Rockies. Far from "worthless," these places often were the most frequently inhabited areas since they provided shelter from winter storms and summer heat, sustained large seasonal herds of important game animals such as elk, and served as the locale for large tribal gatherings and important religious celebrations. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2nd ed., (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 48-64. For studies that examine native use of mountainous national park areas, see Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness"; Ake Hultkrantz, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957), 129-49. and The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1974); and D.B. Shimkin, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography," in A.L. Kroeber, ed., Anthropological Records, vol. 5 (Berkeley: University of California, 1947), 5:245-88.
22. Alfred Runte's "worthless lands" thesis, which argues that only those scenic lands with no residential or economic value have ever become national parks, may serve well for European-American valuations of these areas; but his assertion that such lands were also worthless to Native Americans is unfounded. Even tribes greatly dependent on buffalo hunting spent a large part of every year in the foothills and high mountain areas of the Rockies. Far from "worthless," these places often were the most frequently inhabited areas since they provided shelter from winter storms and summer heat, sustained large seasonal herds of important game animals such as elk, and served as the locale for large tribal gatherings and important religious celebrations. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2nd ed., (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 48-64. For studies that examine native use of mountainous national park areas, see Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness"; Ake Hultkrantz, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957), 129-49. and The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1974); and D.B. Shimkin, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography," in A.L. Kroeber, ed., Anthropological Records, vol. 5 (Berkeley: University of California, 1947), 5:245-88.
23. Alfred Runte's "worthless lands" thesis, which argues that only those scenic lands with no residential or economic value have ever become national parks, may serve well for European-American valuations of these areas; but his assertion that such lands were also worthless to Native Americans is unfounded. Even tribes greatly dependent on buffalo hunting spent a large part of every year in the foothills and high mountain areas of the Rockies. Far from "worthless," these places often were the most frequently inhabited areas since they provided shelter from winter storms and summer heat, sustained large seasonal herds of important game animals such as elk, and served as the locale for large tribal gatherings and important religious celebrations. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2nd ed., (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 48-64. For studies that examine native use of mountainous national park areas, see Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness"; Ake Hultkrantz, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957), 129-49. and The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1974); and D.B. Shimkin, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography," in A.L. Kroeber, ed., Anthropological Records, vol. 5 (Berkeley: University of California, 1947), 5:245-88.
24. Alfred Runte's "worthless lands" thesis, which argues that only those scenic lands with no residential or economic value have ever become national parks, may serve well for European-American valuations of these areas; but his assertion that such lands were also worthless to Native Americans is unfounded. Even tribes greatly dependent on buffalo hunting spent a large part of every year in the foothills and high mountain areas of the Rockies. Far from "worthless," these places often were the most frequently inhabited areas since they provided shelter from winter storms and summer heat, sustained large seasonal herds of important game animals such as elk, and served as the locale for large tribal gatherings and important religious celebrations. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2nd ed., (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 48-64. For studies that examine native use of mountainous national park areas, see Spence, "Dispossessing the Wilderness"; Ake Hultkrantz, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957), 129-49. and The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1974); and D.B. Shimkin, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography," in A.L. Kroeber, ed., Anthropological Records, vol. 5 (Berkeley: University of California, 1947), 5:245-88.
25. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
26. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
27. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
28. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
29. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
30. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
31. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
32. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
33. Vernon Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1918); Walter McClintock, "Appendix Medicinal and Useful Plants of the Blackfoot Indians," in Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, or Life, Legends, and Religion of the Blackfeet Indians (London: Macmillan. 1910) 524-31; Alex Johnston, Plants and the Blackfoot (Lethbridge, Alberta: Lethbridge Historical Society and the Historical Society of Alberta, 1987); Karen Peacock, "Appendix II: Ethnobotanical Plant Descriptions" in Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 334-472; John C. Ewers, "The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture, with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes," in Bureau of American Ethnology: Bulletin 159 (Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1955); Oscar Lewis, The Effects of White Contact Upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1942); Jaqueline Beidl, "The Blackfeet and the Badger-Two Medicine: An Evaluation of Potential Traditional Cultural Significance Drawn From Archival Sources," January 1992, unpublished paper in the George C. Ruhle Library, Glacier National Park, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter Ruhle Library]. Blackfeet movements in the nineteenth century closely followed seasonal patterns established in the pre-equestrian era, when the Glacier region may have supplied an even larger portion of the tribe's material needs. See Reeves and Peacock, "Our Mountains Are Our Pillows," 70-82; and Wissler, Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians, 11-20.
34. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
35. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
36. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
37. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
38. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
39. John C. Ewers, The Blackfeet, Raiders on the Northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 277-312; William E. Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet, 1882-1945: A Photographic History of Cultural Survival (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984); Thomas R. Wessel, Historical Report on the Blackfeet Reservation in Northern Montana (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1975); Michael F. Foley, An Historical Analysis of the Administration of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by the United States, 1855-1950s (Indian Claims Commission Docket No. 279-D, 1974). Chief White Calf's statement comes from "Proceedings of Councils of the Commissioners Appointed to Negotiate with Blackfeet Indians," in U. S. Congress, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, Senate Document 118, 54th Congress, 1st Session, 1896 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896) (hereafter U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 1896.)
40. For contemporary accounts of Blackfeet hunting in the Glacier area, see George Bird Grinnell's entries for 7 November 1888 and 23-24 September 1889 in "Journals," George Bird Grinnell Collection, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles; Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, 14-15, 24, 47, and The Tragedy of the Blackfoot (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1930), 8-13; Warren L. Hanna, The Life and Times of James Willard Schultz (Apikuni) (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 138-44. See also Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet; and Foley, An Historical Analysis, passim. Blackfeet elder Mike Swims Under recalls that his family depended upon the success of his father's hunting in the Rockies at the turn of the century; personal conversation with the author, Heart Butte, Montana, August 1994.
