Regional institutions, the UN and international security: A framework for analysis

Third World Quarterly

Volumn 18, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 421-442

  Alagappa, Muthiah ^a  

^a EAST WEST CENTER   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 5844283419     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599714795     Document Type: Article

References (42)

1. For a good account of the deliberation on regionalism versus globalism in the context of the formulation of the UN Charter, see Inis J Claude, Jr, 'The OAS, the UN, and the United States', International Conciliation, 547, March 1964, pp 3-60. See also his Swords into Plowshares: The Problems and Progress of International Organization, New York: Random House, 1971, pp 102-117.
2. For a good account of the deliberation on regionalism versus globalism in the context of the formulation of the UN Charter, see Inis J Claude, Jr, 'The OAS, the UN, and the United States', International Conciliation, 547, March 1964, pp 3-60. See also his Swords into Plowshares: The Problems and Progress of International Organization, New York: Random House, 1971, pp 102-117.
3. Gareth Evans, 'The United Nations: co-operating for peace', address to the Forty Eighth General Assembly of the United Nations, 27 September 1993.
4. For an overview of the effort to define a region, see Bruce M Russett, 'International regions and the international system', in Richard A Falk & Saul H Mendlovitz (eds), Regional Politics and World Order, San Francisco: W H Freeman, 1973, pp 181-187. On the effort to define a regional subsystem and specify the necessary and sufficient conditions for it, see William R Thompson, 'The regional subsystem: a conceptual explication and a propositional inventory', International Studies Quarterly, Vol 17, No 1, 1973, pp 89-117.
5. For an overview of the effort to define a region, see Bruce M Russett, 'International regions and the international system', in Richard A Falk & Saul H Mendlovitz (eds), Regional Politics and World Order, San Francisco: W H Freeman, 1973, pp 181-187. On the effort to define a regional subsystem and specify the necessary and sufficient conditions for it, see William R Thompson, 'The regional subsystem: a conceptual explication and a propositional inventory', International Studies Quarterly, Vol 17, No 1, 1973, pp 89-117.
6. Among the few definitions of regionalism are those by Donald J Puchala and Stuart I Fanagan; and by Joseph Nye. See Puchala & Fanagan, 'International politics in the 1970s: the search for a perspective', International Organization, Vol 28, No 2, 1974, p 259; and Nye, International Regionalism, Boston: Little, Brown, 1968, p vii.
7. Among the few definitions of regionalism are those by Donald J Puchala and Stuart I Fanagan; and by Joseph Nye. See Puchala & Fanagan, 'International politics in the 1970s: the search for a perspective', International Organization, Vol 28, No 2, 1974, p 259; and Nye, International Regionalism, Boston: Little, Brown, 1968, p vii.
8. On issues and issue-areas, see Ernst B Haas, 'Why collaborate? Issue-linkage and international regimes', World Politics, Vol 32, No 3, 1980, pp 364-367.
9. On 'nesting', see Vinod Aggarwal, Liberal Protectionism, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985, p 27.
10. On negative and positive peace, and the debate among peace studies scholars, see Johan Galtung, 'Violence, peace and peace research', Journal of Peace Research, Vol 6, No 6, 1969, pp 167-191; and Carolyn M Stephenson, 'The evolution of peace studies', in Michael Klare & Daniel Thomas (eds), Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989, pp 9-19.
11. On negative and positive peace, and the debate among peace studies scholars, see Johan Galtung, 'Violence, peace and peace research', Journal of Peace Research, Vol 6, No 6, 1969, pp 167-191; and Carolyn M Stephenson, 'The evolution of peace studies', in Michael Klare & Daniel Thomas (eds), Peace and World Order Studies: A Curriculum Guide, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989, pp 9-19.
12. See Muthiah Alagappa, 'Defining security: a critical review and appraisal of the debate', in Muthiah Alagappa (ed), Asian Conceptions of Security: Ideational and Material, forthcoming.