41. For contemporary accounts of Blackfeet hunting in the Glacier area, see George Bird Grinnell's entries for 7 November 1888 and 23-24 September 1889 in "Journals," George Bird Grinnell Collection, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles; Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, 14-15, 24, 47, and The Tragedy of the Blackfoot (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1930), 8-13; Warren L. Hanna, The Life and Times of James Willard Schultz (Apikuni) (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 138-44. See also Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet; and Foley, An Historical Analysis, passim. Blackfeet elder Mike Swims Under recalls that his family depended upon the success of his father's hunting in the Rockies at the turn of the century; personal conversation with the author, Heart Butte, Montana, August 1994.
42. For contemporary accounts of Blackfeet hunting in the Glacier area, see George Bird Grinnell's entries for 7 November 1888 and 23-24 September 1889 in "Journals," George Bird Grinnell Collection, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles; Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail, 14-15, 24, 47, and The Tragedy of the Blackfoot (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1930), 8-13; Warren L. Hanna, The Life and Times of James Willard Schultz (Apikuni) (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986), 138-44. See also Farr, The Reservation Blackfeet; and Foley, An Historical Analysis, passim. Blackfeet elder Mike Swims Under recalls that his family depended upon the success of his father's hunting in the Rockies at the turn of the century; personal conversation with the author, Heart Butte, Montana, August 1994.
43. For the earliest proposal for a national park, see George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indian (1844; reprint, with introduction by Marjorie Halpin, 2 vols., New York: Dover Publications, 1973), 1:261-2. For discussion of late nineteenth-century Indian policy, see Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), passim. The Helen Hunt Jackson quotes come from Bits of Travel at Home and Abroad (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1894), 106-108.
44. For the earliest proposal for a national park, see George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indian (1844; reprint, with introduction by Marjorie Halpin, 2 vols., New York: Dover Publications, 1973), 1:261-2. For discussion of late nineteenth-century Indian policy, see Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), passim. The Helen Hunt Jackson quotes come from Bits of Travel at Home and Abroad (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1894), 106-108.
45. For the earliest proposal for a national park, see George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the North American Indian (1844; reprint, with introduction by Marjorie Halpin, 2 vols., New York: Dover Publications, 1973), 1:261-2. For discussion of late nineteenth-century Indian policy, see Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), passim. The Helen Hunt Jackson quotes come from Bits of Travel at Home and Abroad (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1894), 106-108.
46. For a discussion of Grinnell's early career, see John F. Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation (New York: Winchester Press, 1975).
47. See Gerald A. Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier: George Bird Grinnell and Glacier National Park (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 1992), 47-59. Quotations are from Grinnell's journal entries for 11 and 17 September 1891. Shortly after returning to New York, Grinnell penned an article entitled "The Crown of the Continent," which he submitted to Century Magazine. While the article contained his first public appeal for the creation of Glacier National Park, it was not published until 1901. See Grinnell, "The Crown of the Continent," Century Magazine 62 (September 1901): 660-72.
48. See Gerald A. Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier: George Bird Grinnell and Glacier National Park (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 1992), 47-59. Quotations are from Grinnell's journal entries for 11 and 17 September 1891. Shortly after returning to New York, Grinnell penned an article entitled "The Crown of the Continent," which he submitted to Century Magazine. While the article contained his first public appeal for the creation of Glacier National Park, it was not published until 1901. See Grinnell, "The Crown of the Continent," Century Magazine 62 (September 1901): 660-72.
49. See Gerald A. Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier: George Bird Grinnell and Glacier National Park (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 1992), 47-59. Quotations are from Grinnell's journal entries for 11 and 17 September 1891. Shortly after returning to New York, Grinnell penned an article entitled "The Crown of the Continent," which he submitted to Century Magazine. While the article contained his first public appeal for the creation of Glacier National Park, it was not published until 1901. See Grinnell, "The Crown of the Continent," Century Magazine 62 (September 1901): 660-72.
50. For a discussion of Grinnell's efforts to "preserve" Blackfeet culture, see Wessell, Historical Report, 68. Grinnell wrote often about the importance of wilderness recreation for urban Americans and the importance of "civilization" programs for the Indians. See, for example, Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales (New York: Scribners, 1895), xiii-ix; The Story of the Indian (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895), ix-x; and "The Crown of the Continent," 660-672.
51. For a discussion of Grinnell's efforts to "preserve" Blackfeet culture, see Wessell, Historical Report, 68. Grinnell wrote often about the importance of wilderness recreation for urban Americans and the importance of "civilization" programs for the Indians. See, for example, Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales (New York: Scribners, 1895), xiii-ix; The Story of the Indian (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895), ix-x; and "The Crown of the Continent," 660-672.
52. For a discussion of Grinnell's efforts to "preserve" Blackfeet culture, see Wessell, Historical Report, 68. Grinnell wrote often about the importance of wilderness recreation for urban Americans and the importance of "civilization" programs for the Indians. See, for example, Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales (New York: Scribners, 1895), xiii-ix; The Story of the Indian (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895), ix-x; and "The Crown of the Continent," 660-672.
53. For a discussion of Grinnell's efforts to "preserve" Blackfeet culture, see Wessell, Historical Report, 68. Grinnell wrote often about the importance of wilderness recreation for urban Americans and the importance of "civilization" programs for the Indians. See, for example, Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales (New York: Scribners, 1895), xiii-ix; The Story of the Indian (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1895), ix-x; and "The Crown of the Continent," 660-672.
54. Christopher S. Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park: A Case History" (M.A. Thesis, University of Montana, 1985), 20-21; Wessell, Historical Report, 90-95; Foley, An Historical Analysis, 181-87; Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 61-64.
55. Christopher S. Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park: A Case History" (M.A. Thesis, University of Montana, 1985), 20-21; Wessell, Historical Report, 90-95; Foley, An Historical Analysis, 181-87; Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 61-64.
56. Christopher S. Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park: A Case History" (M.A. Thesis, University of Montana, 1985), 20-21; Wessell, Historical Report, 90-95; Foley, An Historical Analysis, 181-87; Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 61-64.
57. Christopher S. Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park: A Case History" (M.A. Thesis, University of Montana, 1985), 20-21; Wessell, Historical Report, 90-95; Foley, An Historical Analysis, 181-87; Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 61-64.
58. Little Dog, quoted in U.S. Senate, Agreement with the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation, 9.
59. The Blackfeet ultimately received $1.5 million for the land, half the amount they originally demanded. Though a large sum, the tribe saw very little of this money. A large portion of the funds were used to pay the salaries of agency personnel and to construct their offices and homes. Much of the money also went to pay off debts that resulted from earlier shortfalls in promised government funding. See Foley, An Historical Analysis, 142 passim.
60. For numbers of absent Blackfeet, see Grinnell's journal entry for 28 September 1895. The Blackfeet may have been more amenable to selling the mountains since the land cession agreement amounted to little more than a short-term lease of mineral rights. Indeed, there is evidence that suggests the Blackfeet leaders may well have viewed the land cession agreement as a lease and not a sale. See Phillip E. Roy, General Counsel for the Blackfeet Tribe, "Position Paper of the Blackfeet Tribe of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation: Regarding that Portion of the Lewis and Clark National Forest which was in 1896 Divested from the Blackfeet Indian Reservation by an Act of Congress," September 19,1979. I am grateful to the office of Chief Earl Old Person, Chairman of the Blackfeet Tribal Council, for providing me with a copy of this document.
61. President Grover S. Cleveland, Proclamation, "To Establish the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve in Montana, Proclamation No. 31," U.S. Statutes at Large 29 (22 February 1897): 911, microfiche. The origins of the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve are discussed in Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 73-5; and Sheire, Glacier National Park, 143-4. Muir joined the survey as an ex officio member. For the early history of forest management in the northern Rocky Mountains, see Hal K. Rothman, ed., "I'll Never Fight Fire with My Bare Hands Again": Recollections of the First Forest Rangers of the Inland Northwest (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994). The Blackfeet first learned of the proposed forest reserve from Walter McClintock, who had worked as the photographer for Pinchot's surveying party; see McClintock, The Old North Trail, 20.
62. President Grover S. Cleveland, Proclamation, "To Establish the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve in Montana, Proclamation No. 31," U.S. Statutes at Large 29 (22 February 1897): 911, microfiche. The origins of the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve are discussed in Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 73-5; and Sheire, Glacier National Park, 143-4. Muir joined the survey as an ex officio member. For the early history of forest management in the northern Rocky Mountains, see Hal K. Rothman, ed., "I'll Never Fight Fire with My Bare Hands Again": Recollections of the First Forest Rangers of the Inland Northwest (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994). The Blackfeet first learned of the proposed forest reserve from Walter McClintock, who had worked as the photographer for Pinchot's surveying party; see McClintock, The Old North Trail, 20.
63. President Grover S. Cleveland, Proclamation, "To Establish the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve in Montana, Proclamation No. 31," U.S. Statutes at Large 29 (22 February 1897): 911, microfiche. The origins of the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve are discussed in Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 73-5; and Sheire, Glacier National Park, 143-4. Muir joined the survey as an ex officio member. For the early history of forest management in the northern Rocky Mountains, see Hal K. Rothman, ed., "I'll Never Fight Fire with My Bare Hands Again": Recollections of the First Forest Rangers of the Inland Northwest (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994). The Blackfeet first learned of the proposed forest reserve from Walter McClintock, who had worked as the photographer for Pinchot's surveying party; see McClintock, The Old North Trail, 20.
64. President Grover S. Cleveland, Proclamation, "To Establish the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve in Montana, Proclamation No. 31," U.S. Statutes at Large 29 (22 February 1897): 911, microfiche. The origins of the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve are discussed in Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 73-5; and Sheire, Glacier National Park, 143-4. Muir joined the survey as an ex officio member. For the early history of forest management in the northern Rocky Mountains, see Hal K. Rothman, ed., "I'll Never Fight Fire with My Bare Hands Again": Recollections of the First Forest Rangers of the Inland Northwest (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994). The Blackfeet first learned of the proposed forest reserve from Walter McClintock, who had worked as the photographer for Pinchot's surveying party; see McClintock, The Old North Trail, 20.
65. President Grover S. Cleveland, Proclamation, "To Establish the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve in Montana, Proclamation No. 31," U.S. Statutes at Large 29 (22 February 1897): 911, microfiche. The origins of the Lewis and Clark Forest Reserve are discussed in Diettert, Grinnell's Glacier, 73-5; and Sheire, Glacier National Park, 143-4. Muir joined the survey as an ex officio member. For the early history of forest management in the northern Rocky Mountains, see Hal K. Rothman, ed., "I'll Never Fight Fire with My Bare Hands Again": Recollections of the First Forest Rangers of the Inland Northwest (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1994). The Blackfeet first learned of the proposed forest reserve from Walter McClintock, who had worked as the photographer for Pinchot's surveying party; see McClintock, The Old North Trail, 20.