13. There is a growing body of literature that questions the effectiveness of the sovereign state and its continued relevance as the referent unit of security. It should be acknowledged here that (1) the scope of state sovereignty in a number of issue-areas like human lights, monetary and financial matters, and production is becoming substantially limited; (2) non-state actors (subnational and international) have proliferated and in some cases play a central role in domestic and international regulation in the specific issue-area of their concern; and (3) the state can protect as well as oppress its citizens. These developments, by no means uniform across states, should be given due consideration in analysis and policy making, but they should not be interpreted as eclipsing the importance of the state. The sovereign state continues to be the most effective unit with respect to political identity and allegiance as well as to the fulfillment of the security and welfare functions, and it is the principal actor in the international system. The proliferation of secessionist movements, while reflective of the weakness of the constitution of specific states, is not indicative of the obsolescence of the state. On the contrary, it is a vindication of the state's continued vitality. The goal of the secessionist movements is to create new states in which the fit between ethno- or religious-nation and state will be closer and in which their ethnic or religious group will become the Staatsvolk, the dominant ethnic group that controls state power.
14. See Kenneth N Waltz, Theory of International Politics, New York: Random House, 1979, pp 102-128.
15. On the security dilemma, see John H Herz, 'Idealist internationalism and the security dilemma', World Politics, Vol 2, No 2, 1950, pp 157-180; Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, pp 72-76; and Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991, ch 8.
16. On the security dilemma, see John H Herz, 'Idealist internationalism and the security dilemma', World Politics, Vol 2, No 2, 1950, pp 157-180; Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, pp 72-76; and Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991, ch 8.
17. On the security dilemma, see John H Herz, 'Idealist internationalism and the security dilemma', World Politics, Vol 2, No 2, 1950, pp 157-180; Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, pp 72-76; and Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991, ch 8.
18. The two components of the security dilemma derive from Waltz's three-image analysis of world politics. He posits the third image (the structure) as describing the framework of world politics and as the permissive cause of war, and the first and second images (man and the state) as the forces of world politics, the immediate or efficient causes of war. See his Man, the State and War, New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Barry Buzan terms the two components the power dilemma and the security dilemma, and their combination as the power-security dilemma. See his People, States and Fear, pp 294-298.
19. The two components of the security dilemma derive from Waltz's three-image analysis of world politics. He posits the third image (the structure) as describing the framework of world politics and as the permissive cause of war, and the first and second images (man and the state) as the forces of world politics, the immediate or efficient causes of war. See his Man, the State and War, New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Barry Buzan terms the two components the power dilemma and the security dilemma, and their combination as the power-security dilemma. See his People, States and Fear, pp 294-298.
20. Benedict Anderson Imagined Communities, London: Verso, 1992, p 6. See also Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, New York: Basic Books, 1973, pp 317-319.
21. Benedict Anderson Imagined Communities, London: Verso, 1992, p 6. See also Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, New York: Basic Books, 1973, pp 317-319.
22. For a discussion of the formation of national-territorial states in the Third World, see Anthony D Smith, State and the Nation in the Third World, New York: St Martin's, 1983, ch 7.
23. The phrase 'internal colonialism' is used by Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975.
24. For an expanded discussion of the problem of political legitimacy, see Muthiah Alagappa (ed), Political Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1995, chs 1-3.
25. For the differences between conflict settlement and resolution, see C R Mitchell, The Structure of International Conflict, New York: St Martin's, 1981, pp 275-277.
26. This and the next section draw extensively on Alagappa, 'Regionalism and conflict management'.
27. See Karl Deutsch, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area, Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1957, pp 5-7.