66. For political efforts that led to the creation of Glacier National Park, see Diettert. Grinnell's Glacier, 80-95; and Michael C. Schene, "The Crown of the Continent: Private Enterprise and Public Interest in the Early Development of Glacier National Park, 1910-1917," Forest and Conservation History 34 (April 1990): 69-75. For an example of Blackfeet support of the new national park, see Robert J. Hamilton to Louis W. Hill, 19 March 1912, in Ruhle Library, File "Roads - Indians Support."
67. For political efforts that led to the creation of Glacier National Park, see Diettert. Grinnell's Glacier, 80-95; and Michael C. Schene, "The Crown of the Continent: Private Enterprise and Public Interest in the Early Development of Glacier National Park, 1910-1917," Forest and Conservation History 34 (April 1990): 69-75. For an example of Blackfeet support of the new national park, see Robert J. Hamilton to Louis W. Hill, 19 March 1912, in Ruhle Library, File "Roads - Indians Support."
68. For political efforts that led to the creation of Glacier National Park, see Diettert. Grinnell's Glacier, 80-95; and Michael C. Schene, "The Crown of the Continent: Private Enterprise and Public Interest in the Early Development of Glacier National Park, 1910-1917," Forest and Conservation History 34 (April 1990): 69-75. For an example of Blackfeet support of the new national park, see Robert J. Hamilton to Louis W. Hill, 19 March 1912, in Ruhle Library, File "Roads - Indians Support."
69. Quotes from various advertisements for the promotion of Glacier tourism come from Great Northern Railway Company, Advertising and Publicity Department, "Machine and Newspaper Advertisements, 1884-1970," vol. 1, rolls 1 and 6, Minnesota Historical Society, Minneapolis.
70. For an excellent study of Great Northern's promotion of Glacier National Park, see Marguerite S. Shaffer, "See America First: Tourism and National Identity, 1905-1930" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1904), 92-143. See also Ann T. Walton, John C. Ewers, and Royal B. Hassrick, After the Buffalo Were Gone: The Louis Warren Hill, Sr., Collection of Indian Art (St. Paul, Minn.: The Northwest Area Foundation, 1985); and Ann Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," unpublished paper delivered at the Western History Association Conference, October 1986, Billings, Montana, copy in Ruhle Library.
71. For an excellent study of Great Northern's promotion of Glacier National Park, see Marguerite S. Shaffer, "See America First: Tourism and National Identity, 1905-1930" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1904), 92-143. See also Ann T. Walton, John C. Ewers, and Royal B. Hassrick, After the Buffalo Were Gone: The Louis Warren Hill, Sr., Collection of Indian Art (St. Paul, Minn.: The Northwest Area Foundation, 1985); and Ann Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," unpublished paper delivered at the Western History Association Conference, October 1986, Billings, Montana, copy in Ruhle Library.
72. For an excellent study of Great Northern's promotion of Glacier National Park, see Marguerite S. Shaffer, "See America First: Tourism and National Identity, 1905-1930" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1904), 92-143. See also Ann T. Walton, John C. Ewers, and Royal B. Hassrick, After the Buffalo Were Gone: The Louis Warren Hill, Sr., Collection of Indian Art (St. Paul, Minn.: The Northwest Area Foundation, 1985); and Ann Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," unpublished paper delivered at the Western History Association Conference, October 1986, Billings, Montana, copy in Ruhle Library.
73. Edward Frank Allen, ed., A Guide to the National Parks of America (New York: McBride, Nast & Company. 1915), 93-04, 96. Robert Sterling Yard echoed these sentiments in a popular souvenir publication on the national parks in which he wrote, "Glacier [was] once the favorite hunting ground of the Blackfeet[, but). . .now. . .(it is] strictly preserved"; see his National Parks Portfolio (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1916).
74. Edward Frank Allen, ed., A Guide to the National Parks of America (New York: McBride, Nast & Company. 1915), 93-04, 96. Robert Sterling Yard echoed these sentiments in a popular souvenir publication on the national parks in which he wrote, "Glacier [was] once the favorite hunting ground of the Blackfeet[, but). . .now. . .(it is] strictly preserved"; see his National Parks Portfolio (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1916).
75. John F. Sears, Sacred Places: American Tourist Attractions in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). Robert "Bob" Marshall expressed these sentiments most succinctly when he wrote that anyone "who will. . .[visit] the glaciers and snow-capped peaks of the great Northwest with surely return with a burning determination to love and work for and if necessary to fight for and die for the glorious land which is his"; see Robert Bradford Marshall, Annual Report of the Superintendent of National Parks to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1916), 2.
76. John F. Sears, Sacred Places: American Tourist Attractions in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). Robert "Bob" Marshall expressed these sentiments most succinctly when he wrote that anyone "who will. . .[visit] the glaciers and snow-capped peaks of the great Northwest with surely return with a burning determination to love and work for and if necessary to fight for and die for the glorious land which is his"; see Robert Bradford Marshall, Annual Report of the Superintendent of National Parks to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1916), 2.
77. Quotation from Public Law 171, "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park," U.S. Statutes at Large 36, pt. 1 (1910): 354 [hereafter "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park"]. For sentiments regarding Glacier as a "people's" national park, see Mary Roberts Rinehart, Tenting To-Night: A Chronicle of Sport and Adventure in Glacier Park and the Cascade Mountains (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1918), 98.
78. Quotation from Public Law 171, "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park," U.S. Statutes at Large 36, pt. 1 (1910): 354 [hereafter "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park"]. For sentiments regarding Glacier as a "people's" national park, see Mary Roberts Rinehart, Tenting To-Night: A Chronicle of Sport and Adventure in Glacier Park and the Cascade Mountains (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1918), 98.
79. Quotation from Public Law 171, "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park," U.S. Statutes at Large 36, pt. 1 (1910): 354 [hereafter "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park"]. For sentiments regarding Glacier as a "people's" national park, see Mary Roberts Rinehart, Tenting To-Night: A Chronicle of Sport and Adventure in Glacier Park and the Cascade Mountains (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1918), 98.
80. Though reprinted in countless promotional brochures, this quote originally comes from Mary Roberts Rinehart, Through Glacier Park: Seeing America First with Howard Eaton (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1916), 24-25.
81. Kerwin Klein argues that public lands in the West have retained this appeal for at least a century; see, "Frontier Products: Tourism, Consumerism, and the Southwestern Public Lands, 1890-1990," Pacific Historical Review 62 (February 1993): 39-71.
82. The quotation is from "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park." Some of the many scientific studies published by the government and sold to tourists included Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park, and Marius R. Campbell, Origin of the Scenic Features of the Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1914). Game preservation was a key factor in winning support for the creation of Glacier and other national parks; see Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation, 93-113.
83. The quotation is from "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park." Some of the many scientific studies published by the government and sold to tourists included Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park, and Marius R. Campbell, Origin of the Scenic Features of the Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1914). Game preservation was a key factor in winning support for the creation of Glacier and other national parks; see Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation, 93-113.
84. The quotation is from "An Act to Establish Glacier National Park." Some of the many scientific studies published by the government and sold to tourists included Bailey, Wild Animals of Glacier National Park, and Marius R. Campbell, Origin of the Scenic Features of the Glacier National Park (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1914). Game preservation was a key factor in winning support for the creation of Glacier and other national parks; see Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation, 93-113.
85. For an overview of poaching on the western portions of Glacier National Park, see Louis Samuel Warren, "The Hunter's Game: Poachers, Conservationists, and Twentieth-Century America" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1993), 288-98. The park superintendent's annual reports and correspondence between government agencies detail the concerns and efforts of government officials to exclude the Blackfeet from Glacier National Park in the 1910s. For examples of park administration and interagency efforts as early as 1912, see James L. Galen, Report of the Superintendent of the Glacier National Park to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1913), 15; Acting Superintendent to Glacier National Park Rangers, 24 September 1912, Box 15, Folder 95, Superintendent's Subject Files, 1908-1929, Records of the Blackfeet Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives-Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, Colo., [hereafter NA-RMR, RG 75]; and Ucker to Chapman, 1 August 1912, Box 23, Folder "Game Protection," Central Files 1907-1959, General Records of the National Park Service, RG 79, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 79, "Game Protection"].
86. For an overview of poaching on the western portions of Glacier National Park, see Louis Samuel Warren, "The Hunter's Game: Poachers, Conservationists, and Twentieth-Century America" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1993), 288-98. The park superintendent's annual reports and correspondence between government agencies detail the concerns and efforts of government officials to exclude the Blackfeet from Glacier National Park in the 1910s. For examples of park administration and interagency efforts as early as 1912, see James L. Galen, Report of the Superintendent of the Glacier National Park to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1913), 15; Acting Superintendent to Glacier National Park Rangers, 24 September 1912, Box 15, Folder 95, Superintendent's Subject Files, 1908-1929, Records of the Blackfeet Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives-Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, Colo., [hereafter NA-RMR, RG 75]; and Ucker to Chapman, 1 August 1912, Box 23, Folder "Game Protection," Central Files 1907-1959, General Records of the National Park Service, RG 79, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 79, "Game Protection"].
87. For an overview of poaching on the western portions of Glacier National Park, see Louis Samuel Warren, "The Hunter's Game: Poachers, Conservationists, and Twentieth-Century America" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1993), 288-98. The park superintendent's annual reports and correspondence between government agencies detail the concerns and efforts of government officials to exclude the Blackfeet from Glacier National Park in the 1910s. For examples of park administration and interagency efforts as early as 1912, see James L. Galen, Report of the Superintendent of the Glacier National Park to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1913), 15; Acting Superintendent to Glacier National Park Rangers, 24 September 1912, Box 15, Folder 95, Superintendent's Subject Files, 1908-1929, Records of the Blackfeet Agency, Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives-Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, Colo., [hereafter NA-RMR, RG 75]; and Ucker to Chapman, 1 August 1912, Box 23, Folder "Game Protection," Central Files 1907-1959, General Records of the National Park Service, RG 79, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 79, "Game Protection"].
88. Stephen Mather to Solicitor, 4 September 1915, NA RG 79, "Game Protection." Also, D. D. LaBreche to Franklin K. Lane, 1 November 1915; Secretary of the Interior to Commissioner of Indian Affairs [hereafter CIA] 6 January 1916, Solicitor to Secretary of the Interior, 7 January 1916, E. B. Meritt to Charles L. Ellis, 14 January 1916, all in File 119292-1916, Blackfeet 115, Central Classified Files, 1907-1939, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet]. See also Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 298-300. Some 150 to 200 Blackfeet and their families hunted in the park area, and their efforts contributed to the livelihood of between 750 to 1,000 Indians out of an entire reservation population of approximately 2,300. See Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Blackfeet (et al.) Indians v. The United States, Evidence for Plaintiffs (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1929), 119-27; and Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 49-50. Blackfeet efforts to assert treaty rights to hunt off-reservation mirrored the concerns of other tribes throughout the West. The Wind River Shoshone, for instance, continued to hunt throughout western Wyoming long after court orders and agency regulations expressly prohibited such activity; see records in Box 4, Folder 208, "Fishing and Hunting," General Correspondence Files, 1890-1960, Records of the Wind River Agency, NA-RMR, RG 75.