28. See Claude, Swords into Ploughshares, pp 245-285. See also Jerome Slater, A Re-evaluation of Collective Security: The OAS in Action, Mershon National Security Program Pamphlet Series No 1, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1965, pp 9-23; George W Downs (ed), Collective Security Beyond the Cold War, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994; and Thomas G Weiss (ed), Collective Security and Changing World Politics, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993.
29. See Claude, Swords into Ploughshares, pp 245-285. See also Jerome Slater, A Re-evaluation of Collective Security: The OAS in Action, Mershon National Security Program Pamphlet Series No 1, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1965, pp 9-23; George W Downs (ed), Collective Security Beyond the Cold War, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994; and Thomas G Weiss (ed), Collective Security and Changing World Politics, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993.
30. See Claude, Swords into Ploughshares, pp 245-285. See also Jerome Slater, A Re-evaluation of Collective Security: The OAS in Action, Mershon National Security Program Pamphlet Series No 1, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1965, pp 9-23; George W Downs (ed), Collective Security Beyond the Cold War, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994; and Thomas G Weiss (ed), Collective Security and Changing World Politics, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993.
31. See Claude, Swords into Ploughshares, pp 245-285. See also Jerome Slater, A Re-evaluation of Collective Security: The OAS in Action, Mershon National Security Program Pamphlet Series No 1, Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1965, pp 9-23; George W Downs (ed), Collective Security Beyond the Cold War, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994; and Thomas G Weiss (ed), Collective Security and Changing World Politics, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993.
32. On intermediation, qualifications required and the intervenor's repertory of practice, see Oran R Young, The Intermediaries, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967, pp 50-79.
33. For a discussion of the evolution of the principle of non-intervention in the inter-American system, see G Pope Atkins, Latin America in the International Political System, Boulder, CO: Westview, 1989, pp 215-218.
34. See Laura W Reed & Carl Kayson (eds), Emerging Norms of Justified Intervention, Cambridge: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1993.
35. On the growing force of human rights regimes in Latin America, see Kathryn Sikkink, 'Human rights, principled issue-networks, and sovereignty in Latin America', International Organization, Vol 47, No 2, 1993, pp 411-441. On the weakness of the regime in Africa, see Claude E Welch, 'The OAU and human rights: regional promotion of human rights', in Yassin El-Ayoutty (ed), The Organisation of African Unity Thirty Years On, Westport, CO: Greenwood, 1994, pp 53-76.
36. On the growing force of human rights regimes in Latin America, see Kathryn Sikkink, 'Human rights, principled issue-networks, and sovereignty in Latin America', International Organization, Vol 47, No 2, 1993, pp 411-441. On the weakness of the regime in Africa, see Claude E Welch, 'The OAU and human rights: regional promotion of human rights', in Yassin El-Ayoutty (ed), The Organisation of African Unity Thirty Years On, Westport, CO: Greenwood, 1994, pp 53-76.
37. Richard J Bloomfield, 'Making the Western Hemisphere safe for democracy? The OAS defense-of-democracy regime', The Washington Quarterly, Vol 17, No 2, 1994, pp 157-169, quote at p 162.
38. ASEAN Joint Statement on the Situation in the Philippines', in ASEAN Document Series 1967-1986, issued by the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, 1986, p 469.
39. Yassin El-Ayoutty, 'An OAU for the future', in El-Ayoutty, The Organization of African Unity Thirty Years On, p 179.
40. According to R K Ramazani, 'the overriding pre-GCC concern of Saudi Arabia with the security and stability of the House of Saud and other royal families' contributed to the creation of the GCC. See his The Gulf Cooperation Council: Record and Analysis, Charlottesville, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988, pp 1-11.
41. For a similar discussion of a somewhat different list of factors, see Michael Barnett, 'Partners in peace? The UN, regional organizations, and peace keeping', Review of International Studies, Vol 21, No 4, 1995, pp 420-424.
42. Jarat Chopra & Thomas G Weiss, 'The United Nations and the former Second World: coping with conflicts', in Abram Chayes & Antonia Chayes (eds), Preventing Conflict in the Post-Communist World, Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1996, p 529.