89. Stephen Mather to Solicitor, 4 September 1915, NA RG 79, "Game Protection." Also, D. D. LaBreche to Franklin K. Lane, 1 November 1915; Secretary of the Interior to Commissioner of Indian Affairs [hereafter CIA] 6 January 1916, Solicitor to Secretary of the Interior, 7 January 1916, E. B. Meritt to Charles L. Ellis, 14 January 1916, all in File 119292-1916, Blackfeet 115, Central Classified Files, 1907-1939, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet]. See also Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 298-300. Some 150 to 200 Blackfeet and their families hunted in the park area, and their efforts contributed to the livelihood of between 750 to 1,000 Indians out of an entire reservation population of approximately 2,300. See Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Blackfeet (et al.) Indians v. The United States, Evidence for Plaintiffs (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1929), 119-27; and Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 49-50. Blackfeet efforts to assert treaty rights to hunt off-reservation mirrored the concerns of other tribes throughout the West. The Wind River Shoshone, for instance, continued to hunt throughout western Wyoming long after court orders and agency regulations expressly prohibited such activity; see records in Box 4, Folder 208, "Fishing and Hunting," General Correspondence Files, 1890-1960, Records of the Wind River Agency, NA-RMR, RG 75.
90. Stephen Mather to Solicitor, 4 September 1915, NA RG 79, "Game Protection." Also, D. D. LaBreche to Franklin K. Lane, 1 November 1915; Secretary of the Interior to Commissioner of Indian Affairs [hereafter CIA] 6 January 1916, Solicitor to Secretary of the Interior, 7 January 1916, E. B. Meritt to Charles L. Ellis, 14 January 1916, all in File 119292-1916, Blackfeet 115, Central Classified Files, 1907-1939, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet]. See also Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 298-300. Some 150 to 200 Blackfeet and their families hunted in the park area, and their efforts contributed to the livelihood of between 750 to 1,000 Indians out of an entire reservation population of approximately 2,300. See Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Blackfeet (et al.) Indians v. The United States, Evidence for Plaintiffs (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1929), 119-27; and Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 49-50. Blackfeet efforts to assert treaty rights to hunt off-reservation mirrored the concerns of other tribes throughout the West. The Wind River Shoshone, for instance, continued to hunt throughout western Wyoming long after court orders and agency regulations expressly prohibited such activity; see records in Box 4, Folder 208, "Fishing and Hunting," General Correspondence Files, 1890-1960, Records of the Wind River Agency, NA-RMR, RG 75.
91. Stephen Mather to Solicitor, 4 September 1915, NA RG 79, "Game Protection." Also, D. D. LaBreche to Franklin K. Lane, 1 November 1915; Secretary of the Interior to Commissioner of Indian Affairs [hereafter CIA] 6 January 1916, Solicitor to Secretary of the Interior, 7 January 1916, E. B. Meritt to Charles L. Ellis, 14 January 1916, all in File 119292-1916, Blackfeet 115, Central Classified Files, 1907-1939, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C. [hereafter NA RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet]. See also Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 298-300. Some 150 to 200 Blackfeet and their families hunted in the park area, and their efforts contributed to the livelihood of between 750 to 1,000 Indians out of an entire reservation population of approximately 2,300. See Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Blackfeet (et al.) Indians v. The United States, Evidence for Plaintiffs (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1929), 119-27; and Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 49-50. Blackfeet efforts to assert treaty rights to hunt off-reservation mirrored the concerns of other tribes throughout the West. The Wind River Shoshone, for instance, continued to hunt throughout western Wyoming long after court orders and agency regulations expressly prohibited such activity; see records in Box 4, Folder 208, "Fishing and Hunting," General Correspondence Files, 1890-1960, Records of the Wind River Agency, NA-RMR, RG 75.
92. The Department of the Interior issued a number of inquiries and rulings on Blackfeet rights in Glacier National Park from the mid-1910s until the early 1930s. All are consistent with each other, but the clearest summary of the Departments position comes from E. C. Finney, "Solicitor's Opinion of Blackfeet Rights on Glacier Park Land," 21 June 1932 [here-after Finney, "Solicitor's Opinion"], copy in Ruhle Library.
93. CIA to Thomas Ferris, Superintendent, August 22, 1917, NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66598. A subsequent report from the Indian Field Service showed that some 338 Blackfeet owned land in the area between the park boundary and the highway. See O. A. Waetjen to F. L. Carter, Chief Ranger, Glacier National Park, 11 April 1928, Glacier National Park Archives, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter GNPA]. CIA to Thomas Ferris, 30 July 1917, and E. B. Meritt to Ferris, 5 November 1917, NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66548; Acting Director of the National Park Service to CIA, 2 July 1917, Ferris to CIA, 19 November 1917, Meritt to Stephen Mather, 3 December 1917, and CIA to Director, NPS, 29 January 1918, all in NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66598. See also George E. Goodwin, "Glacier National Park," in Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of the Interior, (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1917), 182-84; and Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 301-305.
94. CIA to Thomas Ferris, Superintendent, August 22, 1917, NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66598. A subsequent report from the Indian Field Service showed that some 338 Blackfeet owned land in the area between the park boundary and the highway. See O. A. Waetjen to F. L. Carter, Chief Ranger, Glacier National Park, 11 April 1928, Glacier National Park Archives, West Glacier, Montana [hereafter GNPA]. CIA to Thomas Ferris, 30 July 1917, and E. B. Meritt to Ferris, 5 November 1917, NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66548; Acting Director of the National Park Service to CIA, 2 July 1917, Ferris to CIA, 19 November 1917, Meritt to Stephen Mather, 3 December 1917, and CIA to Director, NPS, 29 January 1918, all in NA RG 75, BIA CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66598. See also George E. Goodwin, "Glacier National Park," in Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of the Interior, (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1917), 182-84; and Warren, "The Hunter's Game," 301-305.
95. William T. Hornaday to Franklin K. Lane, 7 April 1919. Horace Albright to Mr. Cotter, 12 April 1919, George Bird Grinnell to William T. Hornaday, 7 April 1919. Hornaday to Lane, 9 April 1919, Lane to Hornaday, 16 April 1919, and Horace G. Wilson to CIA, to June 1919, NA, RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66548.
96. William T. Hornaday to Franklin K. Lane, 9 April 1919. Lane to Hornaday, 16 April 1919, and Horace G. Wilson to CIA, 10 June 1919, NA, RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/66548.
97. Chas, H. Burke to Fred C. Campbell, 4 March 1923, and enclosures, NA, RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/17275; J. Ross Eakin, "Superintendents Monthly Reports to the Director, National Park Service," 10 January and 9 December 1922, 9 January and 10 July 1923. ~GNPA. Little Chief to Sen. Thomas Walsh, 7 December 1926, Little Chief to Walsh, 23 January 1928, with copy of 1924 petition attached, and CIA to Walsh, 21 March, 1928, RG ~75, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/7807; see also Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," 10-11, and Warren. "The Hunter's Game," 318-22.
98. Chas, H. Burke to Fred C. Campbell, 4 March 1923, and enclosures, NA, RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/17275; J. Ross Eakin, "Superintendents Monthly Reports to the Director, National Park Service," 10 January and 9 December 1922, 9 January and 10 July 1923. ~GNPA. Little Chief to Sen. Thomas Walsh, 7 December 1926, Little Chief to Walsh, 23 January 1928, with copy of 1924 petition attached, and CIA to Walsh, 21 March, 1928, RG ~75, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/7807; see also Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," 10-11, and Warren. "The Hunter's Game," 318-22.
99. Chas, H. Burke to Fred C. Campbell, 4 March 1923, and enclosures, NA, RG 75, BIA, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/17275; J. Ross Eakin, "Superintendents Monthly Reports to the Director, National Park Service," 10 January and 9 December 1922, 9 January and 10 July 1923. ~GNPA. Little Chief to Sen. Thomas Walsh, 7 December 1926, Little Chief to Walsh, 23 January 1928, with copy of 1924 petition attached, and CIA to Walsh, 21 March, 1928, RG ~75, CF 1907-39, Blackfeet 115/7807; see also Regan, "The Blackfeet, The Bureaucrats, and Glacier National Park, 1910-1940," 10-11, and Warren. "The Hunter's Game," 318-22.
100. Ranger Station Log Books, 'Daily Reports" for the Two-Medicine Ranger Station, November and December 1931, GNPA, E. T. Scoyen to Director, 22 April, 1932, GNPA. See also Scoyen to Director, National Park Service [hereafter NPS], 26 May 1931 (enclosed in letter from Scoyen to Director, 22 April 1932). Little Dog to CIA, 4 December, 1909, vol. 22, Copies of Official Letters Sent, November 1878-June 1915. NA-R MR, RG 75; "An Act for the Relief of Certain Nations or Tribes of Indians in Montana, Idaho, and Washington," U.S. Statutes at Large 42 (1924): 21; and Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Evidence, 27-127.
101. Ranger Station Log Books, 'Daily Reports" for the Two-Medicine Ranger Station, November and December 1931, GNPA, E. T. Scoyen to Director, 22 April, 1932, GNPA. See also Scoyen to Director, National Park Service [hereafter NPS], 26 May 1931 (enclosed in letter from Scoyen to Director, 22 April 1932). Little Dog to CIA, 4 December, 1909, vol. 22, Copies of Official Letters Sent, November 1878-June 1915. NA-R MR, RG 75; "An Act for the Relief of Certain Nations or Tribes of Indians in Montana, Idaho, and Washington," U.S. Statutes at Large 42 (1924): 21; and Court of Claims of the United States, No. E-427: Evidence, 27-127.
102. See Finney, "Solicitor's Opinion "; and Blackfeet (et al.) v. United States: Final Decision and Opinion (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 10-11.
103. See Finney, "Solicitor's Opinion "; and Blackfeet (et al.) v. United States: Final Decision and Opinion (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 10-11.
104. Albright to CIA, 13 January 1930; CIA to Albright 24 January 1930; and J. R. Eakin to Director, NPS, 24 March 1930, all in GNPA. Scoyen to Director, 23 April 1935; Demaray to CIA, 24 May 1935, Scoyen to Louis Glavis, Director of Investigations, U. S. Department of the Interior, 27 June 1935; Scoyen to Director, NPS, 29 June 1935; all in GNPA. The amount of correspondence generated by this subject over the years is enormous. The best summary of efforts to expand Glacier National Park eastward is an anonymous manuscript, "Glacier National Park, Montana: A History of Its Establishment and Revision of its Boundaries," n.d., 6-19, Ruhle Library. For early plans to extend the part's boundaries, see Stephen Mather to Cato Sells, 7 January 1921, GNPA. Along with their concerns about "park game" on the reservation, Mather and Albright also hoped that extension of Glacier's boundaries would give the park service control over a number of lakes slated for development by the Bureau of Reclamation.
105. The Blackfeet still sought legal redress against the United States and the National Park Service in the 1950s and 1960s on at least three occasions; see Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 52-60. Tension between the tribe and the NPS eased considerably in the 1940s as "surplus" game animals threatened to overgraze large areas of the park. By 1953, park officials even began to complain that Blackfeet hunters did not kill enough animals to keep the population of ungulates in check; see J. W. Emmert, Memorandum for Regional Director, 3 April 1953, GNPA. For a thorough study of Glacier National Park management and changing attitudes about Blackfeet hunters in the 1940s and '50s, see Warren, "The Hunters Game," 344-50.
106. The Blackfeet still sought legal redress against the United States and the National Park Service in the 1950s and 1960s on at least three occasions; see Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 52-60. Tension between the tribe and the NPS eased considerably in the 1940s as "surplus" game animals threatened to overgraze large areas of the park. By 1953, park officials even began to complain that Blackfeet hunters did not kill enough animals to keep the population of ungulates in check; see J. W. Emmert, Memorandum for Regional Director, 3 April 1953, GNPA. For a thorough study of Glacier National Park management and changing attitudes about Blackfeet hunters in the 1940s and '50s, see Warren, "The Hunters Game," 344-50.
107. The Blackfeet still sought legal redress against the United States and the National Park Service in the 1950s and 1960s on at least three occasions; see Ashby, "The Blackfeet Agreement of 1895 and Glacier National Park," 52-60. Tension between the tribe and the NPS eased considerably in the 1940s as "surplus" game animals threatened to overgraze large areas of the park. By 1953, park officials even began to complain that Blackfeet hunters did not kill enough animals to keep the population of ungulates in check; see J. W. Emmert, Memorandum for Regional Director, 3 April 1953, GNPA. For a thorough study of Glacier National Park management and changing attitudes about Blackfeet hunters in the 1940s and '50s, see Warren, "The Hunters Game," 344-50.
108. Thomas H. Watkins once criticized Blackfeet claims on Glacier with what might be called a "multiple conquest" thesis. The area did nol morally belong to the tribe, he argued, because they had themselves conquered the Shoshone and taken the lands by force. Although the Blackfeet actually retook these lands from Shoshone "conquerors," who expanded into Blackfeet territory in the mid-eighteenth century, their legal claims on the park are not based on notions of ancient occupancy or "timeless" traditions. Indeed, the importance of the Glacier area to the Blackfeet in the twentieth century does not so much reflect the argument of "first in time [equals] first in right," as Watkins speciously put it, as it stems from ongoing efforts to maintain the social and political autonomy of the Blackfeet nation as recognized in treaties and agreements with the United States. For Watkins' argument, see "Ancient Wrongs and Public Rights," Sierra Club Bulletin 59 (September 1974): 15-16, 37-39. See also "Triple Jeopardy at Glacier National Park," and "Glacier: Beleaguered Park of 1975," The National Parks & Conservation Magazine (September 1975), 20-22, and (November 1975), 4-10.
109. Thomas H. Watkins once criticized Blackfeet claims on Glacier with what might be called a "multiple conquest" thesis. The area did nol morally belong to the tribe, he argued, because they had themselves conquered the Shoshone and taken the lands by force. Although the Blackfeet actually retook these lands from Shoshone "conquerors," who expanded into Blackfeet territory in the mid-eighteenth century, their legal claims on the park are not based on notions of ancient occupancy or "timeless" traditions. Indeed, the importance of the Glacier area to the Blackfeet in the twentieth century does not so much reflect the argument of "first in time [equals] first in right," as Watkins speciously put it, as it stems from ongoing efforts to maintain the social and political autonomy of the Blackfeet nation as recognized in treaties and agreements with the United States. For Watkins' argument, see "Ancient Wrongs and Public Rights," Sierra Club Bulletin 59 (September 1974): 15-16, 37-39. See also "Triple Jeopardy at Glacier National Park," and "Glacier: Beleaguered Park of 1975," The National Parks & Conservation Magazine (September 1975), 20-22, and (November 1975), 4-10.
110. Thomas H. Watkins once criticized Blackfeet claims on Glacier with what might be called a "multiple conquest" thesis. The area did nol morally belong to the tribe, he argued, because they had themselves conquered the Shoshone and taken the lands by force. Although the Blackfeet actually retook these lands from Shoshone "conquerors," who expanded into Blackfeet territory in the mid-eighteenth century, their legal claims on the park are not based on notions of ancient occupancy or "timeless" traditions. Indeed, the importance of the Glacier area to the Blackfeet in the twentieth century does not so much reflect the argument of "first in time [equals] first in right," as Watkins speciously put it, as it stems from ongoing efforts to maintain the social and political autonomy of the Blackfeet nation as recognized in treaties and agreements with the United States. For Watkins' argument, see "Ancient Wrongs and Public Rights," Sierra Club Bulletin 59 (September 1974): 15-16, 37-39. See also "Triple Jeopardy at Glacier National Park," and "Glacier: Beleaguered Park of 1975," The National Parks & Conservation Magazine (September 1975), 20-22, and (November 1975), 4-10.
111. For an overview of relations between the Blackfeet and the National Park Service in the 19805, see Kenneth P. Pitt, "The Ceded Strip: Blackfeet Treaty Rights in the 1980s," American Indian Law Review 12 (September 1987): 18-43.
112. A. E. Demaray to Senator Burton K. Wheeler, February 17, 1930, in GNPA.
113. The phrase "visitors not to remain" comes from the so-called "Wilderness Act" of 1964, Public Law 88-577 in U.S. Statutes at Large 78 (1964): 890-96.